USA > Iowa > Jefferson County > History of Jefferson County, Iowa, a record of settlement, organization, progress and achievement, Volume I > Part 35
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3d. That we are now and forever in favor of the union, its preservation and the maintenance of the rights of the states individually as well as collectively, and the present constitution of the United States, so long as it exists, ought to be respected by every citizen, and the authorities acting under it in obedience to its provisions should be supported by the people even to the resort of arms.
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4th. That we feel assured that our brethren in the disaffected portion of our' country look upon the citizens of the Northern states as cowards, and therefore the best way to prevent them from resorting to actual force is to be prepared to meet them on that basis.
5th. That any attempt on the part of a portion of the citizens of the United States to resist or in any manner to prevent the inauguration of Abraham Lin- coln will be regarded as revolutionary and treasonable.
6th. That we are in favor of the constitution of the United States as it now exists, believing that its guarantees are sufficient to protect the interests of all sections.
7th. That we are not the enemies of any section and that we pronounce the charge of hostility on the part of the people of the North to the constitu- tional rights of the people of the South to be false and slanderous.
8th. That the gallant and patriotic conduct of Major Anderson meets our hearty approbation, and we declare should be supported by the Government.
The approval of "the resort of arms" to preserve the Union, the disclamation of Northern cowardice, the avowal of faith in the amplitude of the guarantees of the constitution "to protect the interests of all sections," severally elicited some discussion in which George Acheson, Col. James Thompson, Ward Lam- son, C. W. Slagle, Wm. B. Littleton and J. F. Wilson participated. In the end these views were endorsed and adopted with the remainder of the report, in the phrasing of the committee.
Wm. B. Littleton proposed two resolutions :
Resolved, That the course pursued by the extremists, North and South, in regard to the subject of slavery (which we believe to be the main cause of the present crisis) meets with our unqualified disapprobation.
Resolved, That we believe civil war for the maintenance of the Govern- ment, should only be resorted to when all other, and more judicious means, have been exhausted.
These did not harmonize with the mood of the meeting. The first was voted down. The second was amended by the substitution of another offered by J. F. Wilson, which compressed the whole issue into a simple positive statement.
Resolved, That this Government must be sustained, and the Union must and shall be preserved, peaceably if they can, and forcibly if they must.
The utmost enthusiasm prevailed throughout the proceedings which ended with "three tremendous cheers each, for General Jackson and the constitution and Union."
Locally there was not yet any clear recognition of the imminence of an armed conflict. Even by the men best informed, though they must have had misgiv- ings, it was only felt the Southern leaders were overbold and overconfident in playing what was characterized "the game of brag."
On the 2d of February a mass meeting assembled at Wells' Hall in response to an invitation addressed to "the citizens of Jefferson County who are in favor of a fair, just and immediate compromise of the slavery question in preference to a dissolution of the Union or Civil war." The terms of compromise to be considered were not stated. The call was signed by thirty-one citizens. It was publicly charged that among these were some who held that South Carolina had a right to secede, some who affirmed that the success of the republican party in
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and of itself was sufficient warrant for secession, some who asserted it was justifiable in the South to take possession of the capitol of the nation and to prevent the inauguration of Lincoln, some who had announced a willingness to join the forces of the South and aid in waging war against the Government, some who had advocated the divinity of the institution of human slavery, and some who had boasted of their good rifles and at what distances they could bring down an abolitionist. These charges, the indefiniteness of the proposal, and the agitation pervading the community, brought out a large attendance in which were represented wide differences of opinion.
The morning was chiefly devoted to effecting an organization. Bernhart Henn was chosen to preside over the deliberations. Henry Stoner and Horace Gaylord were selected for the vice presidents and I. D. Jones and W. B. Culbertson for the secretaries. Samuel Jacobs, C. W. Slagle, E. A. Harbour, Joseph Ball and Wm. B. Littleton were named as the committee on resolutions. Owen Bromley, securing recognition, in the course of his speech stated that he was opposed to compromising with traitors. This remark drew a rebuke from the chair. D. Sheward, called upon to speak, communicated his purpose to establish a demo- cratic paper in Fairfield if he could get support enough. He favored compromise. He did not want war; but if that had to come, he wanted it to take place "right here." This address terminated the preliminary session.
The afternoon session opened with the reading of the resolutions by Samuel Jacobs.
Whereas, The American Union is now threatened with immediate dissolution ; therefore, Resolved,
Ist. That we are unalterably attached to the union of these states, endeared to us by the glorious memories of the past, and which has given us peace and prosperity at home, and respect, consideration and power throughout the world.
