USA > Illinois > Stephenson County > History of Stephenson County, Illinois : a record of its settlement, organization, and three-quarters of a century of progress > Part 29
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Mr. Douglas .- Yes, and Turner says that he drew these resolutions. ("Hur- rah for Turner," "Hurrah for Douglas.") That is right; give Turner cheers for drawing the resolutions if you approve them. If he drew those resolutions, he will not deny that they are the creed of the Black Republican party.
Mr. Turner .- They are our creed exactly. (Cheers.)
Mr. Douglas .- And yet Lincoln denies that he stands on them. (“Good, good," and laughter.) Mr. Turner says that the creed of the Black Republican party is the admission of no more slave states, and yet Mr. Lincoln declares that he would not like to be placed in a position where he would have to vote for them. All I have to say to friend Lincoln is, that I do not think that there is much danger of his being placed in such a position. (More laughter.) As Mr. Lincoln would be very sorry to be placed in such an embarrassing position as to be obliged to vote on the admission of any more slave states, I propose, out of mere kindness, to relieve him from any such necessity. (Renewed laughter and cheers.)
When the bargain began Lincoln and Trumbull was completed for abolition- izing the Whig and Democratic parties, they "spread" over the state, Lincoln still pretending to be an Old Line Whig, in order to "rope in" the Whigs, and Trumbull pretending to be as good a Democrat as he ever was, in order to coax the Democrats over into the Abolition ranks. ("That's exactly what we want.") They played the part that "decoy ducks" play down on the Potomac River. In that part of the country they make artificial ducks, and put them on the water where the wild ducks are to be found, for the purpose of decoying them. Well, Lincoln and Trumbull played the part of these "decoy ducks" and deceived enough Old Line Whigs and Old Line Democrats to elect a Black Republican Legislature. When that Legislature met, the first thing it did was to elect as speaker of the House the very man who is now boasting that he wrote the Abolition platform on which Lincoln will not stand. ("Good, hit him again," and cheers.) I want to know of Mr. Turner whether or not, when he was elected he was a good embodiment of Republican principles.
Mr. Turner .- I hope I was then, and am now.
Mr. Douglas .- He swears that he hopes he was then, and is now. He wrote that Black Republican platform, and is satisfied with it now. ("Hurrah for Turner," "Good," etc.) I admire and acknowledge Turner's honesty. Every man of you knows that what he says about these resolutions being the plat- form of the Black Republican party is true, and you also know that each one of these men who are shuffling and trying to deny it are only trying to cheat the people out of their votes for the purpose of deceiving them still more after the election. ("Good," and cheers.) I propose to trace this thing a little further, in order that you can see what additional evidence there is to fasten this revolutionary platform upon the Black Republican party. When the Legis- lature assembled there was a United States Senator to elect in the place of
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General Shields, and before they proceeded to ballot, Lovejoy insisted on lay- ing down certain principles by which to govern the party. 1
It has been published to the world and satisfactorily proven that there was, at the time the alliance was made between Trumbull and Lincoln to abolitionize the two parties, an agreement that Lincoln should take Shields' place in the United States Senate, and Trumbull should have mine so soon as they could conveniently get rid of me. When Lincoln was beaten for Shields' place, in a manner I will refer to in a few minutes, he felt very sore and restive; his friends grumbled, and some of them came out and charged that the most infamous treachery had been practiced against him; that the bargain was that Lincoln was to have had Shields' place, and Trumbull was to have waited for mine, but that Trumbull, having the control of a few Abolitionized Democrats, he pre- vented them from voting for Lincoln, thus keeping him within a few votes of an election until he succeeded in forcing the party to drop him and elect Trumbull. Well, Trumbull having cheated Lincoln, his friends made a fuss, and in order to keep them and Lincoln quiet, the party were obliged to come forward, in ad- vance, at the last state election, and make a pledge that they would go for Lin- coln and nobody else. Lincoln could not be silenced in any other way.
