USA > Illinois > The era of the Civil War, 1848-1870 > Part 14
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31 Illinois Journal, August 2, 1854; Ottawa Weekly Republican, October 7, 1854; Joliet Signal, July 4, 1854.
32 Canton Weekly Register, August 3, September 14, 21, 1854; Alton Courier, August 17, September 14, 1854; Illinois Journal, November 14, 1854; Free West, December 14, 1854. Lincoln was similarly believed to be one of the nativists. 33 " An Adopted Citizen," St. Clair Tribune, November 25, 1854; see also Alton Courier, November 8, 1854.
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kaites; disgusted democratic editors therefore called it a "heterogeneous mixture of niggerism, Native Americanism, black republicanism and intrigue," a compound of "Fusion, Know Nothingism, and Whiggery." The tabling of a resolu- tion opposing any change in the naturalization laws and the defeat of Senator Shields, because a son of Erin, was offered as proof of the charge. "The Nebraska fight is over and Know Nothingism has taken its place as the chief issue of the future," declared Douglas anent the senatorial election.34
The next year was an off-year in Illinois politics; the know nothings utilized it to perfect their organization for more aggressive political activity. Recruits were enlisted in such numbers that the heterogeneous character of the local councils and the state organization became apparent. Nebraska and anti-Nebraska men were now joining the order without any strong conviction that nativism was the dominant issue of the day. Soon there was wrangling within the brotherhood; a general disposition to soften the proscriptive features of the know nothing platform betrayed a desire on the part of both the radical and conservative groups to build up strength for themselves even at a sacrifice of some of the fundamental tenets of the order. Each side charged the other in public with a monopoly on bigotry. It soon became a fight between "Sam " and "Jonathan." "Sam" represented the original and ortho- dox brand of nativism; "Jonathan" was the champion of an antislavery brand which welcomed all foreigners who would disavow temporal allegiance to the pope.35
These were insuperable obstacles to a strong and harmoni- ous state organization.36 Jonathanism, with an antislavery extension plank, made rapid progress in Illinois, preparing to resist the action of the southern know nothings. At a stormy two day session of the Illinois Grand Council at Chicago in May, Sam and Jonathan came together in a heated contest in
34 St. Clair Tribune, February 17, 1855; Joliet Signal, January 16, 1855; Douglas to Lanphier, December 18, 1855, Lanphier manuscripts.
35 Alton Courier, May 8, 1855; Chicago Weekly Democrat, May 5, 1855.
36 Municipal activity presented the best field. In March, 1855, the know nothings elected their entire municipal ticket in Chicago and Rockford, while in April they lost the Quincy city election by 250 votes; Urbana Union, March 15, 1855; Rockford Republican, March 14, 1855; Alton Courier, April 21, 1855.
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which the only gains were made by the latter.37 A state con- vention at Springfield, in July continued the fight: the anti- Nebraska forces prevented the adoption of the Philadelphia national platform with its approval of the repeal of the Mis- souri compromise. The majority report of the committee on resolutions, which included a clause calling for the restoration of the Missouri compromise, was adopted by a vote of 74 to 35. The nativistic declarations were mild and ambiguous. It contained, indeed, less nativism than it did antislavery doc- trine; congress was declared to have full power under the constitution to legislate on slavery in the territories. "The platform," complained a conservative opponent, also "contains enough of treason to the South and the Constitution to suit the Abolitionists." Jonathan seemed to have dealt Sam a death-blow and to have arranged for his burial. So true was this that the rival "know something" order, which welcomed the foreign votes on an anti-Nebraska platform, fell for want of raison d'être.38
Pursuant to an order of this state convention, a know noth- ing organ, the Daily Native Citizen, was established at Chicago by W. W. Danenhower. In its first numbers it took strong antislavery ground; after a few months, however, its tone changed somewhat; and it adjusted itself to a more conserva- tive nationalistic position. At the same time its nativism was diluted to the point where it was able to commend the idea, as promulgated by the German press of the state, that Gustave Koerner be given the republican nomination for governor.39
It was obvious from all these signs that political nativism did not constitute a basis for party organization in Illinois. The most important question of the day was the question of slavery extension; the northern view, that slavery was a moral and political evil and that congress had a duty to prevent its extension into the territories was brought into vigorous asser-
37 The Chicago Democrat charged Douglas with being a lobby member of the Grand Council, consulted by a large number of members of the proslavery tendencies, whom he advised to hold to their allegiance to Sam. Chicago Weekly Democrat, May 5, 1855.
