USA > California > San Francisco County > San Francisco > The beginnings of San Francisco : from the expedition of Anza, 1774, to the city charter of April 15, 1850 : with biographical and other notes, Vol. I > Part 25
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In regard to the first plea: that of protection to the settlers from annihilation at the hands of a blood-thirsty Mexican-the statements are false in every particular. Captain Frémont in his letter to Senator Benton, before referred to, says: "I had scarcely reached the lower Sacramento (on his return from Klamath) when General Castro, then in the north-at Sonoma, in the department of Sonoma, north of the bay of San Francisco, commanded by General Vallejo-declared his determination immedi- ately to proceed against the foreigners settled in the coun- try, for whose expulsion an order had just been issued by the governor of the Californias. For these purposes Castro immediately assembled a force at the Mission of Santa Clara, a strong place, on the northern shore of the Francisco bay. Castro's first measure was an attempt to incite the Indian population of the Joaquin and Sacramento valleys, and the neighboring mountains, to burn the crops of the foreigners and otherwise proceed immediately against them." Semple says in Californian May 23, 1847: "In this state of things, General Castro issued one proclamation after another, ordering foreigners to leave the country." As a matter of fact, General Castro issued no such proclamation; he made no threats of driving the Americans from the country; he did not incite
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the Indians to burn the crops; he was not marching against the settlers with an army, and he had no force whatever north of the bay of San Francisco. The Americans of the Sacramento had nothing to fear from the Californians, and according to Bidwell this was as well known to the settlers as it was to Frémont; and the plea that the rising was a matter of self-defence, as he testified at the court-martial, had been abandoned and forgotten by General Frémont himself when he was consulted by Josiah Royce in 1884 .*
In regard to the McNamara grant, Fremont testified: "The movement (Bear Flag) prevented the design of the Californians to place their country under British protection, and it also prevented the completion of the colonization grant of three thousand square leagues to McNamara, who was brought to California in the British sloop-of-war Juno in June 1846."t
The claims commission gave particular attention to this McNamara matter and all the witnesses were ques- tioned concerning the effect of the Bear Flag rising on that scheme for bringing California under British influence. Hensley, Owens, and others testified that the settlers' rising put an end to it. The fact is that NcMamara made his application to Pico, July 1, 1846, seventeen days after the capture of Sonoma; it was considered by the assembly on the sixth and sent back to the governor on the seventh of July with recommendation that the grant be made under certain conditions. It was un- doubtedly the action of the Bear Flag party in June that caused the governor and departmental assembly to attempt to push the matter forward so rapidly. It was beyond the power of the departmental authorities to make any
* Royce: California, 122.
1 30th Cong. Ist. Ses. Senate Rep. 75. 12-13.
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grant exceeding eleven square leagues, and the McNamara . grant, after the action of the governor and assembly, would have to go to the supreme government at Mexico for approval. Sloat's occupation on July 7th, therefore, put an end to the scheme. This pretext on the part of Fremont and his fellow filibusters was an afterthought.
The legend concerning the rivalry between the American and the English naval commanders as to which should out-manœuver the other and be first to raise the flag in California has ever been a great favorite with writers, and was brought before the claims commission to enhance the importance of Frémont and his Bear Flag allies. The inference of the various accounts is that Sloat, getting news of the outbreak of hostilities, outwitted his rival and reached Monterey first. Walter Colton in
referring to the story says: "It has been often stated by American writers that the admiral intended to raise the English flag in California and would have done it had we not stolen the march on him. I believe nothing of the kind; the allegation is a mere assumption, un- warranted by a solitary fact. He had no such instructions from the British ministry."* Josiah Royce, in an article in the Century, prints a letter from Lord Alcester, who, as Lieutenant Seymour, was flag lieutenant to his uncle, Sir George Seymour, on board the Collingwood, in which he says that the admiral had no intention of raising the flag in California. That the English in California were active in trying to interest the English government in the acquisition of California we know, but we also know that their appeals were unheeded; and if it was the design of the British ministry to intervene in California, Fré- mont's course was calculated to accomplish that very
* Colton: Dick and Port, 393.
t Century Magazine, xviii, 779.
