USA > Washington DC > Washington DC > Centennial history of the city of Washington, D. C. With full outline of the natural advantages, accounts of the Indian tribes, selection of the site, founding of the city to the present time > Part 7
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The members of the Congress thus assembled were designated, in the credentials issued to them, as members of the "American Con- gress," and the "General Congress." Its meetings were held in Phil- adelphia during the whole period of the War of the Revolution, except when prevented by the exigencies of that war, or when that city was held and threatened by the enemy, at which times it met at Baltimore, from December 20, 1776, to February 27, 1777; at Lancaster, Pennsyl- vania, on the 27th of September, 1777, and at Yorktown, Pennsylvania, from September 27, 1777, to June 27, 1778.
During all this time it does not seem that any attempt or sugges- tion even was made toward the establishment of a permanent seat of government, or fixed residence of Congress. This may have been owing somewhat to the unstable and weak character of the goverment of the Confederation, or it may have been due to other circumstances. However this may have been, it became apparent that unless some fixed and determinate habitation was decided upon for the residence of Congress, it would be idle to hope for anything like a permanent government. It was when matters were in this condition, after the
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cessation of hostilities with the mother country, and after her col- onies, which had declared themselves independent States, had assumed authority to treat for peace and a recognized nationality, that the Congress then sitting in Philadelphia was threatened by a mob of dissatisfied soldiers.
This event took place in June, 1783, and was the cause of great excitement and controversy. Its importance in the history of the coun- try is great, for from it may be dated the first decided intimation of a fixed and permanent seat of government; in other words, the necessity of a National Capital City, under the sole and exclusive control of the Congress, and independent of all State government and influence. Its immediate effect was the removal of Congress from the city of Phila- delphia; and though the Confederation continued to exist for five years longer, and every effort was made by the authorities of Pennsylvania to induce it to resume its sessions within her domain, Congress persistently refused to return to that city. Sessions were held at Princeton, Annap- olis, Trenton, and New York, but never again in Philadelphia during the continuance of the Confederation. It is true that before the occurrence of the events detailed above the idea of the establishment of a permanent seat of government had been suggested. A motion was made that Congress should hold open sessions, the postponement of the consideration of which was urged until Congress "shall have fixed upon some place where it may be proper to continue its residence, and where it may have some kind of jurisdiction without being exposed to the influence of any particular State." New York offered to cede the town of Kingston, and Maryland the city of Annapolis, as places for the seat of government, and upon the report of a committee these offers of the two States mentioned were transmitted to the other States, and a day was assigned for their consideration. By these means the subject of a "permanent residence" for Congress was brought to the attention of all the States, and four months were allowed for reflection, examination, and offers before any action was proposed to be taken. But it must be evident, notwithstanding all this, that nothing so clearly presented the necessity of the determination of a place of permanent residence for Congress, and likewise the necessity of an exclusive jurisdiction over the place so selected, as the events which drove the Congress from the city of Philadelphia, and made that city and other cities which could be controlled by mob influence unsafe as a place for such permanent residence as Congress was seeking. It may be interesting in this connection to note some of the reasons urged, not only in Congress, but by citizens of different sections of the
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country, for the location of the seat of government in the places of their special selection.
A gentleman, writing from Philadelphia June 3, 1783, says: "The Legislature of Maryland has passed a resolution in which they bid . high for the residence of Congress. They offer the city of Annapolis and its precinets, to be solely and exclusively under the jurisdiction of Congress; the statehouse and all other public buildings for their use and the use of the diplomatic corps; the Governor's house for the res- idence of his Excellency, the President of Congress; and to build houses for the delegates of each State, for which purpose they appro- priate a sum not exceeding £30,000 specie (dollars at six shillings each ). This offer is for the permanent residence of Congress. Mary- land has far exceeded the proposals of New York. What think you of this kind of auctioneering?"
The following article in favor of Williamsburg, Virginia, is from the newspapers of that day :
"Overtures have been made to Congress by the States of New York and Maryland, by which the former has offered to cede the township of Kingston in said State as the future seat of Congress, together with an exclusive jurisdiction therein and the establishment of such jurisdiction as Congress shall think proper. The State of Maryland has offered the city of Annapolis ( with the unanimous con- currence of the inhabitants to subject themselves to the jurisdiction of Congress ), the assembly house for the session of Congress, the Gov- ernor's house for the President, and to build a hotel for each State at the expense of Maryland, provided it does not exceed £30,000, together with a jurisdiction of whatever nature and extent Congress may deem necessary, over the city and three hundred acres of the adjoining land. The advantages which will accrue to any State in which Congress shall establish the seat of their future sessions will, we doubt not, be fully weighed by the legislature of the State, and the convenience which at first view presents itself in favor of the city of Williamsburg for that purpose, in which there are large, elegant, commodious public buildings now vacant, and a considerable tract of public lands thereto adjoining, when added to the superior advantages of its central sitna- tion to all America, will certainly counterbalance the liberal offers of the States of New York and Maryland, or any other State."
