USA > Washington DC > Washington DC > Centennial history of the city of Washington, D. C. With full outline of the natural advantages, accounts of the Indian tribes, selection of the site, founding of the city to the present time > Part 8
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"The Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by the cession of particular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased, by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings;
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and to enact all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof."
Having thus determined, as part of the Constitution, in this positive manner, that there should be a permanent seat for the government, over which Congress should have exclusive jurisdiction, the only question remaining before Congress was where this seat of government should be located. This was a very grave question, and gave rise to much and very serious debate. Some difficulty was at first experienced in determining where the Congress of the new government should hold its first meetings. This was, however, soon determined, and on the first Wednesday in March (the 4th ), 1789, the day appointed for "commencing proceedings" under the Constitution, several members of both Houses assembled in New York; but there was no quorum until the 8th of April, when the votes for President and Vice-President were counted. On the 21st of April, Vice-President Adams took his seat as President of the Senate, and on the 30th of April General Washington was inaugurated the first President of the United States. Thus the government under the new Constitution was established upon a firm and certain basis.
It was feared by many that the convening of the Congress at New York and the inauguration of the President at that city, which had offered for the accommodation of the government most commo- dious, convenient, and elegant accommodations for the various Federal offices, would result in the permanent establishment of the seat of government in that city. This was to be deplored, because a very large preponderance of opinion was opposed to the selection of a large city as the seat of government, but of New York particularly, as too remote from the center of the then existing Union. Early in the session, however, one of the Representatives from Virginia presented to the House a resolution of the legislature of that State, passed in December, 1788, offering for the acceptance of the Federal Govern- ment ten miles square of territory, or any lesser quantity, in any part of that State which Congress might choose, to be occupied by the United States as the seat of the Federal Government. About the same time an act of the Legislature of Maryland was presented, in which the State offered for the acceptance of Congress ten miles square of territory, anywhere within its limits, for the seat of government. Before the close of the session, memorials were presented from the inhabitants of Trenton, in New Jersey, and Lancaster and Yorktown,
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in Pennsylvania, praying that the seat of government might be established in those towns. These several acts and memorials were ordered to lie on the table for future consideration. It was evident that the selection of a site for the permanent seat of government had lost none of its interest and importance, and it soon became apparent that it was the intention of the new Congress to bring the matter to a speedy and satisfactory determination. When the question was finally presented to Congress as to which of the many places suggested should be determined on, a debate full of interest ensued, and many and vari- ous projects were offered and submitted to the votes of the members of the Senate and House. This whole matter is of so great interest, and is so important as showing how the final selection of the present site of the Capital City was brought about, that it cannot be amiss to spread at large on these pages a summary of the debates upon it, even at the risk of proving tedious.
On the 27th of August, 1789, in the House of Representatives, Mr. Scott, of Pennsylvania, moved "that a permanent residence ought to be fixed for the General Government of the United States at some convenient place, as near the center of wealth, population, and extent of territory as may be consistent with the convenience to the naviga- tion of the Atlantic Ocean, and having due regard to the particular situation of the western country"; and moved to make this motion the order of the day for the 3d of September. This was warmly debated, a number of members urging the postponement of the subject till the next session. After full discussion, during which it was said that no question could have a greater tendency to produce broil and dissensions, and that the government, ill-cemented and feeble as it was, might not withstand the shock of such a measure, the motion was agreed to by a vote of 27 to 23, and on the 3d of September the question was taken up, and the whole subject of fixing upon a place for the seat of government was thrown open for debate. On the 7th, three resolutions were adopted by the House: the first, the one offered by Mr. Scott, and already given; the second, offered by Mr. Goodhne, of Maine, "that the permanent seat of government of the United States ought to be at some convenient place on the banks of the Susque- hanna, in the State of Pennsylvania"; and the third, offered by Mr. Fitzsimmons, of Pennsylvania, authorizing the President to appoint three commissioners to select and purchase the site on the Susquehanna, and to ereet, within four years, suitable buildings, and also authorizing a loan of $100,000 for the purpose; and on the 22d of September, a bill pursuant to these resolutions was passed by a vote of 31 to 17.