Now, there are a great many Black Republicans of you who do not know this thing was done. ("White, white," and great clamor.) I wish to remind you that while Mr. Lincoln was speaking there was not a Democrat vulgar and blackguard enough to interrupt him. (Great applause and cries of, "Hurrah for Douglas.") But I know that the shoe is pinching you. I am clinching Lin- coln now, and you are scared to death for the result. (Cheers.) I have seen this thing before. I have seen men make appointments for joint discussions, and the moment their man has been heard, try to interrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the other side. I have seen your mobs before, and defy your wrath. (Tremendous applause.) My friends, do not cheer, for I need my whole time. The object of the opposition is to occupy my attention in order to prevent me from giving the whole evidence and nailing this double dealing on the Black Republican party.
As I have before said, Lovejoy demanded a declaration of principles on the part of the Black Republicans of the Legislature before going into election for United States Senator. He offered the following preamble and resolutions which I hold in my hand :
"Whereas, Human slavery is a violation of the principles of natural and revealed right; and whereas the fathers of the Revolution, fully imbued with the spirit of these principles, declared freedom to be the inalienable birthright of all men; and whereas the preamble to the Constitution of the United States avers that that instrument was ordained to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity ; and whereas, in furtherance of the above principles, slavery was forever prohibited in the old Northwest Territory, and more recently in all that territory lying west and north of the state of Missouri, by the act of the federal govenment; and whereas the re- peal of the prohibition last referred to was contrary to the wishes of the people of Illinois, a violation of an implied compact long deemed sa- cred by the citizens of the United States, and a wide departure from the uni-
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form action of the general government in relation to the extension of slavery ; therefore,
"Resolved, by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring therein, That our senators in Congress be instructed, and our representatives requested to introduce, if not otherwise introduced, and to vote for, a bill to restore such prohibition to the aforesaid territories, and also to extend a similar prohibition to all territory which now belongs to the United States, or which may here- after come under their jurisdiction.
"Resolved, That our senators in Congress be instructed, and our represen- tatives requested, to vote against the admission of any state into the Union, the Constitution of which does not prohibit slavery, whether the territory out of which such state may have been formed shall have been acquired by con- quest, treaty, purchase, or from original territory of the United States.
"Resolved, That our senators in Congress be instructed, and our represen- tatives requested to introduce and vote for, a bill to repeal an act entitled 'an act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of their masters;' and, failing in that, for such a modification of it as shall secure the right of habeas corpus and trial by jury before the regularly constituted authorities of the state, to all persons claimed as owing service or labor."
(Cries of "good," "good," and cheers.) Yes, you say "good," "good," and I have no doubt you think so.
Those resolutions were introduced by Mr. Lovejoy immediately preceding the election of senator. They declared, first that the Wilmot Proviso must be applied to all territory north of 36 degrees 30 minutes. Secondly, that it must be applied to all territory south of 36 degrees 30 minutes. Thirdly, that it must be applied to all territory now owned by the United States; and finally, that it must be applied to all territory hereafter to be acquired by the United States. The next resolution declares that no more slave states shall be admitted into this Union under any circumstances whatever, no matter whether they are formed out of territory now owned by us or that we may hereafter acquire, by treaty, by Congress or in any other manner whatever. (A voice, "That is right.") You say that is right. We will see in a moment. The next resolu- tion demands the unconstitutional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law, although . its unconstitutional repeal would leave no provision for carrying out that clause of the Constitution of the United States which guarantees the surrender of fugitives. If they could not get an unconstitutional repeal they demanded that that law should be so modified as to make it as nearly useless as possible.
Now, I want to show you who voted for these resolutions. When the vote was taken on the first resolution it was decided in the affirmative-yeas, 41, nays, 32. You will find that this is a strict party vote, between the Democrats on the one hand, and the Black Republicans on the other. (Cries of "White, white," and clamor.) I know your name and always call things by their right name. The point I wish to call your attention to is this : that these resolutions were adopted on the 7th day of February, and that on the 8th they went into an election for a United States senator, and that day every man who voted for these resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted for Lincoln for the United States Senate. (Cries of "Good, good," and cheers. "Give us their names.")