The following is an extract from a letter from a gentleman in New Jersey, where Congress was then sitting, to his friend in Provi- dence, Rhode Island, dated August 26, 1783, recommending a western location for the seat of government:
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" Where will Congress establish their residence? is a question much agitated. It is a question of great importance, no less to the United States in general, than to the particular State that may obtain the honor. It seems the general voice of the people that large cities are to be avoided; for this opinion a variety of reasons are assigned, too obvious to need enumeration. A small State, nearly central, ought to be preferred to an opulent State, either northward or southward, which might hazard a competition of interest. On this account New Jersey has many voices. Whatever disadvantages hereafter mingle themselves with the emoluments attending the permanent residence of Congress, it is not to be doubted that the real estate in the vicinity, and even throughout the State, will instantaneously receive a great additional value.
"For these reasons I submit to you a proposition entirely new, and which cannot fail to be acceptable to your State, as you are largely interested in the publie credit and can entertain little or no hope of seeing Congress established in your island, however delightful and commodious that situation might be. By the treaty of peace and by the cessions of the claims of some of the States made and to be made, the United States are and will be in possession of an immense extent of territory lying southward of the lakes, eastward of the Mississippi, and westward of the Allegheny Mountains.
" A late caleulator in a Boston paper scruples not to assert that these lands at sixpence an aere would extinguish the whole of our national debt. On the proposition, therefore, that Congress should establish their residence (suppose for a term of only thirteen years) at some of those commodious and young settlements, as Detroit, Louis- ville, Kaskaskia, St. Vincent's, Sandusky, ete., etc., what an amazing value would be added to that important territory! how incredulously would it accelerate the rapidity of its settlement and population! Lest at first view you should sneer at the proposal, or condemn it at once as chimerical, I pray you to consider the subject for a moment in a serious light. Is not the establishment of a national credit an object of first magnitude? Ought any practicable means to obtain it (con- sistent with our liberties ) to be left unattempted? But you will ask, Has Congress moneys to expend for buildings, etc .? I answer, Perhaps one quarter of the lands in the compass of twenty miles square fixed on for the residence of Congress, whereby they would be amazingly appreciated, would be amply sufficient to erect buildings suitable for a republican court. But you will, in fine, demand a security against the inconvenience of savage insurrections, etc., etc. To this I answer,
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Congress may there assume plenary jurisdiction, or model their gov- ernment on the most perfect plan of modern refinement, and lands in their vicinity being allotted to those brave officers and men who have served in the late glorious war, in lieu of their certificates, they would plant themselves around their patrons as an impregnable bulwark against the natives, and Congress would be safe as they ever were in the city of Philadelphia."
By a resolution of Congress then in session at Yorktown, Penn- sylvania, passed June 4, 1783, it was resolved "that copies of the act of the Legislature of Maryland, relative to the cession of Annapolis. to Congress for their permanent residence, and also copies of the act of the Legislature of New York, relative to the cession of Kingston for the same purpose, together with the papers which accompanied both acts, be transmitted to the executives of the respective States, and that they be informed that Congress have assigned the first Monday in October next for taking said offers into consideration." This resolu- tion brought the whole subject before Congress for consideration. It was evident that the matter was deemed in every way of the first in- portance. The great State of New York generously offered one of its most thriving towns, beautifully situated on the romantic Hudson, and Maryland offered its capital, already distinguished for the charm of its climate and the culture and elegance of its inhabitants, as places fit for the permanent residence of Congress. These offers were coupled with the further grant to Congress of the exclusive, unlimited authority of the General Government over such places. This was all that could be required, and it seemed an easy matter for Congress to determine upon one or the other as the future residence of the infant government. Indeed, Congress went so far as to appoint a committee "to consider what jurisdiction may be proper for Congress in the place of its per- manent residence." The importance of this had been rendered manifest by the condition of affairs at Philadelphia at the time of the mutiny, to which reference has already been made. This committee recommended in its report, made on the 5th of September, that Congress "ought to enjoy an exclusive jurisdiction over the district which may be ceded and accepted for its permanent residence, and that the district so ceded ought not to exceed the contents of six miles square, nor to be less than three miles square."