38 Illinois Journal, July 11, 1855; Ottawa Weekly Republican, July 14, 21, 1855; Cairo City Times, July 25, 1855; Chicago Weekly Democrat, October 27, 1855.
39 Daily Native Citizen clipped in St. Clair Tribune, December 22, 1855.
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tion by the enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska act. It was evident that various fragments lay upon the political scrap- heap which might be cemented together into an effective oppo- sition to democratic domination. But blind adhesion to de- ceased or expiring parties together with infatuation for novelty and change had first to disappear, and this required time. Whigs almost convinced themselves at intervals that old issues were returning and that the day of resurrection was near at hand. At such times they were unwilling to abandon their "broad, tried, and natural platform" and their conservative friends in the south in order to be swallowed up in a repub- lican fusion of democrats, whigs, and abolitionists. The Illinois Journal was convinced that the republican movement had degenerated into a sectional party; accordingly, it clung to its old whig connections but played the part of apologist for the native American party.40
John Wentworth, still proud of his democratic connec- tions, took a long forward step when he permitted his journal to declare: "The North is all split to pieces upon matters of minor moment compared with the great question at issue. Now we think the North should unite as well as the South. If slavery can unite the South, certainly freedom should unite the North." This was followed by an indorsement of the proposition made by the National Era, the old free soil organ, for united action by the north in 1856. The Ottawa Republican was at the same time conducting a propaganda to the same end.41 The Galena Advertiser next recommended an anti- Nebraska mass state convention at Chicago in October in con- nection with the state fair. The idea of mixing politics and agriculture was first frowned upon, especially in view of a protest against such distractions by the executive committee of the State Agricultural Society, though a little later, when the proposition was renewed, it was widely indorsed. 42 Still it was felt that the responsibility for calling the convention
40 Chicago Daily Democratic Press, December 22, 1854; Quincy Whig, July 7, 1855; Illinois Journal, December 12, 1854, January 27, August 4, Octo- ber 5, November 23, 24, December 6, 1855.
41 Chicago Weekly Democrat, June 30, 1855; Ottawa Weekly Republican, June 30, 1855.
42 Illinois State Journal, September 1, 1855; Quincy Whig, September 11, October 9, 1855.
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ought to be taken by some organization in the central part of the state and none of these had the courage to issue the necessary call.
As a result, all that was done in the field of republican party politics during that year was the perfection of local organi- zations in the northern counties, where successful contests were made in the local elections. Again Ichabod Codding took the stump with the republican propaganda and Joshua R. Giddings journeyed from Ohio for a speech-making tour in the hopes of being able to participate in the christening of an Illinois republican party.
Meanwhile Douglas was energetically at work trying to bring unity and harmony into the councils of the democratic party. At the end of summer he took the stump, appealing to his erstwhile followers to rally for democracy and to beware of know nothingism and Maine lawism lurking behind the veil of anti-Nebraska. He tried to bully his opponents into acqui- escence in the Kansas-Nebraska act by daring Trumbull to make a joint agreement to risk their seats in the senate on this issue in the coming state election. When his proposal was ignored, however, Douglas concentrated on side issues wherever he found himself in hostile territory. Douglas and Trumbull met in joint debate at Salem, September 26; and the two spoke on consecutive days at Chicago during the state fair. In general, however, Douglas tended to center his attention on Egypt where the party was solidly reorganized on Nebraska ground with old time whigs in the place of the few anti- Nebraska seceders. 43
Party organization in Illinois was still in a most chaotic condition when the time arrived to consider the coming presi- dential election. All democrats believed themselves the true
43 Chicago Weekly Democrat, October 6, 1855; Cairo City Times, October 24, 1855. A single outspoken Nebraskaite objector to Douglas leadership was found in the Shawneetown Southern Illinoisan, which declared that his visit had " not only evidenced the breach between himself and the people, but drawn upon him the bitter hatred of many who a short time ago numbered among his best friends." " What is Democracy?" it asked. Ottawa Weekly Repub- lican, November 3, 1855. "In Illinois it means just now, to hallo for Douglas -get in office, gain wealth by the dishonest means afforded by your official standing, and retire to some secluded spot and spend your remaining days in princely style, considering yourself one of the 'luck dogs' of the earth." Belle- ville Advocate, December 19, 1855.
