USA > California > The history of Oregon and California & the other territories of the northwest coast of North America > Part 17
USA > Oregon > The history of Oregon and California & the other territories of the northwest coast of North America > Part 17
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In the preceding extracts from Carver's book, embracing all that he has said respecting his Oregon, or Great River of the West, there is certainly nothing calculated to establish the identity of the stream,
144
MISREPRESENTATIONS OF CARVER.
[1766.
to which those vague descriptions and allusions apply, with the Columbia, or with any other river. The Columbia does not rise within a few leagues, or a few hundred leagues, of the waters of the Red River, the St. Lawrence, or the Upper Mississippi, which latter Carver carefully distinguishes from the Missouri; nor does either of those rivers, flowing to the Atlantic, rise near the great dividing ridge of the Shining Mountains ; which ridge, moreover, does not end about the 48th degree of latitude, but continues more than a thousand miles farther north-westward. If, under circum- stances so different, we consider the head-waters of the Columbia to be the same described by Carver as the head-waters of the Oregon, we should, a fortiori, admit the mouth of the Columbia to be the same mouth of a river which Aguilar is said to have discov- ered in 1603.
Carver's descriptions of places, people, and things, in the Indian countries, are vague, and often contradictory ; and, where they can be understood, they are, for the most part, repetitions of the accounts of those or of other parts of America, given by the old French travellers and historians, whose works he, nevertheless, takes great pains to disparage, whenever he mentions them .* In many of those works, the belief in the existence of a great river, flowing from the vicinity of the head-waters of the Mississippi, westward, to the Pacific, is distinctly affirmed, as founded on the reports of the Indians ; and on nearly all maps of North America, published during the early part of the last century, may be found one or more of such streams, under the names of River of the West, River of
* In proof that no injustice is here done to Carver's memory, read his magisterial and contemptuous remarks on the works of Hennepin, Lahontan, and Charlevoix, in the first chapter of his account of the origin, manners, &c., of the Indians; and then compare his chapters describing, as from personal observation, the ceremonies of marriage, burial, hunting, and others, of the natives of the Upper Mississippi coun- tries, with those of Lahontan, showing the conduct of the Iroquois, of Canada, on similar occasions, by which it will be seen that Carrer has simply translated from Lahontan the whole of the accounts, eren to the speeches of the chiefs. Carver's chapter on the origin of the Indians is merely an abridgment from Charlevoix's " Disserta- tion " on the same subject. His descriptions of the language, manners, and customs, of the inhabitants of the Upper Mississippi regions, are entirely at variance with those of the same tribes at the present day, as clearly shown by the observations of Pike, Long, and other persons of unquestionable character, who have since visited that part of America. Keating, in his interesting narrative of Long's expedition in 1823, expresses his belief that Carver " ascended the Mississippi to the Falls of St. Anthony, that he saw the St. Peter, and that he may have entered it; but, had he resided five months in the country, and become acquainted with the language of the people, he would not have applied to them the name of Naudowessies, and omitted to call them the Dacota Indians, as they style themselves."
145
MONCACHTABE'S ACCOUNT OF A GREAT RIVER.
1770.]
Aguilar, River Thegayo, or some other, represented on the author- ity of accounts received from Indians, or of erroneous or fabulous narratives of voyages along the North Pacific coasts. When we consider the many and glaring plagiarisms, from the works above mentioned, committed by Carver, we certainly have a right to sus- pect, if not to conclude, that he derived from the same source every thing relating to his River of the West, which he pretends to have collected from the Indians of the Upper Mississippi. As to the name Oregon, or the authority for its use, the traveller is silent ; and nothing has been learned from any other source, though much labor has been expended in attempts to discover its meaning and derivation : it was, most probably, invented by Carver.