2d. That whilst no foreign enemy invites us to the ordeal of arms, and when we have treaties of peace, friendship and commerce with forty-seven independ- ent nations of the world,-when distant Japan sends hither her ambassadors laden with peace offerings, and the great-grandson of George the Third, the heir apparent of England's royalty, makes a respectful pilgrimage to the tomb of Washington-we present to the world the deplorable spectacle of the foremost nation of them all trembling on the verge of financial ruin, and soon to become, perhaps, "a land rent with civil feuds, and drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood;"-even now, the states, North and South, are arming for the conflict.
3d. That we concur in the sentiments of Andrew Jackson, expressed in his farewell address, that "the constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union pre- served, in opposition to public feeling, by the mere exertion of the coercive power confided to the general government. The foundation must be laid in the affec- tions of the people, in the security it gives to life, liberty, property and character in every quarter of the country, and the fraternal attachment which the citizens of the several states bear to one another, as members of one political family, mutually contributing to promote the happiness of each other. Hence the citizens of every state should studiously avoid everything calculated to wound the sen- sibilities or offend the just pride of the people of other states; and they should frown upon every proceeding within their own borders likely to disturb the tran- quility of their political brethren in other portions of the Union."
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SAMUEL JACOBS
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4th. That we are in favor of the union of conservative men throughout the country, for the sake of the Union; and that we disclaim all party ties and plat- forms which stand in the way of the perpetuation of a union that shall guaranty to the several states thereof full and equal rights under the constitution-and this we believe to be the duty of all.
5th. That we hold it to be self-evident that unless there is a fair, just and prompt compromise of the slavery question, the process of dissolution cannot be arrested but that it will go on until there is a total and final severance between the free and the slave states; and thus believing, we regard those who protest that there shall be "no compromise"-"no concession," and who recommend the immediate employment of force against the seceding states, or the people thereof -as actual enemies of the Union-not indeed in motive, but such in reality and in effect.
6th. That whilst the people of neither section of the Union are faultless, the citizens and states of the North should place themselves right upon the record and right in fact before they think of going to war with their brethren of the South.
7th. That the fugitive slave law, and all other laws of Congress, should be obeyed, until they are amended or repealed, or decided to be unconstitutional by the appropriate judicial tribunal.
8th. That the Supreme Court of the United States is a tribunal erected by the Constitution itself as the legal and final interpreter of that instrument, in all those cases that are capable of assuming, and do actually assume, the character of suits at law, or in equity, and that the decisions of that court should be obeyed by all good citizens of the United States and executed in good faith.
9th. That we are in favor of a just and reasonable compromise of the slavery question, to be consummated, if necessary, by such amendments to the Consti- tution of the United States as comport with the spirit in which that instrument was originally formed, and which shall be consistent with its princples.
Ioth. That while a large portion of the meeting, perhaps a majority, are decidedly in favor of intrusting the people of the territories with the power to provide by laws for the admission or prohibition of slavery, yet for the sake of the Union, we are willing to accept the compromise measures offered in the United States Senate by John J. Crittenden, or the propositions of Stephen A. Douglas; and as the measures of adjustment, recommended by the "border states committee" seem most likely, in their substance, to receive the sanc- tion of the present Congress, we do most respectfully and earnestly appeal to the senators and representatives in Congress, from Iowa, to give those measures their support-but not to the detriment of any other just and equitable measure of pacification which can be adopted, and which may be more satis- factory.
. IIth. That no semblance of dishonor should attach to those republican members of Congress, who in this terrible crisis, consent to a modification of their party platform in respect to slavery, but on the contrary, those who thus hold out the olive branch should be hailed as patriots and statesmen; because,
First. Although Abraham Lincoln has been constitutionally elected President and should be inaugurated and received as such by all sections of the country,
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yet he has been elected wholly by a majority of the people of the free states, against the solid electoral vote of the slave states.
Secondly. A majority of nearly one million of the American people cast their votes against Mr. Lincoln and his party platform.
Thirdly. The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that Congress has no constitutional power to interfere with slavery in the territories.
Fourthly. A modification of said party platform is believed to be necessary to keep even the border slave states in the Union.
12th. That the Union-loving citizens of those Southern states who have labored and still labor with devotion, courage and patriotism, to withhold their states from the vortex of secession, are entitled to the admiration and grati- tude of the whole American people.
13th. That the redress of existing difficulties cannot be effected by crimina- tion and recrimination, but the times demand forbearance of feeling, and the calm maintenance of the constitutional rights of every state and of every citizen, of whatever section.
14th. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and espe- cially the rights of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political faith depends. ยท
15th. That to the union of the states this nation owes its unprecedented in- crease in population; its surprising development of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; its happiness at home and its power abroad.