Subsequently this report was considered, but no conclusion reached. When the time fixed for the formal consideration of the subject by the resolution of June arrived, offers had been made by several other States, and it was determined to consider the whole matter in the
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order of the thirteen States then composing the government of the United States. This was in October, 1783. By a resolution passed on the 6th of this month, it was ordered that the question be taken, in which State buildings shall be provided and erected for the residence of Congress, beginning with New Hampshire, and proceeding in the order in which they stand; and it was finally determined "that build- ings for the use of Congress be erected on or near the banks of the Delaware, provided a suitable district can be secured on or near the banks of said river for a Federal town; and that the right of soil and an exclusive or such other jurisdiction as Congress may direct, shall be vested in the United States." It was further determined that the place should be near the falls of the Delaware, and that a com- mittee should repair to that place, view the situation, and report a proper distriet for carrying out the design of the resolution. An effort was made to reconsider this action of the Congress with the view to change the location so selected, but it proved fruitless. Thus as early as October, 1783, Congress had apparently settled the question of the location of the Capital City, and nothing seemed to be needed but the execution of the details to that end to secure a final deter- mination of this much mooted question. Subsequent events, however, prove how fallacious such conclusions were.
While the location of the permanent residence of Congress was apparently thus early and easily decided, the fact was soon manifested that this action of Congress, instead of settling the matter, was but the introduction to a long and exceedingly difficult contest. It is inter- esting, particularly in view of the final determination of the question of the selection and establishment of the Capital of the Nation, to follow the Continental Congress in its varied and ever-changing leg- islation on this subject. While we know now of how little import that legislation was; how weak and indefinite was every action of a government that was without a single essential of sovereignty, the men who controlled the counsels of the Nation in those days were so distinguished in every way, and their discussions manifest so surely what was meant by the establishment of the seat of government, what was the significance in the minds of those early legislators of the final conclusion to build a capital,- not to make one of a city already con- structed,-that a history of the city of Washington cannot be complete without a review of this legislation, cursory and incomplete as it may be, but sufficient to show what was done. The discussion was long, and the projects offered and considered various. It commenced imme- diately. Resolutions were offered declaring that the retention of the
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territory near the falls of the Delaware was not satisfactory to a large number of the citizens of the States; that the purposes of the govern- ment would be better effected by the providing of buildings for the accommodation of Congress in two places, in which alternate sessions could be held. This proposition was deliberately considered, and with some immaterial amendment was adopted. It was determined that the alternate places of residence of Congress should be on the banks of the Delaware, as already provided, and on the banks of the Potomac, near the lower falls of that river, and that until buildings suitable for their residence should be erected at the places designated, such resi- dence should be temporarily, alternately, at equal periods of not more than one year and not less than six months, at Trenton and Annapolis. It is interesting to remark how speedily this proposition for alternate residences of Congress followed upon the adoption of the resolutions fixing that residence on the banks of the Delaware. Nothing is needed more than this to show how unstable any determi- nation of the question was. Fortunately, the experiment of holding temporary sessions of Congress at Trenton and at Annapolis soon proved a failure, and the impracticable scheme of having two permanent seats of government was not carried into effect. No effort was made to erect buildings either at the falls of the Delaware or on the Potomac.
Mr. Force, in his history of the permanent seat of government for the United States, from which much of what is here written is derived, says:
" Much sport was made in the newspapers of the plan of having two Federal towns. One writer, in alluding to the resolution of Con- gress of the 7th of August, to erect 'an equestrian statue of General Washington at the place where the residence of Congress should be established,' remarks, that some persons suppose there may be difficulty in carrying out this resolution if two seats of government should be established. But he suggests, that so far from there being any difficulty, it is easy, 'not only to comply with the spirit of the resolve respecting the equestrian statue, but to make that very resolve conducive to the scheme of the two Federal towns.' And in a lengthy communication he describes how this may be done. 'The spirit and intention of the resolve respecting the equestrian statue,' he observed, 'was nothing more than this: that the said statue should always be where the House should sit. To effect which, nothing was necessary but to adjourn the statue whenever and wherever they should adjourn the House, which might easily be done by mounting it upon wheels. But this was not all; for if the horse should be constructed of a large size, and framed
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with timbers like the hull of a ship, it would become a most conven- ient and proper vehicle to transport the members themselves, with their books, papers, etc., from one Federal town to another.'"
He alluded, also, to the enormous expense of building two Federal towns, where one might be sufficient for the purpose. To obviate this, he proposed "that there should be two permanent places of alternate residence, agreeably to the late resolve, and but one Federal town; which town should be built upon a large platform mounted on a great number of wheels, and be drawn by a great number of horses."
This fun of the olden times has been repeated in more modern days, and the project of an enterprising citizen who proposed the removal of our proud Capital City has been caricatured in very much the same spirit that is exhibited in the extract from the newspaper of 1783. A procession of the Capitol and the several department build- ings, mounted upon wheels, and drawn by horses over the mountains in a journey to the far West, illustrated the derision with which a project to remove the Capital from its present residence was regarded by the people of to-day.