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result by provoking the California authorities to ask for British protection .*
Realizing the weakness of Mexico's hold on California the foreigners settled in the country had for some time looked for a change in the government. Larkin, as United States consul, had kept the government fully advised. The British government had for some years been interested in the affairs of Alta California and it was thought that the leading men among the Californians would be glad to declare the independence of California and put the country under the protection of England. The admin- istration of James K. Polk came in with the full deter- mination to acquire possession of California, and in less than seven and a half months from the president's inauguration the secret dispatch to Larkin was sent. The active and efficient consul took immediate steps to carry out the wishes of his government which were in direct line with the work he was already doing and for which he was well qualified through his standing with the best people and his cautious and conservative nature.
Had there been no interference with Larkin's plans it is altogether probable that his influence and that of other prominent men, together with the general desire of those who had permanent interests in the country, would have prevailed, and California would have accepted a change of flag without protest. The special agent had secured the assurance of General Castro that he would favor independence from Mexico in 1847 or 1848, and from his knowledge, acquired in twelve years' dealing with Californians, he put implicit faith in their promises. But Larkin's intrigue, progressing as he thought to a successful issue, was rudely interrupted by the rising of foreigners, most of whom, he says, were unknown in the settlements.
* See Prof. E. D. Adams in American Historical Review, xiv., No. 4, July, 1909.
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That the Bear Flag rising was no part of the scheme of the United States government for the acquisition of California is clear. Why then, should this officer of the United States army, in disobedience of orders, secretly and by circulation of false rumors of impending massacre and destruction, instigate a revolt and incite those rough borderers to acts of violence against those with whom it was his duty to cultivate friendly relations? His course shows that he deeply resented the humiliation put on him by Castro in forcing a retreat from Gavilan peak, and he was also informed by Gillespie that the officers of the squadron made unfavorable comments on his conduct. Besides, he knew from Benton, who was in the confidence of the administration, the designs of the government regarding California and his ambition prompted him to improve the situation unscrupulously for his own advancement. His whole conduct after reaching California showed his desire to provoke a fight .* There was absolutely no excuse for the Bear Flag rising. "The valley," says John Bidwell, "was peace and quiet. No settler, the truth of history compels me to say it, had any apprehension of danger."t
* Benton, in the letter to the president before alluded to, says: "I hope the information I am able to give, though all of a private character, written solely for the information of friends and never expected to go before the public (!) may be sufficient to relieve present anxieties, to disprove the accusations of Governor Castro, and to justify the operations of Captain Frémont. I make this communication to you, sir, upon the responsibility of an American senator addressing the president of the United States, and with the sole view of vindicating the American government and its officer from the foul imputation of exciting insurrection in the provinces of a neighboring power with whom we were then at peace. I could add much more to prove that Captain Fré- mont's private views and feelings were in unison with his ostensible mission- that the passion of his soul was the pursuit of science and that he looked with dread and aversion upon every possible collision either with the Indians, Mexicans, or British, that could turn him aside from that cherished pursuit." t Bidwell to Willey, in Royce's California, 99-101.
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Canada reveres the memory of the heroes of the Long Sault-the seventeen young Frenchmen who devoted themselves to death, stayed the Iroquois' invasion and saved their country from destruction. Our children are being taught to revere the memory of the heroes of the Bear Flag; the men who brought war into a peaceful community and to a people from whom they had received nothing but kindness and hospitality; a war, unjust and unnecessary, that left behind it a heritage of bitterness and hate that sixty years of peace have not entirely eradicated. And the young hero? He had a powerful protector in the person of his father-in-law, and the Mexican war came in time to save him from the conse- quences of his disobedience. His letter of July 25th showed clearly how grossly outraged and insulted he had been by Castro in March and how necessary had been the subsequent operations in the Sacramento and Sonoma valleys for the protection of the lives of his party and of the American settlers. The cabinet of Mr. Polk could not be expected to confess their intrigue for the peaceful possession of California and Frémont's statement became history. He was raised to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the United States army and was made governor of California by Stockton. He established his headquarters in Los Angeles, in the house of Alexander Bell, the largest house in town, and kept an armed sentry at his door night and day. So set up was he with the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war that he defied the au- thority of his superior officer and got himself court- martialed. Here again did fortune stand by her favorite, for though condemned by the court, he was made a martyr and the president of the United States remitted the penalty on account of the previous services of the accused. Frémont was defended by his father-in-law, who, being allowed free range by the court, insisted on