16th. That the course pursued by the extremists North and South in regard to the institution of slavery (which we believe to be the main cause of the present crisis) meets with our unqualified disapprobation.
The approval of these declarations meant, at least on the part of republicans, a repudiation or abandonment of fundamental party principles. By such course they would yield "that the federal constitution, the rights of the states, and the union of the states, must and shall be preserved." By such course they would accept "the new dogma that the constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States." By such course they would deny "that the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom." By such course they would grant "the authority of Con- gress, of a territorial Legislature, or of any individual, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States." The two political faiths would combine no more than oil and water. Not all who were sincere and patriotic perceived at the time the irreconcilable difference.
The discussion turned at once upon individual beliefs. Alvin Turner inquired whether those who subscribed to the Chicago platform were to be allowed to vote. The chair's response in substance was, that if they considered that enun- ciation their ultimatum for a compromise, they were not entitled to vote. C. W. Slagle, defining his position, said that under such ruling he had no right to be there. Joseph Ball stated that he subscribed to the Chicago platform and that he was opposed to any concession to rebels that required a surrender of principles. Owen Bromley desired to know if his right to vote was recognized. The chair denied him the right and refused to entertain an appeal to the house from this decision. James F. Wilson explained his attitude. He was a "compromise
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JOSEPH BALL
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man." There were traitors in the South in fact and in law. He would hang the leaders, but would grant amnesty to their misled followers, if they would lay down their arms, give up the property stolen from the general government and behave themselves. The chair called him to order and himself took the floor. He favored the Crittenden compromise, although he did not like any compromise that would establish a line of demarcation through the country. M. M. Bleakmore thought that as other gentlemen were permitted to present their ideas of a com- promise, Mr. Wilson also should have the privilege. Charles Negus attended to meet men with certain sentiments, by that meaning men with courage to enter- tain a spirit of concession. Joseph Ball announced a determination to speak though all hell stood at his back. Col. James Thompson was in favor of com- promising. There was no treason in advocating the principles of South Carolina. He did not want to shed his blood for the dirty, nasty quibble of letting niggers go into the territories. The contention was brought to an unceremonious close by the chair promptly putting the formal questions on the reception and adoption of the report. C. W. Slagle without success attempted to present a minority report. The resolutions were declared adopted. Amid much confusion ajdourn- ment was effected.
The rebuffs experienced in this meeting by those whose views were at vari- ance with the purposes of its managers led to an open conference at night. This also was in Wells' Hall. Dr. C. S. Clarke accepted the position of chairman on the condition that no gag law should be applied and that free discussion should be allowed. W. W. Junkin was secretary. After an address by Owen Bromley on "the state of the country," A. R. Fulton, C. E. Noble and W. M. Clark were appointed to prepare an expression of the sense of the gathering in regard to the compromise meeting.
A. M. Scott offered this sentiment, which was approved:
Resolved, That it is no time to talk of compromise when treason and rebellion are stalking abroad in the land. In such a time, the only proper compromise is a good dose of "old hickory."
James F. Wilson, called upon to speak, denounced the Crittenden compromise, or any such base surrender of principles on the part of the republican party.
The committee submitted a report which was unanimously adopted. It defined the compromise meeting, "in the language of Colonel Thompson," one of its principal actors, as a "'democratic meeting'-used for democratic purposes -the extension of slavery and the policy of rule or ruin." In severe terms it arraigned Bernhart Henn. It declared him "entitled to the thanks of South Carolina traitors" for his enforcement of their maxim "'that the minority shall rule the majority;'" that "while professing to act without prejudice," he mani- fested throughout the entire proceedings, "the most bitter and uncompromising partisan spirit;" that, "in his action as presiding officer," he recognized and ap- plied "the slave-driving opposition to the exercise of free speech;" that, "in deciding motions carried which were lost," in refusing to sustain motions from any save his partisan associates or to entertain appeals from his decisions, "he exhibited a perfect fitness to assist in advancing the work required by the interests of Southern rebels." It further asserted that the resolutions he declared adopted had been carried only by his decision, not by the votes of the persons present; and that they did "not embrace a fair expression of the sentiment" of the Vol. [ -2)
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majority who "were opposed to any compromise which would be a sacrifice of principle."
A communication from Henry Stoner and Horace Gaylord was given to the public withdrawing "in justice to themselves" their names as vice presidents from the proceedings of the compromise meeting, for the reason that it "was not con- ducted according to parliamentary usage, and did not express the true sentiments of the people present, much less of the people of the county, and for the further reason that under the arbitrary and unprecedented rulings of the chairman, B. Henn, a large portion of the people present were 'gagged' down and not allowed to express their views."