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I will read the names over to you if you want them, but I believe your object is to occupy my time. (Cries of "That is it.")
On the next resolution the vote stood-yeas 33, nays 40; and on the third resolution-yeas 35, nays 47. I wish to impress it upon you that every nation who voted for those' resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted on the next day for Lincoln for United States senator. Bear in mind that the members who thus voted for Lincoln were elected to the Legislature pledged to vote for no man for office under the state or federal government who was not committed to this Black Republican platform. (Cries of "White, white," and "good for you.") They were all so pledged. Mr. Turner who stands by me, and who then represented you, and who says that he wrote those resolutions, voted for Lincoln when he was pledged not to do so unless Lincoln was in favor of those resolutions. I now ask Mr. Turner (turning to Mr. Turner), did you violate your pledge in voting for Mr. Lincoln, or did he commit himself to your platform before you cast your vote for him? (Mr. Lincoln here started for ward and grasping Mr. Turner shook him nervously and said, "Don't answer, Turner, you have no right to answer.")
I could go through the whole list of names here, and show you that all the Black Republicans in the Legislature, ("White, white.") who voted for Mr. Lincoln, had voted on the day previous for these resolutions. For instance, here are the names of Sargent, and Little, of Jo Daviess and Carroll; Thomas J. Turner of Stephenson; Lawrence, of Boone and McHenry; Swan, of Lake; Pinckney, of Ogle County; and Lyman, of Winnebago. Thus you see every member from your congressional district voted for Mr. Lincoln, and they were pledged not to vote for him unless he was committed to the doctrine of no more slave states, the prohibition of slavery in the territories, and the repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law. Mr. Lincoln tells you today that he is not pledged to any such doctrine. Either Mr. Lincoln was then committed to these propositions, or Mr. Turner violated his pledges to you when he voted for him. Either Lin- coln was pledged to each one of these propositions, or .else every Black Re- publican (cries of "White, white") representative from this congressional district violated his pledge of honor to his constituents by voting for him.
I ask you which horn of the dilemma will you take? Will you hold Lin- coln up to the platform of his party, or will you accuse every representative you had in the Legislature of violating his pledge of honor to his constituents? (Voices : "We go for Turner," We go for Lincoln," "Hurrah for Douglas," "Hurrah for Turner.") There is no escape for you. Either Mr. Lincoln was committed to those propositions, or your members violated their faith. Take either horn of the dilemma you choose. There is no dodging the question; I want Lincoln's answer. He says he was not pledged to repeal the Fugitive- Slave Law, that he does not quite like to do it; he will not introduce a law to repeal it, but thinks there ought to be some law; he does not tell what it ought to be; upon the whole he is altogether undecided, and don't know what to think or do. That is the substance of his answer upon the repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law. I put the question to him distinctly, whether he indorsed that part of the Black Republican platform which calls for the entire abrogation and repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law. He answers, No! that he does not in-
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dorse that; but he does not tell what he is for, or what he will vote for. His answer is, in fact, no answer at all. Why cannot he speak out, and say what he is for, and what he will do? (Cries of "That's right.")
In regard to there being no more slave states, he is not pledged to that. He would not like, he says, to be put in a position where he would have to vote one way or another upon that question. I pray you, do not put him in a posi- tion that would embarrass him so much. (Laughter.) Gentlemen, if he goes 1
to the Senate, he may be put in that position, and then which way will he vote ?
A voice .- How will you vote?
Mr. Douglas .- I will vote for the admission of just such a state as by the form of their constitution the people show they want; if they want slavery, they shall have it; if they prohibit slavery, it shall be prohibited. They can form their institutions to please themselves, subject only to the Constitution; and I, for one, stand ready to receive them into the Union. ("Three cheers for Douglas.") Why cannot your Black Republican candiates talk out as plain as that when they are questioned? (Cries of "Good, good.")
