USA > Illinois > Stephenson County > History of Stephenson County, Illinois : a record of its settlement, organization, and three-quarters of a century of progress > Part 28
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(Deacon Bross spoke.)
His amendment was to this effect. It provided that the legislature should have the power to exclude slavery and General Cass suggested: "Why not
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give the power to introduce as well as exclude?" The answer was: "They have , the power already in the bill to do both." Chase was afraid his amendment . would be adopted if he put the alternative proposition, and so make it fair both ways, but would not yield. He offered it for the purpose of having it rejected. He offered it, as he has himself avowed over and over again, simply to make capital out of it for the stump. He expected that it would be capital for small politicians in the country, and that they would make an effort to deceive the people with it; and he was not mistaken, for Lincoln is carrying out the plan admirably. ("Good, good.") Lincoln knows that the Nebraska Bill, without Chase's amendment, gave all the power which the constitution would permit. Could Congress confer any more? ("No, no.") Could Congress go beyond the constitution of the country? We gave all a full grant, with no exception in regard to slavery one way or the other. We left that question as we left all others, to be decided by the people for themselves, just as they pleased. I will not occupy my time on this question. I have argued it before, all over Illinois. I have argued it in this beautiful city of Freeport; I have argued it in the north, the south, the east and the west, avowing the same sentiments and the same principles. I have not been afraid to avow my sentiments up here for fear I would be trotted down into Egypt. (Cheers and laughter.)
The third question which Mr. Lincoln presented is, If the supreme court of the United States shall decide that a state of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits will I submit to it? I am amazed that Lincoln should ask such a question. ("A schoolboy knows better.") Yes, a schoolboy knows bet- ter. Mr. Lincoln's object is to cast an imputation upon the supreme court. He knows that there never was but one man in America, claiming any degree of intelligence or decency, who ever for a moment pretended such a thing. It is true that the Washington Union, in an article published on the 17th of last De- cember, did put forth that doctrine, and I denounced the article on the floor of the senate, in a speech which Mr. Lincoln now pretends was against the presi- dent. The Union had claimed that slavery had a right to go into the free states, and that any provision in the constitution or laws of the laws of the free states to the contrary were null and void. I denounced it in the senate, as I said before, and I was the first man who did. Lincoln's friends, Trumbull, and Seward, and Hale, and Wilson, and the whole Black Republican side of the senate, were silent. They left it to me to denounce it. (Cheers.)
And what was the reply made to me on that occasion? Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, got up and undertook to lecture me on the ground that I ought not to have deemed the article worthy of notice, and ought not to have replied to it; that there was not one man, woman or child south of the Potomac, in any slave state, who did not repudiate any such pretension. Mr. Lincoln knows that that reply was made on the spot, and yet now he asks this question. He might as well ask me, Suppose Mr. Lincoln should steal a horse, would I sanction it. (Laugher.) And it would be as genteel in me to ask him, in the event he stole a horse, what ought to be done with him. He casts an imputation upon the su- preme court of the United States, by supposing that they would violate the Constitution of the United States. I tell him that such a thing is not possible. (Cheers.) It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could
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ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln himself would never in his partisan feelings so far forget what was right as to be guilty of such an act. (Good, good.")
The fourth question of Mr. Lincoln is, Are you in favor of acquiring addi- tional territory, in disregard as to how such acquisition may affect the Union on the slavery question?1 This question is very ingeniously and cunningly put.
(Deacon Bross here spoke, sotto voce-the reporter understood him to say, "Now we've got him.")