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On the same day the bill was taken up in the Senate, and amend- ments were afterward made which radically altered its nature. On the 24th, the location on the Susquehanna was stricken out, and by the casting vote of the Vice-President, the following words were inserted: "In the counties of Philadelphia, Chester, and Bucks, and State of Pennsylvania, including within it the town of Germantown and such part of the northern liberties of the city of Philadelphia as are not excepted by the act of cession passed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania." On the 26th, the bill passed (yeas, 10; nays, 7), and was returned, as amended, to the House of Representatives.
In the House the contest had been almost wholly between the Susquehanna and the Potomac, and when the bill came back from the Senate so thoroughly altered, and only three days remaining till the time set for adjourning, strong efforts were made to postpone it to the next session. It was said that in all the long arguments which the question had drawn out, the place fixed on by the Senate had never been mentioned, and that the question the House was now called upon to consider was entirely new. The reasons which influ- enced the Senate to decide in favor of the Delaware do not appear, as that body sat with closed doors. The House proceeded with the bill, and the amendments of the Senate were agreed to on the 28th by a vote of 31 to 24, with a proviso, added on the motion of Mr. Madison, that the laws of Pennsylvania should continue in operation in the ceded distriet until otherwise provided by Congress. This proviso defeated the bill. It made action on it by the Senate again necessary, and when taken up the same day in that body its further consideration was postponed till the next session. The next day (29th ) Congress adjourned.
Before Congress met again, the Assembly of Virginia passed an act, ceding to the United States ten miles square of her territory, and reciting the advantages of a location on the River Potomac above tide water, in which the States of Pennsylvania and Virginia might participate. The Legislature of the State of Maryland had passed an act nearly a year before, instructing the Representatives of that State in the Congress of the United States, appointed to assemble at New York, to cede to the Congress of the United States any district in that State of ten miles square which might be selected for the seat of government. Virginia offered to advance $120,000 and Maryland $72,000 for the purposes of the Federal City, in case it should be established on the banks of the Potomac.
At the second session of Congress, proceedings for establishing the
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seat of government originated in the Senate. The bill left unfinished at the preceding session was not again taken up, but a new one was introduced on the 31st of May, 1790, by Mr. Butler, of South Caro- lina, in which the place was left blank. On the 2d of June, this bill was referred to a committee, consisting of Mr. Butler, of South Caro- lina; Johnston, of North Carolina; Henry, of Maryland; Lee, of Virginia; and Dalton, of Massachusetts. On the 8th, the committee made the following report:
"That in their opinion, taking a combination of circumstances into consideration, the present session is a proper time for fixing upon the permanent residence of Congress and the government of the United States; and after dne consideration, recommend that it be placed on the eastern or northeastern bank of the Potomac.
" Your committee further recommend that such sums of money as may be offered by the States for carrying this bill into effect may be accepted of; then the bill will read thus: 'And to accept grants of money or lands.' Your committee were of the opinion that Congress can best determine the time to be allowed for completing the buildings.
" With respect to the temporary residence of Congress, your com- mittee, after weighing all the cirenmstances, considered the ground of choice to be so narrowed as to be fully in view of the Senate.
" Your committee recommend that the Senate should agree with all the other parts of the bill."
The opinion of the Senate was taken, whether it be expedient, at this time, to determine upon any place for the permanent seat of gov- ernment, and it was decided in the negative by the casting vote of the Vice-President. It was then ordered that the consideration of the bill be resumed, the report of the committee being rejected.
A motion to insert "the easterly bank of the Potomac" was negatived by a vote of 9 to 15. "Baltimore" was proposed and lost - yeas, 7; nays, 17. "Wilmington, in the State of Delaware," was also moved and disagreed to. Several motions to postpone were made, also a motion to reject the first enacting clause, but none were agreed to. Without coming to any decision, a motion to adjourn was carried.