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protectors of the principles of their party, although it was apparent that the Douglasites controlled the organization. There were anti-Nebraska whigs who had learned to cooperate with some of their former opponents in the fight on Douglas ; there were others who had entered the camp of the enemy believing that only in this way could they do effective battle for nationalism and conservatism ; there were " old-line " whigs, who clung dreamily to the conservative traditions of the party; but there was no longer a whig party in Illinois. Know noth- ings found themselves driftwood on a tide that, having carried them to the high water mark, was now rapidly receding; the expediency of working toward an old or, if possible, some safer new haven was obvious to them.
Many whigs, democrats, and know nothings would have been glad to welcome the republican party, which had swept all before it in the neighboring states of Michigan and Wis- consin. # They were convinced that henceforward there could be but one issue, that of slavery, and that there were to be but two national parties-the slavery restrictionists, or repub- licans, and the slavery extensionists, or democrats. When in February, 1856, the combined anti-Nebraska forces in con- gress succeeded in electing Nathaniel P. Banks speaker of the house of representatives, they hailed this first national " repub- lican" victory and summoned the republicans in their neigh- borhoods to celebrate it.15 Anti-Nebraska democrats generally rejoiced at Banks' election, but seldom looked upon it as a " democratic victory " as did Wentworth in his Chicago Demo- crat; many, however, as reluctant as he to part company with old associations, did share his hope of being able to convert the party to slavery restriction -a hope which they would never relinquish unless the national democratic convention should record itself in favor of the principle embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska law. This was the position of William H. Bissell, Gustave Koerner, Lyman Trumbull, and hundreds of other prominent anti-Nebraska democrats.46 But such anti-
44 These democrats felt that they had made "a happy escape from a den of thieves, drunkards, gamblers, and blackguards." George T. Allen to Trum- bull, January 19, 1856, Trumbull manuscripts.
45 Rockford Republican, February 13, 1856.
46 D. S. Phillips to Trumbull, January 15, 1856, Trumbull manuscripts.
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Nebraskaites as John Reynolds, John A. McClernand, and William H. Underwood were democrats first and last; they would never falter in their allegiance.
The persistence of party loyalty was a blow to the hopes of an effective state republican party. The party had its local and county organizations in the northern part of the state but lacked the aggressive support of just such democrats in central and eastern Illinois. It threw the burden of organization upon the whig elements with their reputation for lack of real organ- izing ability and energy. For this reason it was natural that when a caucus of anti-Nebraska men was held during the session of the supreme court at Springfield, it was decided under the leadership of Koerner and others that no separate anti- Nebraska organization or nominations should be attempted.47
Just at this time, the anti-Nebraska press of the state was agreeing upon a proposition of prime significance for the future of the antislavery extension group in Illinois. The Morgan Journal, edited by Paul Selby, a participant in the Springfield "republican" convention of October, 1854, suggested a meet- ing of the free state editors to consider "arrangements for the organization of the anti-Nebraska forces in the state for the coming contest." This move was seconded by the Win- chester Chronicle, edited by John Moses, and warmly sup- ported by William J. Usrey of the Decatur Illinois State Chronicle; Usrey suggested a meeting at Decatur on the twenty- second of February. The final call was signed by twenty-five of the leading anti-Nebraska journals; this did not include the Rockford Republican, although its editor had indorsed the proposition and appeared at Decatur in time for the open- ing meeting.48 A dozen arrived at the appointed time and a few others, delayed by a severe snow storm, participated in the later proceedings. The meeting was organized with Selby as chairman and Usrey as secretary. Abraham Lincoln came
47 Thomas Quick to Trumbull, January 24, 1856, ibid.
48 Rockford Republican, January 30, 1856; list in Selby, "The Editorial Convention, February 22, 1856," McLean County Historical Society, Transactions, 3 : 36 ; Selby, " The Editorial Convention of 1856," Illinois State Historical Society, Journal, 5: 343 ff. The Chicago Democrat and the Chicago Daily Democratic Press were the leading anti-Nebraska journals who ignored the call. The Chicago Weekly Democrat, March 22, declared it had approved the object but opposed the time.