The Black Republican creed lays it down expressly that under no circum- stances shall we acquire any more territory, unless slavery is first prohibited in the country. I ask Mr. Lincoln whether he is in favor of that proposition. Are you (addressing Mr. Lincoln) opposed to the acquisition of any more ter- ritory, under any circumstances, unless slavery is prohibited in it? That he does not like to answer. When I ask him whether he stands up to that article in the platform of his party, he turns, Yankee-fashion, and without answering it, asks me whether I am in favor of acquiring territory without regard to how it may affect the Union on the slavery question.1 ("Good.") I answer that when- ever it becomes necessary, in our growth and progress, to acquire more territory, that I am in favor of it, without reference to the question of slavery; and when we have acquired it, I will leave the people free to do as they please, either to make it slave or free territory as they prefer. (Hear Deacon Bross spoke; the reporter believes that he said, "That's bold." It was said solemnly.) It is idle to tell me or you that we have territory enough. Our fathers supposed that we had enough when our territory extended to the Mississippi River; but a few years' growth and expansion satisfied them that we needed more, and the Louisiana Territory, from the west branch of the Mississippi to the British possessions, was acquired. Then we acquired Oregon, then California and New Mexico. We have enough now for the present; but this is a young and grow- ing nation. It swarms as often as a hive of bees; and as new swarms are turned out each year, there must be hives in which they can gather and make their honey. ("Good.")
In less than fifteen years, if the same progress that has distinguished this country for the last fifteen years continues, every foot of vacant land between this and the Pacific Ocean, owned by the United States, will be occupied. Will you not continue to increase at the end of fifteen years as well as now? I tell you, increase, and multiply, and expand, is the law of this nation's existence. ("Good.") You cannot limit this great republic by mere boundary lines, saying, "Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther." Any one of you gentlemen might as well say to a son twelve years old that he is big enough, and must not grow any larger; and in order to prevent his growth, put a hoop around him to keep him to his present size. What would be the result? Either the hoop must burst and be rent asunder, or the child must die. So it would be with this great na- tion. With our natural increase, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing from despotism in the old world to seek refuge2 in our own, there is a constant torrent pouring into this country that requires more land, more territory upon which to settle ;
1 Reads: "questions" for "question."
2 Reads "Seek a refuge."
1
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and just as fast as our interests and our destiny require additional territory in the north, in the south, or on the islands of the ocean, I am for it; and when we acquire it, will leave the people, according to the Nebraska Bill, free to do as they please on the subject of slavery and every other question. ("Good, good;" "Hurrah for Douglas.")
I trust now that Mr. Lincoln will deem himself answered on his four points. He racked his brain so much in devising these four questions that he exhausted himself, and had not strength enough to invent the others. (Laughter.) As soon as he is able to hold a council with his advisers, Lovejoy, Farnsworth and Fred Douglass, he will frame and propound others. ("Good, good." Renewed laughter, in which. Mr. Lincoln feebly joined, saying that he hoped with their aid to get seven questions, the number asked him by Judge Douglas, and to make conclusions even.) You Black Republicans who say good, I have no doubt think that they are all good men. ("White, white.")
I have reason to recollect that some people in this country think that Fred Douglas is a very good man. The last time I came here to make a speech, while talking from the stand to you, people of Freeport, as I am doing today, I saw a carriage-and a magnificent one it was-drive up and take a position on the outside of the crowd; a beautiful young lady was sitting on the box-seat, whilst Fred Douglas and her mother reclined inside, and the owner of the carriage acted as driver. (Laughter, cheers, cries of "right," "what have you to say against it," etc.) I saw this in your own town. ("What of it?") All I have to say of it is this, that if you, Black Republicans, think that the negro ought to be on a social equality with your wives and daughters, and ride in a carriage with your wife, whilst you drive the team, you have a perfect right to do so. ("Good, good," and cheers, mingled with hooting and cries of "white, white.")
I am told that one of Fred Douglas' kinsmen, another rich black negro is now traveling in this part of the state, making speeches for his friend Lincoln, as the champion of black men. ("White men, white men," and "What have you to say against it? "That's right, etc). All I have to say on that sub- ject is, that those of you who believe that the negro is your equal and ought to be on an equality with you socially, politically, and legally, have a right to entertain those opinions, and of course will vote for Mr. Lincoln. ("Down with the negro," "no, no," etc.)