The most distinct and apparently authentic of these Indian accounts of great rivers flowing from the central parts of North America to the Pacific, is that recorded by the French traveller Lepage Dupratz, as received from a native of the Yazoo country, named Moncachtabé. The amount of this statement is - that the Indian ascended the Missouri north-westward, to its source, beyond which he found another great river, running towards the setting sun ; this latter he descended to a considerable distance, though not to its termination, which he was prevented from reaching by wars among the tribes inhabiting the country on its banks ; though he learned, from a woman who had been made prisoner by the tribe with which he took part, that the river entered a great water, where ships had been seen, navigated by white men with beards. All this is related, with many accompanying circumstances, tending to confirm the probability of the narrative; and there is, indeed, nothing about it which should induce us to reject it as false, except the part respecting the ships and white men, which may have been an embellishment added by Moncachtabé .* The course of this supposed stream is laid down on several maps of North America, published about 1750, in which it is called the Great River of the West ; and one of these maps probably formed the basis of Carver's story.
The first actual discovery of a river in the northernmost section of America, not emptying into the Atlantic or Hudson's Bay, was made, in 1771, by Mr. Samuel Hearne, one of the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company, who also obtained the earliest exact infor- mation respecting the regions west and north-west of that bay.
* The account may be found at length in the Mémoires sur la Louisiane, by the Abby le Mascrier, published at Paris in 1753, vol. ii. p. 246.
19
146
HEARNE'S TRAVELS.
[1771.
Hearne had been commissioned, by the directors of the company, to explore those regions, in order to determine, if possible, the question as to the existence of a northern passage between Hudson's Bay and the Pacific ; and also, more especially, to find a rich mine of copper, which was believed, from the accounts of the Indians, to lie on the banks of a river or strait, called, in their language, " the Far-off Metal River." From the general tenor of the instructions given to Hearne, it is evident that the directors were convinced of the non-existence of such a passage, and that they were merely anxious to have the fact demonstrated, in order to clear themselves from the imputation often cast upon them, of endeavoring to obstruct the progress of discovery in the regions under their control.
Agreeably to these instructions, Hearne made, between 1769 and 1772, three journeys from Fort Prince of Wales, the company's chief establishment on the western shore of Hudson's Bay, near the 60th degree of latitude, through the regions west and north- west of that place, which he examined, in various directions, to the distance of about a thousand miles. In his last journey, he dis- covered the Great Slave Lake, and other similar collections of fresh water, from which issued streams flowing northward and westward ; and he traced one of these streams, which proved to be the Far-off Metal River, since called the Copper Mine River, to its termination in a sea, where the tides were observed, and the relics of whales were strowed in abundance on the shores. The mouth of this river was calculated rudely by Hearne to be situated near the 72d degree of latitude, and about 20 degrees of longitude, west of the most western known part of Hudson's Bay; and he learned from the Indians that the continent extended much farther west, and that there were high mountains in that direction. The sea into which the Copper Mine River emptied was supposed by the traveller to be "a sort of inland sea, or extensive bay, somewhat like that of Hudson ;" and he assured himself, by his own observations, that the territory traversed by him, between this sea and Hudson's Bay, was not crossed by any channel connecting the two waters: whence it followed, that no vessel could sail from the Atlantic to the Pacific north of America, without proceeding beyond the mouth of the Copper Mine River. Hearne also conceived that he had proved the entire impossibility of the existence of any direct communication between Hudson's Bay and the Pacific ; in which he, undoubtedly, assumed too much, as the northern termination of that bay had not then, nor has it to this day, been discovered.
147
INSTRUCTIONS TO COOK.
1776.]
Hearne's journals were not published until 1795, though they were submitted, immediately after his return from his last journey, to the lords commissioners of the British Admiralty, who did not fail to perceive the importance of the information contained in them. The commissioners agreed with Hearne in considering the probability of reaching the Pacific through Hudson's Bay to be destroyed ; but they were, on the other hand, induced to hope that the newly-discovered sea, north of America, might be found to communicate, by navigable passages, with Baffin's Bay on the east and the Pacific on the west : and it was, in consequence, resolved, that ships should be sent, simultaneously, to explore the western side of Baffin's Bay and the north-easternmost coasts of the Pacific, in search of the desired channels of connection with the Arctic Sea. By an act of parliament, passed in 1745, a reward of twenty thousand pounds had been offered for the discovery of a north-west passage, through Hudson's Bay, by ships belonging to his majesty's subjects ; and, in order further to stimulate British navigators in their exertions, a new act, in 1776, held out the same reward to the owners of any ship belonging to his majesty's subjects, or to the commander, officers, and crew, of any vessel belonging to his majesty, which should find out, and sail through, any passage by sea between the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northern hemisphere, to the northward of the 52d degree of latitude.