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trying Kearny for his alleged misdeeds in California and for his persecution of Frémont. "After the con- spiracy of Cataline," said the venerable senator, "Cicero had a theme for his life; since this conspiracy against Frémont, and these rewards and honors lavished upon all that plotted against his life and character, I also have a theme for my life."*
Frémont's entire statement before the court-martial regarding the conquest of California rings false and is calculated to and did create an erroneous impression concerning that historic event. "The defile of San Fernando was also passed," says the lieutenant-colonel, "a corps which occupied it falling back as the rifles advanced. We entered the plain of Cowenga, (San Fernando valley) occupied by the enemy in considerable force, and I sent a summons to them to lay down their arms or fight at once. The chiefs desired a parley with me in person. I went alone to see them (Don Jesus Pico only being with me). They were willing to capitulate with me; the terms were agreed upon. Commissioners were sent out on both sides to put it into form. It received the sanction of the governor and commander-in-chief, Commodore Stockton. It was the capitulation of Co- wenga. It put an end to the war and to the feelings of war."t
Napoleonic sentences these; but what were the facts? The Californians had less than one hundred men under arms. The plain of Cowenga was "occupied by the enemy in considerable force." Impossible! the enemy had no force. The leaders were at the rancho of the Verdugos in consultation as to the best course to be pursued.
* 30th Congress Ist Session: Congressional Globe, 1847-8. Appendix. Benton's speech in the United States Senate on promotion of General Kearny.
1 30th Congress Ist. Session, Senate Doc. 33, 379.
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There was no thought of further resistance. All that could now be done was to secure the best terms possible. Flores had turned over the command to Andrés Pico and was on his way to Mexico. Don Jesus Pico appeared with Fremont's summons. Don Andrés thought they could obtain better terms from Fremont than from Stockton who had exhibited great arrogance towards them. He dictated the terms which were readily agreed to by Frémont. The statement that they received the sanction of Commodore Stockton is correct, but they were not submitted to him until the peace was signed and the Californians had departed for their homes. The taking upon himself of terms of surrender when his commanding officer was within an hour's ride was a remarkable exhibition of nerve on the part of the young Napoleon .*
Frémont declined the president's clemency and resigned his commission. He organized a fourth expedition in 1848 and lost a number of his men in the mountains. In 1850 the California legislature elected him United States senator for the short term, and in 1856 he became the candidate of the newly formed Republican party for the presidency. The managers of the party wanted a candidate who was not identified with the bitter war between the Whigs and Free-Soil men. Fremont had the peculiar advantage of having no political record to contend with, and it was thought that his nomination would insure at least the neutrality if not the active support of Thomas H. Benton and his friends in the west. The stories of his romantic conquest of California materi-
"The Californians met Colonel Fremont on the 12th instant on his way here, who, not knowing what had occured, entered into capitulation with them. *
* I have thought it best to approve it." Stockton to Bancroft. 30th Cong. Ist Ses. Doc. I. Frémont was advised by Kearny that they were in pos- session of Los Angeles.
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ally strengthened his candidacy and much was said concerning his immense wealth, for had he not refused two million dollars for the Mariposa rancho? At least that was one of the many fables concerning him that went uncontradicted. So men like Summer, Wilson, and Chase were passed by and the conqueror of California received the prize. Great things were expected of California, but the people did not grow enthusiastic over the nomination of Fremont. The years that had passed had dimmed the glory which, like an aureola, had sur- rounded the figure of the young explorer. No longer did the heroes of the Bear Flag stir their imaginations. They heard more about beef contracts, and unexplained financial transactions in which names of more or less unsavory repute figured, or bogus ore shipments from the Mariposa claim and all the disagreeable things that are raked up or invented for such occasions; and when the vote of California was counted it was found that Frémont had twenty thousand; Fillmore, thirty-six thousand; and Buchanan, fifty-three thousand.