I have a word to say on Mr. Lincoln's answer to the interrogatories con- tained in my speech at Ottawa, and which he has pretended to reply to here today. Mr. Lincoln makes a great parade of the fact that I quoted a platform as having been adopted by the Black Republican party at Springfield in 1854, which, it turns out, was adopted at another place. Mr. Lincoln loses sight of the thing itself in his ecstasies over the mistake I made in stating the place where it was done. He thinks that that platform was not adopted on the right. "spot."
When I put the direct question to Mr. Lincoln to ascertain whether he now stands pledged to that creed-to the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law, a refusal to admit any more slave states into the Union, even if the people want them, a determination to apply the Wilmot proviso, not only to all the territory we now have, but all that we may hereafter acquire-he refused to
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answer; and his followers say, in excuse, that the resolutions upon which I based my interrogatories were not adopted at the "right spot." (Laughter and applause.) Lincoln and his political friends are great on "spots." (Renewed laughter.) In Congress, as a representative of this state, he declared the Mexi- can War to be unjust and infamous, and would not support it, or acknowledge his own country to be right in the contest, because he said that American blood was not shed on American soil in the "right spot." ("Lay on to him.") And now he cannot answer the questions I put to him at Ottawa because the reso- lutions I read were not adopted at the "right spot." It may be possible that I was led into an error as to the spot on which the resolutions I then read were proclaimed, but I was not, and am not, in error as to the fact of their forming the basis of the creed of the Republican party when that party was1 first organ- ized. (Cheers.)
I will state to you the evidence I had, and upon which I relied for my statement that the resolutions in question were adopted at Springfield on the 5th of October, 1854. Although I was aware that such resolutions had been passed in this district, and nearly all the northern congressional districts and county conventions, I had not noticed whether or not they had been adopted by any state convention. In 1856, a debate arose in Congress between Major Thomas L. Harris, of the Springfield District, and Mr. Norton, of the Joliet District, on political matters connected with our state, in the course of which Major Harris quoted those resolutions as having been passed by the first Re- publican state convention that ever assembled in Illinois. I knew that Major Harris was remarkable for his accuracy, that he was a very conscientious and sincere man, and I also noticed that Norton did not question the accuracy of this statement. I therefore took it for granted that it was so; and the other day when I concluded to use the resolutions at Ottawa, I wrote to Charles L. Lanphier, editor of the State Register, at Springfield, calling his attention to them, telling him that I had been informed that Major Harris was lying sick at Springfield, and desiring him to call upon him and ascertain all the facts con- cerning the resolutions, the time and place where they were adopted In reply, Mr. Lanphier sent me two copies of his paper, which I have here. The first is a copy of the State Register, published at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln's own town, on the 16th of October, 1854, only eleven days after the adjournment of the convention, from which I desire to read the following :
The material of this was gathered from a variety of sources, including the files of the Freeport Journal, the Woodburn's Orations; the Illinois Historical Society's Volume by Sparks and Rhodes' History of the United States.
"During the late discussion in this city, Lincoln made a speech, to which Judge Douglas replied. In Lincoln's speech he took the broad ground that, ac- cording to the Declaration of Independence, the whites and blacks are equal. From this he drew the conclusion, which he several times repeated, that the white man had no right to pass laws for the government of the black man with- out the nigger's consent. This speech of Lincoln's was heard and applauded by all the Abolitionists assembled in Springfield. So soon as Mr. Lincoln was done speaking, Mr. Codding arose, and requested all the delegates to the Black Republican Convention to withdraw into the senate chamber. They did so; and
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after long deliberation, they laid down the following Abolition platform on which they stood. We call the particular attention of all our readers to it."
Then follows the identical platform, word for word, which I read at Ottawa. (Cheers.) Now, that was published in Mr. Lincoln's own town, eleven days after the convention was held, and has remained on record up to this day never contradicted.