The subject was not resumed until the 28th of June. On that day, the Senate having under consideration a resolve of the House of Representatives of the 11th of June, "That when the two Houses shall adjourn, the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives do adjourn their respective Houses to meet and hold their next session at the town of Baltimore," a motion was made and
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carried to postpone the consideration thereof to take up the "bill to determine the permanent seat of government of the United States." The Senate then resumed the second reading of the bill.
The representation of John O'Donnell, in behalf of himself and others, citizens of Baltimore town, stating that town to be exceedingly commodious and eligible for the permanent seat of the government of the United States, and the representation of Robert Peter, in behalf of himself and other freeholders and other inhabitants of George- town, for the same purpose, were severally read. A motion to insert "Baltimore" in the bill was again made and rejected -yeas, 10; nays, 15. It was then moved to insert the following words:
"On the River Potomac, at some place between the mouths of the Eastern Branch and the Connogocheague, be, and the same is hereby, accepted for the permanent seat of the government of the United States: Provided, nevertheless, that the operation of the laws of the State within such district shall not be affected by this acceptance until the time fixed for the removal of the government thereto, and until Congress shall otherwise by law provide."
This was passed by a vote of 16 yeas, 9 nays. The members voting in the negative were Messrs. Wingate, of New Hampshire; Dal- ton and Strong, of Massachusetts; Stanton, of Rhode Island; Ellsworth and Johnson, of Connectient; King and Schuyler, of New York; and Patterson, of New Jersey. "The place" was now determined upon, and this clause formed a part of the act finally adopted by both Houses of Congress and approved by the President, and after further amend- ment and an ineffectual effort to strike out the words, "between the mouths of the Eastern Branch and the Connogocheague," and insert " within thirty miles of Hancock town," the bill passed on the 31st day of July by a majority of only two, fourteen voting in the affirm- ative and twelve in the negative.
July 2, 1790, the bill "for establishing the temporary and perma- nent seat of government," which had passed the Senate, was read twice in the House and committed.
July 6, in Committee of the Whole, Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, moved that the word "Potomac" should be struck out and "a district to include the town of Baltimore" be inserted; seconded by Mr. Burke. The subject was again fully debated with regard to the "temporary" as well as "permanent" seat of government. Mr. White, of Virginia, observed that, if this House was alone to be consulted, on the principle of accommodation, Baltimore might answer; but when it was consid- ered that this bill originated in the Senate, in which this place has
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been repeatedly rejected, it is evident that, if the clause is struck out, the bill will be lost. Mr. Lee, of Virginia, insisted that Baltimore is as far south as the place proposed, besides being exposed by its frontier position on the sea. "We are not confined by the bill," said he, "to a particular spot on the Potomae, but may fix upon a spot as far north as the gentleman from Connecticut wishes." Mr. Burke, of South Carolina, said there was no political necessity for removing the temporary seat of government from New York to Philadelphia. The measure would excite the most turbulent passions in the minds of the citizens. He thought it a very extraordinary measure. It is cal- culated to arrest the funding system, and throw everything into confusion. If the bill is passed in its present form, Congress will never leave Philadelphia.
Mr. Lawrence, of New York, wished the motion might succeed. He objected to the place proposed for the permanent residence. By the bill it is conceded that the place is not at present a suitable situa- tion. By what magic can it be made to appear it will be more proper at the end of ten years? He adverted to the funding business and other important matters which remained to be decided upon, and very strongly intimated that these questions were to be determined agree- ably to the fate of this bill.
Mr. Stone, of Maryland, said all the question of difference seemed to be whether Baltimore or the Potomac shall be the seat of govern- ment. If the amendment now proposed should take place, nothing would be done, and the business will be left in a very inauspicious state. He was therefore resolved not to be drawn off by any motion, amendment, or modification of the bill whatever. As a Marylander, if he saw a prospect of success, he would vote for the town of Baltimore; but as it respects the United States, he should vote for the Potomac. IIe considered the subject as one of the most painful and disagreeable that could be agitated, and he wished to have the business finally and unalterably fixed.