In these latter days, however, the Frémont legend has acquired new life and is taking on the force and mystery of a northland myth. The unpleasant facts of history are pushed aside and forgotten. We see only the pictur- esque figure of the hero of romance and we hail him as pathfinder, explorer, conqueror. We give his name to our streets, and cities, and towns, and hold festivals in his honor. We dedicate schoolhouses to him and teach our children to look upon him with something of that reverence they feel for the founders of the republic. This is wrong. The people should be taught the truth. John C. Frémont is not the hero of California. The liberal quotations from original documents in this article will show how events have been misrepresented in order to build up an unmerited reputation.
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NOTE 32 THE REVOLT OF THE CALIFORNIANS AND THE AFFAIR AT SAN PEDRO
On the last day of August 1846 Commodore Stockton appointed Captain Gillespie of the California battalion commandant of the southern military department, with headquarters at Los Angeles, and sailed for the north three days later. Gillespie was instructed to maintain martial law but to administer it with leniency. He was a brave and gallant officer, but he despised the Californians and was not the man to conciliate a proud and humiliated people and change them into friendly and willing citizens of the United States. He cared as little for the carefully drawn instructions of the home government as did his chief, Frémont, and he laid down very strict rules and regulations to be observed, the Californians thought, for the purpose of humiliating them. Los Angeles was ever the hotbed of a turbulent, lawless, and uncontrol- lable element, and it was not long before there was an outbreak. A few drunken vagabonds headed by one Cérbula Varela created a riot and fired on the barracks garrisoned by Gillespie and his men. The commander considered the affair an attempt at general insurrection and arrested several Mexican officers who had given their parole and were quietly living with their families. Many other prominent citizens, fearing arrest, fled to the ranchos and prepared to defend themselves. They had no sympathy with Varela and his crew, but considered the arrest of the officers a breach of faith, and the affair, which, properly handled by Gillespie, would have ended with those who began it, ripened into a general revolt. A force of three hundred men gathered in camp outside
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of the pueblo, issued a proclamation and summoned Gillespie to surrender. They had but a few flint-lock muskets, escopetas (shot-guns), and lances, but no powder. John Temple's wife (a daughter of Francisco Cota) sent them two kegs of powder from her husband's store in Los Angeles and they sent out on the Colorado desert and got saltpetre and sulphur and made powder for themselves at the mission of San Gabriel. It was poor stuff, would throw a ball only five hundred yards, and when used in a flint-lock musket would flash in their faces. The first engagement of the war was the siege by fifty Californians under Varela of Chino rancho, where Don Benito Wilson with a party of twenty foreigners were in garrison. After an exchange of shots, during which one man was killed and several wounded, the Americans surrendered and were turned over to José María Flores who had been made commander-in-chief. The Californians now invested Los Angeles and called on Gillespie to surrender, offering to permit the garrison to march unmolested to San Pedro. Gillespie, who had sent a messenger to Stockton for relief, found his position untenable and accepted the terms. He marched out with his colors flying and drums beating and embarked on the merchant ship Vandalia at San Pedro. Santa Barbara was taken, Talbot and his nine men fleeing to the mountains whence they made their way to Monterey. On October 6th the Savannah sent by Stockton, reached San Pedro and the commander, Captain William Mervine, landed three hundred and fifty men and joined by Gillespie and his men from the Vandalia marched on the morning of the seventh for Los Angeles with a force of four hundred men. He could obtain no horses and took no cannon from the ships. Remembering the promenade of Stock- ton with the men of the Congress the previous August, Mervine anticipated no trouble, though he took all the
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precautions of a good commander. Flores sent José Antonio Carrillo with fifty horsemen to observe the movements of the Americans, and in the afternoon shots were exchanged between Carrillo's men and Mervine's skirmishers. At night the Americans occupied the buildings of the Dominguez rancho (San Pedro), below Los Angeles, and Carrillo received a reinforcement of forty men and an old four-pounder mounted on a pair of wagon wheels. There was more or less firing during the night by Carrillo, whose orders were to harass and delay the enemy but risk no general engagement. Early on the morning of the eighth the Americans resumed the advance, the marines and sailors marching in a solid square with Gillespie's men thrown out on either side as skirmish- ers. Soon they came upon the Californians drawn up in line of battle, waiting to receive them. In Carrillo's center was the gun in charge of ten men while forty horsemen were deployed on either flank. As the Ameri- cans came within range the gun was discharged and immediately dragged away by the reatas of the horsemen. At a safe distance it was reloaded and again brought into action. This operation was repeated several times with a loss to Mervine's force of six killed and six wounded. That the casualties were not greater is due to the poor quality of the home-made powder. Mervine, realizing the futility of attempting the pursuit of cavalry and flying artillery by seamen on foot, retreated, and his men exhausted by the heat and fatigue returned to their ships carrying their dead and wounded. Carrillo had fired his last charge of powder, but Mervine did not know that. The dead were buried on an island in San Pedro harbor, called Dead Man's island .*
* Dana says: "It was so named because of the burial there of an English- man, commander of a small merchant brig, who was supposed to have been poisoned. Two Years Before the Mast.