When I quoted the resolutions at Ottawa and questioned Mr. Lincoln in re- lation to them, he said that his name was on the committee that reported them, but he did not serve, nor did he think he served, because he was, or thought he was, in Tazewell County at the time the convention was in session. He did not deny that the resolutions were passed by the Springfield Convention. He did not know better, and evidently thought that they were; but afterwards his friends declared that they had discovered that they varied in some respects from the resolutions passed by the convention. I have shown you that I had good evidence for believing that the resolutions had been passed at Springfield. Mr. Lincoln ought to have known better; but not a word is said about his ignorance on the subject, whilst I, notwithstanding the circumstances, am ac- cused of forgery.
Now, I will show you that if I have made a mistake as to the place where these resolutions were adopted-and when I get down to Springfield I will in- vestigate the matter, and see whether or not I have-that the principles they enunciate were adopted as the Black Republican platform, ("White, white.") in the various counties and congressional districts throughout the north end of the state in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every county that gave a Black Republican majority for the Legislature in that year, and here is a man (pointing to Mr. Denio, who sat. on the stand near Deacon Bross) who knows as well as any living man that it was the creed of the Black Re- publican party at that time. I would be willing to call Denio as a witness, or any other honest man belonging to that party. I will now read the resolution adopted at the Rockford Convention on the 30th of August, 1854, which nomi- nated Washburne for Congress. You elected him on the following platform:
"Resolved, That the continued and increasing aggressions of slavery in our country are destructive of the best rights of a free people, and that such ag- gressions cannot be successfully resisted without the united political action of all good men.
"Resolved, That the citizens of the United States hold in their hands peace- ful, constitutional, and efficient remedy against the encroachments of the slave power-the ballot-box; and if that remedy is boldly and wisely applied, the principles of liberty and eternal justice will be established.
"Resolved, That we accept this issue forced upon us by the slave power, and, in defense of freedom, will cooperate and be known as Republicans, pledged to the accomplishment of the following purposes:
"To bring the administration of the government back to the control of first principles; to restore Kansas and Nebraska to the position of free terri- tories ; to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive-Slave Law; to restrict sla- very to those states in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more slave states into the Union; to exclude slavery from all the territories over which
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the general government has exclusive jurisdiction; and to resist the acquisi- tion of any more territories, unless the introduction of slavery therein forever shall have been prohibited.
"Resolved, That in furtherance of these principles we will use such condi- tional and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment, and that we will support no man for office under the general or state govern- ment who is not positively committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guarantee that he is reliable, and shall abjure all party allegiance and ties.
"Resolved, That we cordially invite persons of all former political parties whatever, in favor of the object expressed in the above resolutions to unite with us in carrying them into effect." (Senator Douglas was frequently in- terrupted in reading these resolutions by loud cries of "Good, good," "that's the doctrine," and vociferous applause.)
Well, you think that is a very good platform, do you not? ("Yes, yes, all right," and cheers.) If you do, if you approve it now, and think it is all right, you will not join with those men who say that I libel you by calling these your principles, will you1 ("Good, good, hit him again," and great laughter and cheers.) Now, Mr. Lincoln complains; Mr. Lincoln charges that I did you and him injustice by saying that this was the platform of your party. (Re- newed laughter.) I am told that Washburne made a speech in Galena last night, in which he abused me awfully in bringing to light this platform, on which he was elected to Congress. He thought that you had forgotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln desires to. (Laughter.) He did not deny but that you had adopted it, and that he had subscribed to and was pledged by it, but he did not think it was fair to call it up and remind the people that it was their platform. (Here Deacon Bross spoke.)
But I am glad to find that you are more honest in your abolitionism than your leaders, by avowing that it is your platform, and right in your opinion. (Laughter, "You have them, good, good.")
