USA > California > The history of Oregon and California & the other territories of the northwest coast of North America > Part 45
USA > Oregon > The history of Oregon and California & the other territories of the northwest coast of North America > Part 45
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" Amigo y servitor de V. M., " JUAN FUCA."
And the said letter came into my hands in Venice, the 16th day of November, 1596; but my lawsuit with the Company of Turkey was not ended, by reason of Sir John Spenser's suit, made in England, at the queen's court, to the contrary, seeking only to have his money discharged which I had attached in Venice for my said pension, and thereby my own purse was not yet ready for the Greek pilot.
And, nevertheless, hoping that my said suit would have shortly a good end, I wrote another letter to this Greek pilot from Venice, dated the 20th of November, 1596, which came not to his hands, and also another letter, dated the 24th of January, 1596, which came to his hands. And thereof he wrote me answer, dated the 28th of May, 1597, which I received the Ist of August, 1597, by Thomas Norden, an English merchant, yet living in London, wherein he promised still to go with me unto England, to perform the said voyage for discovery of the north-west passage into the South Sea, if I would send him money for his charges, according to his
* To the Illustrious Michael Lock, Englishman, at the house of Mr. Lazaro, English merchant, in St. Thomas Street, Venice.
MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SIR,
Your letter was received by me on the 20th of September, by which I am informed of what you communicate. I have a mind to comply with my promise to you, and have not only myself, but twenty men, brave men, too, whom I can carry with me; so I am waiting for an answer to another letter which I wrote you, about the money which I asked you to send me. For you know well, sir, how I be- came poor in consequence of Captain Candish's having taken from me more than sixty thousand ducats, as you well know. If you will send me what I asked, I will go with you, as well as all my companions. I ask no more from your kindness, as shown by your letter. God preserve you, most illustrious sir, for many years.
Your friend and servant, JUAN FUCA.
CEPHALONIA, September 24th, 1596.
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former writing, without which money he said he could not go, for that as he was undone utterly when he was in the ship Santa Anna, which came from China, and was robbed at California. And yet again, afterward, I wrote him another letter from Venice, whereunto he wrote me answer by a letter written in his Greek language, dated the 20th of October, 1598, the which I have still by me, wherein he promiseth still to go with me into England, and perform the said voyage of discovery of the north-west passage into the South Sea by the said straits, which he calleth the Strait of Nova Spania, which he saith is but thirty days' voyage in the straits, if I will send him the money formerly written for his charges; the which money I could not yet send him, for that I had not yet recovered my pen- sion owing me by the Company of Turkey aforesaid ; and so, of long time, I stayed any further proceeding with him in this matter.
And yet, lastly, when I myself was at Zante, in the month of June, 1602, minding to pass from thence for England by sea, for that I had then recovered a little money from the Company of Turkey, by an order of the lords of the Privy Council of England, I wrote another letter to this Greek pilot, to Cephalonia, and required him to come to me to Zante, and go with me into England, but I had no, answer thereof from him; for that, as I heard afterward at Zante, he was then dead, or very likely to die of great sickness. Whereupon, I returned myself, by sea, from Zante to Venice, and from thence I went, by land, through France, into England, where I arrived at Christmas, anno 1602, safely, I thank God, after my absence from thence ten years' time, with great troubles had for the Com- pany of Turkey's business, which hath cost me a great sum of money, for the which I am not yet satisfied of them.
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FURS AND THE FUR TRADE.
FUR, strictly speaking, is the soft, fine hair which forms the natural clothing of certain animals, particularly of those inhabiting cold countries. In commerce, however, the word is understood to mean the skin of the animal, with the hair attached, either before or after, but generally after, it has been rendered soft and pliable, by a peculiar process, called dress- ing. The undressed skins are commonly called peltry : but fur and peltry are employed as synonymous terms; and the word fur, in com- merce, is generally to be understood as peltry. The skins of seals, bears, wolves, lions, leopards, buffaloes, &c., are also placed under the denomi- nation of furs, in commerce.
Skins must have formed the first clothing of man in cold countries ; and, at the present day, they constitute the whole or the greater part of the dress of many millions of individuals. For this purpose, the skin, with or without the fur, is employed as cloth would be; or the fur alone is converted by art into the peculiar substance called felt, of which hats are made.