(Here Deacon Bross spoke.)
I do not want to cheat any man out of his vote. No man is deceived in regard to my principles if I have the power to express myself in terms ex- plicit enough to convey my ideas.
Mr. Lincoln made a speech when he was nominated for the United States Senate which covers all these Abolition platforms. He there lays down a proposition so broad in its Abolitionism as to cover the whole ground.
"In my opinion the slavery agitation will not cease until .a crisis shall have I been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the states-old as well as new, north as well as south."
There you find that Mr. Lincoln lays down the doctrine that this Union can- not endure divided as our fathers made it, with free and slave state. He says they must all become one thing, or all the other; that they must all be free or all slave, or else the Union cannot continue to exist; it being his opinion that to admit any more slave states, to continue to divide the Union into free and slave states will dissolve it. I want to know of Mr. Lincoln whether he will vote for the admission of another slave state. (Cries of "Bring him out.")
He tells you that the Union cannot exist unless the states are all free or all slave; he tells you that he is opposed to making them all slave and hence he is for making them all free, in order that the Union may exist; and yet he will not vote against another slave state, knowing that the union must be dissolved if he votes for it. (Great laughter.) I ask you if that is fair dealing? The true intent and inevitable conclusion to be drawn from his first Springfield speech is, that he is opposed to the admission of any more slave states under any
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circumstances. If so opposed, why not say so? If he believes this Union cannot endure divided into free and slave states, that they must all become free in order to save the Union, he is bound as an honest man to vote against any more slave states. If he believes it, he is bound to do it. Show me that it is my duty in order to save the Union, to do a particular act, and I will do it if the Constitution does not prohibit it. (Applause.) I am not for the dis- solution of the Union under any circumstances. (Renewed applause.) I will pursue no course of conduct that will give just cause for the dissolution of the Union. The hope of the friends of freedom throughout the world rests upon the perpetuity of this Union. The down-trodden and oppressed people who are suffering under European despotism all look with hope and anxiety to the Ameri- can Union as the only resting place and permanent home of freedom and self- government.
Mr. Lincoln says that he believes that this Union cannot continue to endure with slave states in it, and yet he will not tell you distinctly whether he will vote for or against the admission of any more slave states but says he would not like to be put to the test. (Renewed laughter.) I do not think that the people of Illinois desire a man to represent them who would not like to be put to the test on the performance of a high constitutional duty. (Cries of "Good.") I will retire in shame from the Senate of the United States when I am not will- ing to be put to the test in the performance of my duty. I have been put to severe tests. ("That is so.") I have stood by my principles in fair weather and in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. I have defended the great principles of self-government here among you when northern sentiment ran in a torrent against me, (A voice, "That is so.") and I have defended that same great prin- ciple when southern sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was not afraid of any test they put to me. I knew I was right; I knew my prin- ciples were sound; I knew that the people would see in the end that I had done right, and I knew that the God of heaven would smile upon me if I was faithful in the performance of my duty. (Cries of "Good," cheers and laugh- ter. )
Mr. Lincoln makes a charge of corruption against the supreme court of the United States and two presidents of the United States, and attempts to bol- ster it up by saying that I did the same against the Washington Union. Suppose I did make that charge of corruption against the Washington Union, when it was true, does that justify him in making a false charge against me and others? That is the question I would put. He says that at the time the Nebraska Bill was introduced, and before it was passed, there was a conspiracy between the judges of the supreme court, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself, by that bill and the decision of the court, to break down the barrier and estab- lish slavery all over the Union.