This failure of the project to establish alternate residences of Con- gress resulted finally in an abandonment of all such schemes. But before this was effected, Congress, in response to resolutions to that effect, appointed commissioners to visit the falls of the Delaware and the Potomac, and to report suitable places for the erection of the contemplated Federal buildings. These commissioners made report, but nothing more was done under the resolutions referred to. It may not be out of place to remark here, that the commissioners appointed to examine and report upon the site near the falls of the Potomac, in their report use the following language: "At Georgetown, how- ever, a little to the northward of the buildings, is a rising ground somewhat broken, but pleasantly situated, and commanding good water as well as other prospects. At Funkstown, about a mile and a half below Georgetown on the river, there is also a district which com- mands fine prospects. Some part of this is low, but the residue is high and pleasant. The committee have ordered a plan of each of these districts to be taken and transmitted to Congress." This is very nearly what afterward became, and to-day is occupied as, the site of the National Capital.
Again, Congress, by an ordinance of December, 1784, determined upon the selection of a place upon the Delaware River for the permanent residence of Congress, and commissioners were appointed to make a selection. This seems to have been all that was done, and the question
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of the permanent seat of government was left still undetermined. It is not worth while to deal any further with the many motions made toward the settlement of this much mooted question. No one matter seems to have occupied so much of the attention of Congress, nor to have been the subject of so much discussion. Nothing was so often submitted to the members of Congress for their votes, so often decided, and so often reconsidered. There was no subject about which so many plans were devised and abandoned, and about which the separate States developed so many conflicting interests, as the single subject of the permanent residence of Congress. It is not deemed necessary, in these pages, to go into the details of the legislation of which we have records on this subject, because such legislation is not of itself in- portant, and because the results were for the most part of so little consequence. What has been said on this subject gives the only important measures that reached anything like a conclusion, while the unending motions, discussions, and votes upon the subject are left unnoticed because they are of little or no consequence.
After the ordinance of December, 1785, nothing was done of any importance. Matters remained undisturbed, except by a few spasmodic efforts to direct the attention of Congress to a matter of which it had evidently become tired, and the whole subject was postponed to the care of the government that was to have charge of affairs under the new Constitution. What has been said will serve to show that, throughout the whole of the history of this Congress of the Confederation, or the "Continental Congress" as it is frequently called, it was manifest, that great consequence was attached to the question of the selection of a permanent seat for the government-a Capital City, and that over such place or territory, which should be ample for the purposes for which it was designed, Congress should have and exercise exclusive jurisdic- tion, entirely exempt from the authority of any State ceding such territory. The matter of exclusive jurisdiction was always insisted upon, and no project was considered that did not involve the conces- sion of such jurisdiction. Though there was no provision on this subject in the Articles of Confederation, there can be no doubt that, had a permanent seat of government been then established, Congress would have assumed exclusive jurisdiction. It was offered by the sev- eral States, and the proceedings of Congress show clearly that it would have been accepted. All this tends to show what was uppermost in the minds of the men of that day upon this subject of a Capital City, and as we proceed to the time when the various details of our free government found their consummation in our Constitution, it is inter-
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esting to observe what were the evident intention and meaning of the men who framed that Constitution, with respect to this particular matter. The idea of a great central Capital City was early developed, and its consummation was certain, and in keeping with the grandeur of the Nation.
In 1787, the Federal Convention, called "for the express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation, and reporting such alterations and provisions as shall render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of government and the preservation of the Union," met at Philadelphia. This convention was composed largely of the men who had before served in the Continental Congress, and it was there- fore not surprising that early in its deliberations we find this matter of a permanent Capital the subject of earnest consideration and dis- cussion. Nor is it to be wondered at that men who had so long had the subject under discussion should find little difficulty in reaching a conclusion about it. We find that in the draft of a federal govern- ment submitted by Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, provision is made that the legislature of the United States shall have power "to provide for the establishment of a seat of government for the United States not exceeding ten miles square, in which they shall have exclusive jurisdiction." Again, in a proposition referred to a standing com- mittee of eleven members was a proposition to confer upon Congress "the exclusive right of soil and jurisdiction over the seat of govern- ment," and finally a report from that committee as among the powers of Congress, "to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of the legislature, become the seat of government of the United States." This last proposition of the committee was accepted by the Convention and passed without dissent, and is found in the final revision of the Constitution, as it was referred to the States, and by them ratified and confirmed. The exact language of the Constitution, as finally adopted, and ratified by the States, is found in Article I., Section 8, of that instrument, and is in the following words:
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