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Furs differ in value, according to the fineness, the length, the thick- ness, and the color, of their hair. The most precious is that of the ermine, a species of weasel; it is thick, soft, fine, and of dazzling white- ness, except the tip of the tail, which is of a glossy black color, and is used to form spots on the skin. Of great value, also, are the skins of the marten, the sable, the fiery fox, the silver fox, and the black fox; after which come those of the sea otter, the beaver, the seal, and - though far inferior to the others - of the muskrat, the raccoon, the fox, the weasel, &c. Of these, the ermine is, as before said, the most precious; the muskrat is that of which the greatest quantity is collected; while the aggregate value of the beaver skins annually consumed among civilized nations is greater than that of all the other furs together.
The finer furs are principally used in Russia, Turkey, and China, - in the latter country especially, where they form important portions of the dress of every rich, noble, or ostentatious person. In Europe, and in the United States, furs are also much worn in the shape of caps, muffs, and trimmings. The greatest consumption of the inferior furs is in the man- ufacture of hats, which is of comparatively modern date, and, as well as the use of those articles, is confined almost entirely to Europe and America. The furs mostly used for this purpose are those of the beaver, the otter, the nutria, (an animal resembling the beaver, found in Patago- nia,) and the muskrat; but the greater number of hats are composed chiefly of wool, with or without a slight covering of fur.
Nearly all the furs now brought into commerce are procured from the countries north of the 40th parallel of north latitude, through the agency of the British Hudson's Bay Company, or of the Russian American Company, or by various private associations and individuals in the United States. Of those obtained in the Russian dominions, some are carried over land to China, others also over land to Europe, and the remainder by sea to Europe. Those found in the territories of the United States are nearly all carried to New York, from which portions are sent to London or to Canton. The furs collected in the parts of America possessed or claimed by Great Britain, are mostly shipped for London, either at Mont- real, or at York Factory on Hudson's Bay, or at Fort Vancouver, at the head of navigation of the Columbia River. The southern hemisphere supplies scarcely any furs, except those of the nutria, of which consid- erable quantities are brought from Buenos Ayres to New York or to London. London is undoubtedly the most extensive mart for furs in the world, and New York is probably the second ; of the others, the princi- pal are Leipsic, Nijney-Novogorod on the Wolga, Kiakta on the boun- dary line between Russia and China, and Canton. Of the value of the furs thus annually brought into trade, it is impossible to form an exact estimate. According to a rough calculation, the amount received by the first collectors, for the skins in their undressed state, is about three mil- lions of dollars ; but they afterwards pass through many hands, so that the price is much enhanced before they reach the actual consumer.
The fur trade has been, hitherto, very profitable to those engaged in it ; but it is now, from a variety of causes, declining every where. The in- crease in the number of persons employed in the pursuit, and the spread of civilized population over the countries from which the furs are chiefly procured, are rapidly diminishing the number of the animals; so that, in many countries in which they formerly abounded, not one can be obtained
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at the present day. This diminution in the amount of the article offered has not, however, increased the price ; as other articles, composed of silk, wool, or cotton, are substituted for furs, with advantage, both as to com- fort and cheapness.
For particulars with regard to the manner in which the fur trade of the northern parts of America is conducted, see the accounts of the Russian American Company's establishments and system, in the Geographical Sketch, and in chap. xii. of the History, and the view of the Hudson's Bay Company's proceedings, in chap. xviii. Respecting the furs them- selves, minute information may be derived from an article on the subject by Mr. Aiken, in the Transactions of the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, published at London in 1830, as also from a similar article, by Professor Silliman, in the American Jour- nal of Science and Art for April, 1834, and from the article on furs in McCulloch's Dictionary of Commerce. 1
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C.
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE SPANISH COMMANDANT AND COM- MISSIONER AT NOOTKA SOUND AND THE MASTERS OF THE AMERICAN TRADING VESSELS COLUMBIA AND HOPE, RESPECTING THE OCCURRENCES AT THAT PLACE IN THE SUMMER OF 1789 .*
Translation of the Letter from the Spanish Commandant to Captains Robert Gray and Joseph Ingraham.
NOOTKA, August 2d, 1792.