Mr. Seney, of Maryland, said the interests of Maryland were to be sacrificed to those of the two adjoining States, and however flatter- ing it may seem to Maryland to fix the seat of government on her side of the Potomac, the real advantages were, in a great measure, nugatory, as it would be but a very small portion of that State that would reap any benefit therefrom; the real advantages would undoubt- edly result to Pennsylvania. Besides, after the government shall have remained ten years in Philadelphia, the probability of quitting it for the Potomac appeared to be very slight indeed.
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Mr. Scott, of Pennsylvania, observed, that from the town of Balti- more there was no water conveyance to the interior; but from the proposed site on the Potomac there are two hundred miles of naviga- tion directly into the heart of the country.
Mr. Madison, of Virginia, said, if any argument could be brought against the proposed place on the Potomac, it was its being too far northward; for the mileage south of the Potomac is twelve thousand seven hundred and eighty-two miles, and to the north of it twelve thousand four hundred and twenty-two miles. If to this Rhode Island is added, it will be not more than equal. We have it now in our power to procure a southern position. We should hazard nothing. If the Potomac is struck out, are you sure of getting Baltimore? May no other place be proposed? Instead of Baltimore, is it not probable Susquehanna may be inserted? perhaps the Delaware? Make any amendment, and the bill will go back to the Senate. He urged not to consent to any alteration, lest the bill be wholly defeated, and the prospect of obtaining a southern position vanish forever.
Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, regretted that the subject of establish- ing the permanent seat of government had been brought forward, for it is very evident that it has had a very pernicious influence on the great business of funding the public debt. If the present bill is carried into execution, a very great uneasiness will ensue. Those States who think that they shall be injured, it cannot be expected will then acqui- esce. He adverted to the sacrifices which the Northern States are ready to make in consenting to go so far south as Baltimore, and contended that their explicit consent ought to be obtained before they are dragged still farther south. He ridiculed the idea of fixing the Government at Connogocheague, and did not think there was any serious intention of going to this Indian place. IIe considered the whole business as a mere maneuver. Baltimore holds out the only prospect of a perma- nent seat of government.
Mr. Vining, of Delaware, attributed the embarrassments of public business to the assumption of State debts, and not to the subject of residence.
The committee rose and reported progress.
The bill was again debated in Committee of the Whole the next day, July 7. Mr. White, of Virginia, adverted to the situation of the proposed place on the Potomac, and said that a line drawn from the Atlantic east and west to the extreme point mentioned in the bill would intersect the State of New Jersey and include the whole of Delaware and Maryland. IIe observed that, after the present ferment
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is subsided, the position will be considered as a permanent bond of union, and the Eastern States will find their most essential interests promoted by the measure. He adverted to the trade of Massachusetts, which, he said, was greater to Virginia than to the whole Union besides.
The question being put for striking out "Potomac" and inserting "Baltimore," it was negatived, 23 to 37.
Several other amendments were offered and negatived without a division. Mr. Burke, of South Carolina, then made the following motion: "That the seat of government shall remain in New York two years from last May; and from the expiration of that time to the year 1800, that the seat of government shall remain in Philadelphia." Before the question was taken, the committee rose.
July 8, 1790, Mr. Burke's motion, after debate, was negatived, as also was a motion offered by Mr. Smith, of South Carolina, to erase the words, "at which place the ensuing session of Congress shall be held." The committee then rose and reported the bill without any amendment.