Soon after the adoption of these resolutions, Captain James Cook returned to England from his second voyage of circumnavigation, in which he had completely disproved all reports of the existence of a habitable continent about the south pole ; and, his offer to con- duct the proposed expedition to the North Pacific having been accepted by the government, two vessels were soon prepared and placed under his command for that purpose.
In the instructions delivered to Cook, on the 6th of July, 1776, he is directed to proceed, by way of the Cape of Good Hope, New Zealand, and Otaheite, to the coast of New Albion, which he was to endeavor to reach, in the latitude of 45 degrees. He was " strictly enjoined, on his way thither, not to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven to it by some unavoidable accident ; in which case, he was to stay no longer than should be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic majesty. And if, in his
148
INSTRUCTIONS TO COOK.
[1776.
farther progress northward, he should find any subjects of any European prince or state, upon any part of the coast which he might think proper to visit, he was not to disturb them, or give them any just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship." This latter sentence bore reference to the Russians ; the application of the name of New Albion to the north-west coast of North America showed that the British govern- ment had no intention to resign any rights to that region, which were supposed, or pretended, to have been acquired by Drake's visit, in 1579.
On reaching New Albion, Cook was " to put into the first con- venient port to obtain wood, water, and refreshments, and thence to proceed northward along the coast to the latitude of 65 degrees," where he was to begin his search for " such rivers or inlets as might appear to be of considerable extent, and pointing towards Hudson's or Baffin's Bays." Should he find a passage of that description, he was to endeavor to sail through it, with one or both of his ships, or with smaller vessels, of which the materials were to be carried out, prepared for being speedily put together ; should he, however, be satisfied that there is no such passage to the above-mentioned bays, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, he was to repair to the Russian establishments in Kamtchatka, and to explore the seas north of them, "in further search of a north-east or north-west passage, from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic or the North Sea." The instruction, not to begin the examination of the Amer- ican coast south of the 65th degree of latitude, was based on the proofs obtained by Hearne, that the continent extended much beyond that parallel ; before reaching which, indeed, it was expected that the coast would be found turning north-eastward, in the direc- tion of the mouth of the Copper Mine River.
The navigator was, likewise, "with the consent of the natives, to take possession, in the name of the king of Great Britain, of convenient situations in such countries as he might discover, that had not been already discovered or visited by any other European power ; and to distribute, among the inhabitants, such things as will remain as traces of his having been there: but, if he should find the countries so discovered to be uninhabited, he was to take pos- session of them for his sovereign, by setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and possessors."
The preceding extracts, from the instructions given to Cook, will suffice to explain the objects and views of the British government,
149
COOK SAILS FOR THE PACIFIC.
1776.]
with regard to the part of America bordering upon the North Pacific Ocean ; which objects and views were, in every respect, conform- able with justice, with the existing treaties between Great Britain and other powers, and with the principles of national law then generally admitted in civilized countries. The part of America in question was known to Europeans only through the imperfect accounts of the Russian voyages, from which nothing certain was learned, except that islands and other territories, supposed to be extensive, had been found in the sea east of Kamtchatka. Of the discoveries of the Spaniards, the most recent respecting which any exact and authentic details had been communicated, were those made by Vizcaino, in 1603 : he, however, had not advanced so far north as the 45th degree of latitude, where Cook was to begin his observations ; and between that parallel and the 56th, the southern- most limit of the explorations of the Russians, was a vast space of sea and land, concerning which all the accounts, previously given to the world, were generally regarded as fabulous. Before Cook's departure, information had indeed reached England, of voyages, made by Spaniards, along the north-west coasts of America, during the two preceding years,* and of colonies established by them in that quarter, which may, perhaps, have rendered the British government more solicitous to have those coasts examined by its own officers: this information was, however, too vague to have afforded any light for the direction of Cook's movements; and it has been already shown that no more satisfactory accounts of those recent Spanish voyages had been obtained in England before 1780.