IN order to satisfy the court of England, as is just, for the injury, dam- ages, and usurpation, which it conceives itself to have sustained at this port, in the year 1789, I have to request of you, gentlemen, the favor to inform me, with that sincerity which distinguishes you, and which is conformable with truth and honor, for what reason Don Esteban José Martinez seized the vessels of Colnett, [called] the Iphigenia and the North-West America ? What establishment or building had Mr. Meares on the arrival of the Spaniards? What territories are those which he says that he purchased from Maquinna, Yuquiniarri, or other chief of these tribes ? With what objects were the crew of the North-West America transferred to the Columbia, and ninety six skins placed on board that ship ? Finally, what was the whole amount of skins carried by you to China, and to whom did they belong ?
Your most obedient and assured servant, JUAN FRANCISCO DE LA BODEGA Y QUADRA.
* The letter of Gray and Ingraham is copied from Ingraham's Journal of his voyage in the Hope, preserved, in manuscript, in the library of the Department of State i Washington. The translation of Quadra's letter is made from the original in Spanish, which is attached by a wafer to the journal. A synopsis of the letter of Gray and Ingraham, which is, in every respect, incorrect, may be found in Vancou- ver's Journal, vol. i. p. 389. See p. 242 of this History.
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Answer of Captains Gray and Ingraham to Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra .*
NOOTKA SOUND, August 3d, 1792.
SIR,
Your esteemed favor was handed to us yesterday, requesting from us information relative to the transactions between the English and Span- iards in this sound, in the year 1789, which we will do with great pleasure, and impartially, as you request.
On the 5th of May, 1789, when Don Estevan Jose Martinez arrived in Friendly Cove, he found riding at anchor there the Iphigenia only ; the ship Columbia being at Mahwhinna, five miles up the sound. The sloop Washington and North-West America (schooner) were on a cruise. This information is necessary in order to regulate the sequel of the present. After the usual ceremonies of meeting were over, Don Martinez requested the papers of each vessel, and demanded why they were at anchor in Nootka Sound, alleging it belonged to his Catholic majesty. Captain Viana, who passed as commander of the Iphigenia, answered, they had put in, being in distress, having but little provisions, and in great want of every necessary, such as cables, anchors, rigging, sails, &c .; that they were in daily expectation of the arrival of Captain Meares from Macao, to supply them, when they should depart. Captain Meares was expected to return in the same vessel he sailed in from hence in the year 1788, which was under the Portuguese colors, and had a Portuguese captain on board : this vessel, with the Iphigenia, were said to belong to one Cravalia, or Cavallo, a merchant of Macao, in whose name the Iphigenia's papers were made out. Seeing the Iphigenia was in such want, Don Martinez gave them a temporary assistance, by supplying them with such articles as they were most in want, till the vessel before mentioned should arrive. At this time there was not the least suspicion of any misunderstanding or disturbance among us, as Don Martinez was apparently satisfied with the answers each vessel had given to his request.
However, on the 10th of May, the San Carlos, Captain Arrow, [Haro,] arrived. The same day the American officers came to Uquot, or Friendly Cove, to welcome them in ; and the next morning, the 11th of May, Don Martinez captured the Iphigenia, and his reason, as we under- stand, was, that, in their Portuguese instructions, they had orders to cap- ture any English, Spanish, or Russian, subjects they met on the north- west coast of America. This, at the time, seemed improbable, as she was a vessel of small force; and it was afterwards found to have been a mistake, owing to their want of a perfect knowledge of the Portuguese language. However, after the vessel was taken, the officers and seamen were divided, some on board the Princesa, and some on board the San Carlos, where they were treated with all imaginable kindness, and every attention paid them.
* Reference is frequently made to this letter in the 8th and 11th chapters of the preceding History. A synopsis of its contents may be found in the 10th chapter of Vancouver's account of his expedition, on comparing which with the letter, it will be seen that the evidence of the American captains is garbled and distorted in the most unworthy manner in the synopsis, not only by suppressions, but even by direct falsifications. To show this fully, it would be necessary to insert the whole of Van- couver's synopsis; the assertion, however, is sufficiently proved by the few notes which follow.