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José Antonio Carrillo, whose name has frequently appeared in this narrative, was the fourth son of José Rai- mundo Carrillo, soldier of the Portolá expedition. He was born in San Francisco April 11, 1796, and baptized José Antonio Ezequiel. He became alcalde of Los Angeles, member of the diputacion, elector, member of (Mexican) congress, lieutenant-colonel of militia, coman- dante de escuadron, etc., and signed the peace of Cahuenga as Mexican commissioner. In 1849 he was member of the constitutional convention. He was a man of remark- able natural ability with a great taste for politics and intrigue. Hospitable and generous he would go far to oblige a friend or discomfit an enemy, and though easily placated, he was prone to sharp and cutting remarks. Foster relates that at a ball in Los Angeles Carrillo remarked of an officer of the Mormon battalion who was laboring through a dance with one of the California ladies, that the lieutenant danced like a bear. This being re- peated made the Mormons very angry, and claiming they were insulted they stirred up a good deal of feeling over the matter. Colonel Stevenson wishing to pour oil on the troubled waters sent Foster to ask Carrillo to withdraw the remark. Carrillo received Foster with the greatest cordiality and in the most courteous manner. Foster explained and Carrillo at once announced his readiness to withdraw the obnoxious remark, adding with the most winning grace that the bear was a paisano (countryman) of his and great injustice had been done him in regard to his dancing. This was the best Foster could do and Colonel Stevenson arranged a meeting of Mormons and Californians to reconcile matters and promote good feeling. The meeting was held at the house of a prominent citizen who in the most hospitable manner received all that came, setting before them whisky, brandy, and native wines, and some of the early
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comers imbibed very freely. The company was so great that they adjourned to the yard. Stevenson stated the matter and then gave Carrillo the chance to explain his remark. Carrillo began in a dignified manner but had uttered only a half dozen words when Captain Hunt* of the battalion, who had seven or eight stiff drinks under his belt, interrupted him and in a violent speech began a recital of the wrongs of the Mormons from the time of their being driven from Kirtland, Ohio, to their arrival at Council Bluffs; and how, in spite of it all, they had raised a battalion of five hundred men for the service of the United States and had marched two thousand miles, ill-clad and on half rations, and after all that an unregenerate Mexican with the blood of the Americans still red upon his hands dared to ridicule one of the officers because he could not dance. Then raising his arms aloft Hunt shouted: "By the sword of the Lord and of Gideon I am for free trade and sailors' rights." At this an old sea dog of a ship-master who had been left inside with the bottles came to the door, and in his anxiety to drink to sailors' rights lost his balance and rolling down the steps came charging among them like a cannon ball. In the confusion which followed Carrillo walked quietly to where his horse was tied, saying to Foster as he passed, "Sus paisanos son un atajo de pendejos borrachos" (His countrymen are a pack of drunken cowards), mounted and rode away, much to the relief of Foster who feared that his apology would be worse than his original offense.t
* Jefferson Hunt. He went to Salt Lake with the battalion, but returned to California later with the San Bernardino colony, and represented San Bernardino in the legislature in 1855. In 1856 he was made brigadier general of the First brigade, First division, California militia.
t Foster: Angeles from '47 to '49 MS. 36.
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In person Don José Antonio was tall and handsome, had a most urbane and courteous manner, and no man had greater power in winning friends. In his private affairs he was indolent and careless, like so many of his class, and never bothered himself about where the means were to come from, so that they came. In 1844 he was grantee, with his brother Carlos Antonio, of Santa Rosa island. He died in Santa Barbara in 1862. His first wife was Estéfana Pico and the second, Jacinta Pico, both sisters of Don Pio.
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1897
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