July 9, the bill was taken up in the House, and a variety of amendments were offered, but none were agreed to, a majority of the members being in favor of the bill, and not willing to jeopard its passage by any amendment whatever. Mr. Boudinot, of New Jer- sey, moved to strike out "Potomac" and insert "Delaware"-yeas, 22; nays, 39. Mr. Ames, of Massachusetts, moved to strike out "Potomac" and insert "Germantown"-yeas, 22; nays, 39. Mr. Smith, of Maryland, moved to strike out "Potomac" and insert " between the Potomac and the Susquehanna"-yeas, 25; nays, 36. Mr. Lawrence, of New York, moved to strike out "Potomac" and insert "Baltimore"-yeas, 26; nays, 34. Mr. Gerry, of Massachu- setts, moved to strike out "Potomac" and insert the words, "purchase or,"-yeas, 26; nays, 35. Mr. Gerry moved to insert, a clause which should limit the commissioners in the expense to the sum appropriated in the bill-yeas, 26; nays, 33. Mr. Lawrence moved to add these words: "Provided the buildings shall not exceed the sum of dollars,"-yeas, 26; nays, 32. Mr. Gerry moved that the words, "three commissioners, or any two of them," be struck out -yeas and nays not given. Mr. Tucker, of South Carolina, moved that the whole of the fifth section be struck out-yeas, 28; nays, 33. Mr. Burke, of South Carolina, moved to strike out "the first Monday in December next," and to insert "the first Monday in May, 1792,"-yeas, 28; nays, 32. Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, moved that "December" be
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struek out before the word "next" and "May" inserted -yeas, 28; nays, 33. Mr. Smith, of South Carolina, moved that the words, "at which place the next session of Congress shall be held," be struck out - yeas, 26; nays, 33. Mr. Smith, of Maryland, moved an amend- ment by which the public offices should be removed to the Potomac previous to the year 1800, provided the buildings should be prepared for their reception before that time-yeas, 13; nays, 48. Successive motions were then made, that the bill be read a third time on Monday next; that it be read a third time to-morrow; that the House now adjourn,-all of which were negatived. Every effort, either to defeat or postpone the bill being found unavailing, a direct vote was now taken, and it was carried by 32 yeas to 29 nays. The vote was as follows:
Yeas- Messrs. Cadwalader and Sinnickson, of New Jersey; Cly- mer, Fitzsimmons, Hartley, Heister, Muhlenberg, Scott, and Wyncoop, of Pennsylvania; Vining, of Delaware; Carroll, Contee, Gale, and Stone, of Maryland; Brown, Coles, Griffin, Lee, Madison, Moore, Page, Parker, and White, of Virginia; Ashe, Bloodworth, Sevier, Steele, and Williamson, of North Carolina; Sumter, of South Caro- lina; Baldwin, Jackson, and Matthews, of Georgia.
Nays - Messrs. Foster, Gifmer, and Livermore, of New Hamp- shire; Ames, Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Leonard, Partidge, Sedgwick, and Thatcher, of Massachusetts; Huntington, Sherman, Sturgis, Trum- bull, and Wadsworth, of Connecticut; Benson, Floyd, Hathorn, Law- renee, Sylvester, and Van Rensselaer, of New York; Boudinot and Schureman, of New Jersey; Seney and Smith, of Maryland; Burke, Smith, and Tucker, of South Carolina.
The bill was approved by President Washington on the 16th of July, 1790, and thus ended the seven years' struggle for the seat of government. The following is a copy of the act:
" AN ACT for Establishing the Temporary and Permanent Seat of the Government of the United States:
"SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represent- atices of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a district of territory, not exceeding ten miles square, to be located, as hereafter directed, on the River Potomac, at some place between the months of the Eastern Branch and Connogocheague, be, and the same is hereby, accepted for the permanent seat of government of the United States: Provided, nevertheless, that the operation of the laws of the State within such district shall not be affected by this acceptance until the
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time fixed for the removal of the Government thereto, and until Con- gress shall otherwise by law provide.
"SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be authorized to appoint, and by supplying vacancies happening from refusals to act or other causes, to keep in appointment as long as may be necessary, three commissioners, who, or any two of whom, shall, under the direction of the President, survey, and by proper metes and bounds define and limit, a district of territory under the limitations above mentioned; and the district so defined, limited, and located shall be deemed the district accepted by this act for the permanent seat of government of the United States.
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