C. W. Slagle read the resolutions which he and Joseph Ball had advocated in the committee and sought to present in a minority report to the compromise meet- ing :
Resolved, 4th. That we are opposed to any amendment of the Constitution of the United States which shall fix the institution of slavery upon the people of any state or territory beyond the power of the people of such state or territory, during the existence of either a state or territorial government, to eject said insti- tution of slavery through their legally constituted authorities, and preserve their state or territory free, if they desire so to do.
5th. That the right of a state to secede from the Union is a doctrine not recognized by the Constitution of the United States.
6th. That the conduct of the seceding states in their acts of secession, seizure of the property of the Government, and defiance of the laws, is either right or wrong. If right, they should be sustained; if wrong, they should be condemned. In the opinion of this meeting they are wrong.
Early in the month a portion of the citizens of Des Moines Township met at the Brick College "to consider the threatening dangers" of the country. Alex- ander Clark was chairman; Abraham Teter and Reuben Ellmaker were the clerks. These resolutions were offered and adopted :
Whereas, A portion of the states of our Federal Union have withdrawn; and Whereas, We believe that unless some compromise is effected other states will withdraw, thereby destroying our Government; and Whereas, We believe the dangers threatening our country is owing to a belief entertained by the people of the Southern states, that a growing majority of the North will eventually, either by an open violation, or misconstruction, or by an alteration of the Federal Consti- tution, deprive them of their rights as they now exist in the Government, there- fore,
Resolved, I. That we are indebted to the union of the states for our great prosperity as a nation. That we believe a dissolution of our Government would bring upon all parts of our widely-extended country direful calamities ; perhaps the worst evils that could befall us, civil war; and the entire destruction of our civil and religious liberties.
2. That as our fathers formed our Government by mutual concessions and compromise, we believe it is the duty of every patriot to make every reasonable concession to perpetuate it, therefore as a compromise, and for to move the question of slavery entirely from the halls of Congress, and to dispel from the minds of the people of the South the belief that we ever intend to, or even can deprive them of their rights in the Union, and to restore peace and harmony to
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the country, we are in favor of the amendments to the Constitution proposed by Senator Crittenden.
3. That we are opposed to any action of any of the states of the Union of a warlike nature, believing such action calculated to beget like action in the other sections of our country, and of adding fuel to the flame of excitement already burning too fiercely.
4. That we will discountenance all newspapers and periodicals that pursue a course calculated to keep up sectional strife; that we will by our influence and by our example and by our votes discountenance sectionalism in all its forms.
5. That we believe it is the duty of the Legislature of every state of this Union to repeal all laws which hinder the full and free operation of the fugitive slave law, believing such laws to be a violation of the compact that binds these states together.
6. That the union of these states can only be preserved by restoring the fra- ternal feeling that existed in the early days of the Republic; that the Union cannot be preserved by coercive measures on the part of the Federal Government.
7. That if such feeling cannot be restored as will enable us to live in peace and harmony, we are in favor of a mutual and peaceful separation, and of an amicable division of the public property.
8. That whilst we justify Major Anderson in removing the forces under his command to the most secure fort in Charleston harbor, we must condemn the spiking of the guns in the vacated fort as being eminently calculated to pro- voke an attack; that we utterly condemn as the greatest outrage the action of Southern states in taking possession of United States property.
9. That we will co-operate with all men independent of party ties who will unite with us in carrying out the foregoing views.
On February 7th, the seventy-seven citizens of the county addressed through Samuel R. Curtis a letter of thanks to John E. Bouligny, a congressman from Louisiana, for his "manly and bold declaration of devotion to the American Union" in the House of Representatives.
They wrote: You seem to understand us at the North, your people do not. We are their friends, but they think us enemies. Our principles are not under- stood at the South; we have been slandered and misrepresented. And these base slanders have been believed by your people. They will not hear us, and if they do they will not believe us. We trust and hope that time and the unfolding of events will prove to them that under all circumstances and at all times we will respect and guard all their rights in the Union and under the Constitution. As reasonable men they cannot demand more, as just men we cannot grant less, and as honorable men we cannot grant more. We will, therefore, bide our time, until we are heard and understood, believing that then confidence, peace and good will will be restored, and our happy but now distracted country will renew her course of honor and glory.
In his acknowledgment of the compliment was an inspiration:
If they are lovers of this Union, as I doubt not they are, and devoted to the flag of our common country, then I accept most gratefully their sympathy. Under the stars and stripes I was born and under them I hope to die.
About the middle of the month the citizens of Coalport and vicinity formally expressed their sentiments in regard to the "distracted state" of the country.
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N. Patch was made chairman and T. C. Evans secretary. Resolutions drafted by J. W. Planett, A. R. Pierce and T. C. Evans were discussed and adopted :
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