Does he not know that that charge is historically false as against President Buchanan? He knows that Mr. Buchanan was at that time in England, repre- senting this country with distinguished ability at the court of St. James, that he was there for a long time before, and did not return for a year or more after. He knows that to'be true, and that fact proves his charge to be false as against Mr. Buchanan. (Cheers.) Then, again, I wish to call his atten-
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tion to the fact that at the time the Nebraska Bill was passed, the Dred Scott case was not before the supreme court at all! it was not upon the docket of the supreme court; it had not been brought there; and the judges in all probability knew nothing of it. Thus the history of the country proves the charge to be false as against them.
As to President Pierce, his high character as a man of integrity and honor is enough to vindicate him from such a charge; (laughter and applause) and as to myself, I pronounce the charge an infamous lie, whenever and wherever made, and by whomsoever made. I am willing that Mr. Lincoln should go and rake up every public act of mine, every measure I have introduced, report I have made, speech delivered, and criticise them; but when he charges upon me a corrupt conspiracy for the purpose of perverting the institutions of the coun- try, I brand it as it deserves. I say the history of the country proves it to be false; and that it could not have been possible at the time.
But now he tries to protect himself in this charge, because I made a charge, against the Washington Union. My speech in the Senate against the Wash- ington Union was made because it advocated a revolutionary doctrine, by de- claring that the free states had not the right to prohibit slavery within their own limits. Because I made the charge against the Washington Union Mr. Lincoln says it was a charge against Mr. Buchanan. Suppose it was; is Mr. Lincoln the peculiar defender of Mr. Buchanan? Is he so interested in the federal admin- istration, and so bound to it that he must jump to the rescue and defend it from every attack that I may make against it? (Great laughter and cheers.) I understand the whole thing. The Washington Union, under that most corrupt of all men, Cornelius Wendell, is advocating Mr. Lincoln's claim to the Senate. Wendell was the printer of the last Black Republican House of Representatives ; he was a candidate before the present Democratic House, but was ignomini- ously kicked out; and then he took the money which he had made out of the public printing by means of the Black Republicans, bought the Washington Union, and is now publishing it in the name of the Democratic party, and advo- cating Mr. Lincoln's election to the Senate. Mr. Lincoln therefore considers an attack upon Wendell and his corrupt gang as a personal attack upon him. (Immense cheering and laughter.) This only proves what I have charged- that there is an alliance between Lincoln and his supporters, and the federal office-holders of this state, and presidential aspirants out of it, to break me down at home. (A voice-"That is impossible," and cheering.)
Mr. Lincoln feels bound to come in to the rescue of the Washington Union. In that speech which I delivered in answer to the Washington Union, I made it distinctly against the Union, and against the Union alone. I did not choose to go beyond that. If I have occasion to attack the President's conduct, I will do it in a language that will not misunderstood. When I differed with the President, I spoke out so that you all heard me. ("That you did," and cheers.) That question passed away; it resulted in the triumph of my principle, by al- lowing the people to do as they please; and there is an end of the controversy. ("Hear, hear.") Whenever the great principle of self-government-the right of the people to make their own Constitution, and come into the Union with slavery or without it, as they see proper-shall again arise, you will find me
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standing firm in the defense of that principle, and fighting whoever fights it. ("Right, right," "Good, good" and cheers.) If Buchanan stands, I doubt not he will, by the recommendation contained in his message, that hereafter all state constitutions ought to be submitted to the people before the admission of the state into the Union, he will find me standing by him firmly shoulder to shoulder, in carrying it out. I know Mr. Lincoln's object; he wants to di- vide the Democratic party, in order that he may defeat me and get to the Senate.
Mr. Douglas' time here expired, and he stopped on the moment.
MR. LINCOLN'S REJOINDER.
As Mr. Lincoln arose he was greeted with vociferous cheers. He said:
My Friends : It will readily occur to you that I cannot, in half an hour, notice all the things that so able a man as Judge Douglas can say in an hour and a half; and I hope, therefore, if there be anything he has said upon which you would like to hear something from me, but which I omit to comment upon, you will bear in mind that it would be expecting an impossibility for me to go over his whole ground. I can but take up some of the points that he has dwelt upon, and employ my half hour especially upon them.
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