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* On the 24th of May, the above-mentioned mistake being discovered, the Iphigenia was returned again, and the Portuguese flag hoisted on board her : the same day, Captain Douglas, with the Portuguese captain and seamen, repaired on board. The Iphigenia, while in possession of the Spaniards, from being a wreck was put in complete order for sea, being calked, rigging and sails repaired, anchors and cables sent from the Princesa, &c. On the 26th, Don Martinez supplied them with every kind of provisions they were in need of, for which Captain Douglas gave him bills on Cravalia, the before-mentioned merchant of Macao. On the 31st, the Iphigenia sailed, and was saluted by the Spanish fort; and the com- modore accompanied them out of the harbor, giving every assistance with boats, &c. When Captain Douglas took his leave of the commodore, he declared he should ever entertain a sense of Don Martinez's kindness, deeming his conduct relative to the vessel no more than his duty as a king's officer. Upon the whole, we both believe the Iphigenia's being detained was of infinite service to those who were concerned in her. This must be plain to every one who will consider the situation of the vessel when the Princesa arrived, and the advantages reaped from the supplies and assistance of the Spaniards. The detention, if it may be called so, could be no detriment ; for, had nothing taken place, she must have remained two months longer at least, having, as has already been mentioned, put into port, being in distress. Of course they could not have sailed till supplies arrived, which was not till July, as will appear in the sequel : whereas, being early fitted, as above mentioned, she sailed on the coast northward of Nootka Sound, and, there being no other vessel there, they collected upwards of seven hundred sea otter skins; which has been often represented to us by Captain Douglas and his officers, after our arrival in China. This may suffice for the transactions relative to the Iphigenia. Before Captain Douglas sailed, he gave Don Estevan Marti- nez a letter to Mr. Funter, master of the schooner North-West America, telling him, from Captain Meares's not arriving at the appointed time, there was great reason to fear the vessel he sailed from Nootka in had never reached China, (she being in bad condition when she sailed from this place ;) therefore, as he, Mr. Funter, must, on his arrival, be destitute of every necessary, he was at liberty to conduct as he thought most condu- cive to the interests of his employers. We shall make mention of this vessel again hereafter.
Interim, we observe your wish to be acquainted what house or estab- lishment Mr. Meares had at the time the Spaniards arrived here. We answer in a word, None. On the arrival of the Columbia, in the year 1783, there was a house, or rather a hut, consisting of rough posts, cov- ered with boards, made by the Indians; but this Captain Douglas pulled to pieces, prior to his sailing for the Sandwich Islands, the same year. The boards he took on board the Iphigenia, and the roof he gave to Captain Kendrick, which was cut up and used as firewood on board the Columbia; so that, on the arrival of Don Estevan J. Martinez, there was
* Of the whole of this paragraph, all that is said by Vancouver is, "The vessel and cargo were liberated, and Martinez supplied the Iphigenia's wants from the Princesa, enabling her, by so doing, to prosecute her voyage without waiting for the return of Mr. Meares." The extremity of distress to which the Iphigenia was re- duced on her arrival at Nootka, the seven hundred sea otter skins, and the other ad- vantages derived by her owners from the supplies furnished by the Spanish command- ant, are carefully kept out of sight.
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no vestige of any house remaining. As to the land Mr. Meares said he purchased of Maquinna or any other chief, we cannot say further than we never heard of any; although we remained among these people nine months, and could converse with them perfectly well. Besides this, we have asked Maquinna and other chiefs, since our late arrival, if Captain Meares ever purchased any land in Nootka Sound; they answered, No; that Captain Kendrick was the only man to whom they had ever sold any land.
On the 8th of June, the schooner North-West America arrived, and the next day the Spaniards took possession of her. Don E. J. Martinez had an account taken of the property on board, particularly of the skins, which he said should be given to the officers and seamen, that they might be sure of their wages. On the 16th of June, the sloop Princess Royal arrived from Macao, commanded by Thomas Hudson ; this vessel brought accounts of the safe arrival of Captain Meares, and that Captain Colnett was coming on the coast, commodore of the English trading vessels from Macao for the ensuing season, in a snow named the Argonaut. Mr. Hudson likewise brought accounts of the failure of Juan Cravalia & Co., merchants of Macao, before mentioned. What right the commodore had to detain the North-West America before, it is not for us to say ; but he always said it was an agreement * between Captain Douglas and himself ; but, after the arrival of this vessel with the above news, he held her as security for the bills of exchange drawn on said Cravalia & Co. in favor of his Catholic majesty : this we have heard him say. On the 2d of July, the Princess Royal sailed out of the port, having, to our knowledge, been treated by the commodore and his officers with every possible attention, which Captain Hudson himself seemed conscious of and grateful for. Prior to this vessel's sailing, the commodore gave to Mr. Funter all the skins he brought in in the North-West America, which were shipped on board the sloop Princess Royal by Mr. Funter, for his own account. In the evening of the 2d, a sail was descried from the Spanish fort. We were among the first that went out to meet them. It proved to be the Argonaut, Captain Colnett, before mentioned. The transactions of this vessel were such, that we can give the sense of them in a few words, that may answer eve. y purpose of the particulars, many of which are not im- mediately to the point, or tending to what we suppose you wish to know.