In the adoption of that platform, you not only declared that you would re- sist the admission of any more slave state, and work for the repeal of the Fugi- tive-Slave Law, but you pledged yourselves not to vote for any men for state or federal offices who was not committed to these principles. ("Exactly so, exactly so," cheers.) You were thus committed. Similar resolutions to those were adopted in your county convention here, and now with your admissions that they are your platform and embody your sentiments now as they did then, what do you think of Mr. Lincoln, your candidate for the United States Senate, who is attempting to dodge the responsibility of this platform, because it was not adopted in the right spot. (Shouts of laughter, "Hurrah for Doug- las.") I thought that it was adopted in Springfield, but it turns out it was not, that it was adopted at Rockford, and in the various counties which com- prise this congressional district. When I get into the next district, I will show that the same platform was adopted there, and so on through the state, until I nail the responsibility of it upon the back of the Black Republican party throughout the state. ("White, white," "Three cheers for Douglas.")
A voice .- Couldn't you modify, and call it brown? (Laughter.)
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Mr. Douglas .- Not a bit. I thought that you were becoming a little brown when your members in Congress voted for the Crittenden-Montgomery bill; but since you have backed out from that position and gone back to Abolition- ists, you are black, and not brown. (Shouts of laughter, and a voice, "Can't you ask him another question ?)
Gentlemen, I have shown you what your platform was in 1854. You still adhere to it. The same platform was adopted by nearly all the counties where the Black Republican party had a majority in 1854. I wish now to call your attention to the action of your representatives in the Legislature when they assembled together at Springfield. In the first place, you must remember that this was the organization of a new party. It so declared in the resolutions themselves, which say that you are going to dissolve all old party ties and call the new party Republican. The old Whig party was to have its throat cut from ear to ear, and the Democratic party was to be annihilated and blotted out of existence, whilst in lieu of these parties the Black Republican party was to be organized on this Abolition platform. You know who the chief lead- ers were in breaking up and destroying these two great parties. Lincoln on the one hand and Trumbull on the other, being disappointed politicians, (laughter) and having retired or been driven to obscurity by an outraged constitutency because of their political sins, formed a scheme to abolitionize the two par- ties, and lead the old Line Whigs and old Line Democrats captive, bound hand and foot, into the Abolition camp. Giddings, Chase, Fred Douglass, and Love- joy were here to christen them whenever they were brought in. (Great laugh- ter.) Lincoln went to work to dissolve the Old Line Whig party. Clay was dead; and although the sod was not yet green on his grave, this man undertook to bring into disrepute those great compromise measures of 1850, with which Clay and Webster were identified.
Up to 1854 the Old Whig party and the Democratic party had stood on a common platform so far as this slavery question was concerned. You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, but we agreed on this slavery question, and the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the Union. The com- promise measures of 1850 were introduced by Clay, were defended by Web- ster, and supported by Cass, and were approved by Fillmore, and sanctioned by the national men of both parties. They constituted a common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats stood. In 1852 the Whig party, in its last national convention at Baltimore, indorsed and approved these measures of Clay, and so did the national convention of the Democratic party held that same year. Thus the Old Line Whigs and the Old Line Democrats stood pledged to the great principle of self-government, which guarantees to the peo- ple of each territory the right to decide the slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Lincoln, on the part of the Whigs, undertook to abolitionize the Whig party by dissolving it, transfer- ring the members into the Abolition camp, and making them train under Gid- dings, Fred Douglass, Lovejoy, Chase, Farnsworth, and other Abolition lead- ers. Trumbull undertook to dissolve the Democratic party by taking old Demo- crats into the Abolition camp. Mr. Lincoln was aided in his efforts by many leading Whigs throughout the state, your member of Congress, Mr. Washburne,
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being one of the most active. (Good fellow.) Trumbull was aided by many renegades from the Democratic party, among whom were John Wentworth, (laughter) Tom Turner, and others, with whom you are familiar.
(Mr. Turner, who was one of the moderators, here interposed, and said that he had drawn the resolutions which Senator Douglas had read.)
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