With these instructions, Cook sailed from Plymouth on the 12th of July, 1776, in his old ship, the Resolution, accompanied by another called the Discovery, under Captain Charles Clerke. Both vessels were provided with every instrument and other means which science or experience could suggest, for the effectual ac- complishment of the great objects in view ; and that the officers and crews were also judiciously selected, the results conclusively proved. Among the lieutenants were Gore, (a native of Virginia,) King, Bligh, and Burney, who afterwards rose to eminence in their profession : of the inferior members of the body, one deserves to be named - John Ledyard, of Connecticut, who thus passed four years of his irregular and adventurous life in the humble capacity of a corporal of marines, on board the Resolution.
* See page 124 of this History.
150
COOK REACHES THE AMERICAN COAST.
[1778.
From England, Cook passed around the Cape of Good Hope, and through the Southern Ocean, into the Pacific; and, after spending more than a year in examinations about Van Dieman's Land, New Zealand, the Friendly Islands, the Society Islands, and other places in the same division of the great sea, he bent his course towards the north, in the beginning of 1778. The first fruit of his researches in the North Pacific, was the discovery, on the 18th of January, of Atooi, (or Kauai,) one of the islands of a group near the 20th degree of latitude, to which he gave the name of Sandwich Islands, in honor of the first lord of the Admiralty. This discovery was by no means the least important of the many effected by the great navigator ; as those islands, situated nearly midway between America and Asia, possessing a delightful climate, and a fertile soil, offer invaluable facilities for the repair and refreshment of vessels traversing the vast expanse of sea which there separates the two continents, and will, no doubt, be made the basis for the exertion of a powerful influence on the destinies of North-west America.
From the Sandwich Islands, the British exploring ships took their departure for the north-west coast of America, in sight of which they arrived on the 7th of March, 1778, near the 44th degree of latitude, about two hundred miles north of Cape Mendocino. For several days afterwards, Cook was prevented from advancing north- ward by contrary winds, which forced him a hundred miles in the opposite course ; but he was thereby enabled to see and par- tially examine a larger extent of coast, and to determine the longi- tude of that part of America, which had been left uncertain by all previous observations. The weather at length permitting, he took the desired direction, and, running rapidly northward, at some dis- tance from the land, he was, on the 22d of the month, opposite a projecting point of the continent, a little beyond the 48th parallel, to which he gave the name of Cape Flattery, in token of the improvement in his prospects.
The coast south of Cape Flattery, to the 47th degree, was care- fully examined by the English in search of the strait through which Juan de Fuca was said to have sailed to the Atlantic in 1592; and as, in the account of that voyage, the entrance of the strait into the Pacific is placed between the 47th and the 48th parallels, over which space the American coast was found to extend unbroken, Cook did not hesitate to pronounce that no such passage existed. Had he, however, also traced the coast north and east of Cape Flattery,
151
COOK AT ANCHOR IN NOOTKA SOUND.
1778.]
he would have discovered an arm of the ocean, seeming to pene- trate the continent, through which he might have sailed many days, ere he could have been convinced that the old Greek pilot's account was not true in all its most essential particulars. This arm of the ocean was passed unobserved by the navigators, who, sailing north- westward, in front of its entrance, doubled a projection of the land, named, by them, Point Breakers, from the violence of the surf beating on it, and found immediately beyond a spacious bay, open- ing to the Pacific, in the latitude of 493 degrees. Into this bay they sailed, and anchored on its northern side, at the distance of ten miles from the sea, in a safe and commodious harbor, to which they gave the name of Friendly Cove.