It seems Captain Meares, with some other Englishmen at Macao, had concluded to erect a fort and settle a colony in Nootka Sound; from what authority we cannot say. However, on the arrival of the Argonaut, we heard Captain Colnett inform the Spanish commodore he had come for that purpose, and to hoist the British flag, take formal possession, &c. :
* The account of the seizure of the North-West America in the letter is thus presented by Vancouver : -
"The North-West America is stated by these gentlemen to have arrived on the 8th of June, and that, on the following day, the Spaniards took possession of her. Ten days afterwards came the Princess Royal, commanded by Mr. Hudson, from Macao, who brought the news of the failure of the merchant at Macao, to whom the Iphigenia and other vessels belonged; that Martinez assigned this as a reason for his capturing the North-West America, (although she was seized before the arrival of the Princess Royal ;) that he had detained her as an indemnification for the bills of exchange drawn on her owner in favor of his Catholic majesty."
The parenthesis is here inserted obviously with the intention of ereating the im- pression that Gray and Ingraham had committed a falsehood or inconsistency in their evidence ; although this idea is specially contradicted in the letter.
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to which the commodore answered, he had taken possession already in the name of his Catholic majesty ; on which Captain Colnett asked if he would be prevented from building a house in the port. The commodore, inistaking his meaning, answered him, he was at liberty to erect a tent, get wood and water, &c., after which he was at liberty to depart when he pleased ; but Captain Colnett said that was not what he wanted, but to build a block house, erect a fort, and settle a colony, for the crown of Great Britain. Don Estevan Jose Martinez answered, No; that, in doing that, he should violate the orders of his king, run a risk of losing his commission, and not only that, but it would be relinquishing the Span- iards' claim to the coast : besides, Don Martinez observed, the vessels did not belong to the king, nor was he intrusted with powers to transact such public business. On which Captain Colnett answered, he was a king's officer ; but Don Estevan replied, his being in the navy was of no conse- quence in the business. * In conversing on the subject, after the arrival of the vessel in port, it seems Captain Colnett insulted the commodore by threatening him, and drew his sword in the Princesa's cabin; on which Don Martinez ordered the vessel to be seized. We did not see him draw his sword, but were informed of the circumstance by those whose veracity we had no reason to doubt. After seizing the Argonaut, the sloop Prin- cess Royal arrived a second time; and, as she belonged to the same com- pany, the commodore took possession of her also. With respect to the treatment of the prisoners, although we have not perused Mr. Meares's publication, we presume none of them will be backward in confessing that Don E. J. Martinez always treated them very kindly, and all his officers, consistent with the character of gentlemen.
Having acquainted you with the principal part of the business, agree- able to request, one thing remains to answer, which is, of the captain, officers, and seamen, of the North-West America. You ask if we car- ried them to China. We did, and with them one hundred sea otter skins, the value of which, we judge, independent of freight, was four thousand eight hundred and seventy-five dollars; these were delivered to Mr. Meares, and were, we suppose, his property. We sincerely hope, sir, when things are represented with truth, it will rescue our friend Don Estevan J. Martinez from censure ; at least, that he may not be deemed an impostor and a pirate, which many, from only hearing one part of the story, supposed he was. As to the treatment of the Americans by Don Estevan, we have ever testified it in terms due to such hospitality, and are happy again to have it in our power to do what we deem justice to his conduct. While speaking of others of your nation, we can never be un- mindful of you. Your kind reception and treatinent of us has made an impression that will not be easily erased; and we hope you will bear in mind how very sincerely we are, sir, your most humble servants,
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