The British vessels remained at Friendly Cove nearly all the month of April, in the course of which they were completely refitted, and supplied with wood and water, and the inen were refreshed, in preparation for the arduous labors of the ensuing summer. During this period, they were surrounded by crowds of natives, who came thither from all quarters, by sea and by land, to visit and trade with the strangers, "bringing," says Cook, " skins of various animals, such as wolves, foxes, bears, deer, raccoons, pole- cats, martins, and, in particular, of the sea otters, which are found at the islands east of Kamtchatka. Besides the skins in their native shape, they also brought garments made of the bark of a tree, or some plant like hemp; weapons, such as bows and arrows, and spears ; fish-hooks, and instruments of various kinds; wooden visors of many monstrous figures ; a sort of woollen stuff or blan- keting ; bags filled with red ochre; pieces of carved work, beads, and several other little ornaments of thin brass and iron, shaped like a horse-shoe, which they hang at their noses, and several chisels, or pieces of iron fixed to handles."
" In trafficking with us," continues the navigator, " some of them would betray a knavish disposition, and carry off our goods with- out making any return ; but, in general, it was otherwise, and we had abundant reason to commend the fairness of their conduct. However, their eagerness to possess iron and brass, and, indeed, any kind of metal, was so great, that few of them could resist the temptation to steal it, whenever an opportunity offered. They were thieves in the strictest sense of the word; for they pilfered nothing from us but what they knew could be converted to the purposes of private utility, and had a real value, according to their estimation of things." Cook also observed among them a "strict
152
COOK'S ACCOUNT OF THE NOOTKANS.
[1778.
notion of their having a right to the exclusive property of every thing that their country produces," which had been remarked, by Bodega and Maurelle, in the natives at Port Remedios, farther north. " At first, they wanted our people to pay for the wood and water that they carried on board; and, had I been upon the spot when these demands were made, I should certainly have complied with them. Our workmen, in my absence, thought differently, for they took but little notice of such claims; and the natives, when they found that we determined to pay nothing, ceased to apply. But they made a merit of necessity, and frequently afterward took occasion to remind us that they had given us wood and water out of friendship."
With regard to the disposition of these people, the English com- mander was, on the whole, inclined to judge favorably. "They seem," he says, "to be courteous, docile, and good natured, but, notwithstanding the predominant phlegm of their tempers, quick in resenting what they look upon as an injury, and, like most other passionate people, as soon forgetting it." Experience has, how- ever, proved that Ledyard read their characters more correctly, when he pronounced them "bold, ferocious, sly, and reserved ; not easily moved to anger, but revengeful in the extreme."
From the number of articles of iron and brass found among these people, one of whom had, moreover, two silver spoons, of Spanish imanufacture, hanging around his neck by way of ornament - from their manifesting no surprise at the sight of his ships, and not being startled by the reports of his guns -and from the strong inclination to trade exhibited by them, - Cook was, at first, inclined to suppose that the place had been visited by vessels of civilized nations before his arrival. He, however, became convinced, by his inquiries and observations during his stay, that this was by no means probable ; for though, as he says, " some account of a Spanish voyage to this coast in 1774 or 1775 had reached England before I sailed, it was evident that iron was too common here, was in too many hands, and the use of it was too well known, for them to have had the first knowledge of it so very lately, or, indeed, at any earlier period, by an accidental supply from a ship. Doubtless, from the general use they make of this metal, it may be supposed to come from some constant source, by way of traffic, and that not of a very late date ; for they are as dexterous in using their tools as the longest practice can make them. The most probable way, therefore, by which we can suppose that they get their iron, is by trading for it with other
153
COOK SAILS FROM NOOTKA.
1778.]
Indian tribes, who either have immediate communication with European settlements upon the continent, or receive it, perhaps, through several intermediate nations : the same might be said of the brass and copper found amongst them." The iron and brass, he conceived, might have been brought from Canada, or Hudson's Bay, and the silver spoons from Mexico ; and he imputed the indif- ference of the natives, respecting the ships, " to their natural indo- lence of temper and want of curiosity."
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