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up from Springfield as the only outsider present and actively conferred with the committee on resolutions headed by Dr. Charles H. Ray of the Chicago Tribune. Lincoln and Ray framed resolutions which, though protesting against the repeal of the Missouri compromise and against the further extension of slavery, were designed to be truly national and conservative on the slavery question. George Schneider of the Illinois Staats-Zeitung insisted in behalf of his fellow countrymen upon a moderate anti-know nothing plank.49
The convention appointed a state central committee and recommended a state delegate convention at Bloomington on May 29. One of the two appointees to the central committee for the state-at-large was Lieutenant Governor Gustave Koer- ner. Koerner, reluctant to break with his old party associa- tions, declined to serve on the committee; he indorsed the principles adopted by the convention, however, and hinted that if they should be repudiated by the approaching state and national democratic conventions, he would feel free to act with another organization.50
Preparations followed rapidly for the state convention. The democratic victories in the March municipal elections in Chicago, Springfield, and other Illinois cities only spurred on the anti-Nebraskaites; by the end of April the tide was begin- ning to turn following the defeat of the erstwhile whig, Colonel Singleton, whom the democrats nominated for mayor of Quincy. Local anti-Nebraska and antislavery extension clubs were formed; county conventions followed, drawing together all the opposition odds and ends.51 In some instances they frankly adopted the republican label, although this aroused the protests of those who, wishing to stress the larger appeal, called attention to the fact that the word " republican " did not
49 The satisfactory character of the platform was obvious from its approval by the State Journal as " neither ' Know Nothing' nor 'Republican'" while the Rockford Republican in its turn declared: "There is not a plank in the plat- form but what is made of sound-live-oak Republican timber." Illinois State Journal, February 25, 1856; Rockford Republican, March 19, 1856.
50 Koerner to the editor of the Belleville Advocate, March 6, 1856, clipped in Quincy Whig, March 14, 1856; Koerner, Memoirs, 2:3-4. These were the sentiments of other anti-Nebraska democrats like John M. Palmer and John Wentworth. Chicago Weekly Democrat, March 22, 1856.
51 The Chicago Democrat and Chicago Daily Democratic Press gave the movement encouragement.
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appear in the calls of the state central committee. Leaders like William H. Herndon, George T. Brown of the Alton Courier, William H. Bissell, Orville H. Browning, in confer- ence with Senator Trumbull, sought to direct the movement and keep it in the control of moderate men and conservative influences. It was felt that even the leadership of the Decatur convention would kill the movement.52
At the appointed time, the anti-Nebraska delegates assem- bled at Bloomington. About 270 delegates, outnumbering the official apportionment of the central committee, responded to roll call, although about thirty southern counties were unrep- resented. "Old line Whigs, Jefferson and Jackson Democrats, Republicans, American and foreign born citizens, laying aside all past differences, united together there in one common brotherhood to war against the allied forces of nullification, disunion, slavery propagandism, ruffianism and gag law, which make up the present administration party of the country." 53 The democratic state convention had already taken place on the first day of the month and had adopted under Douglasite influences an aggressive Nebraska platform as a test of party orthodoxy ; it nominated for governor Douglas' aid-de-camp in the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act, his "man Friday," Colonel Richardson.5+ This was sufficiently decisive to absolve John M. Palmer and the more restive anti-Nebraska demo- crats from all party allegiance.
Judge Palmer accordingly presented himself at Bloom- ington as a delegate from Macoupin county. He arrived sufficiently early to participate with Lincoln, Washburne, and others in the speech-making on the night preceding the con- vention and made such a favorable impression that he was called to the chair by way of honor to the new accessions from the democracy. The convention adopted a platform of principles which closely followed the Decatur platform and made plans for a permanent organization.55 William H. Bis-
52 W. H. Bissell to Trumbull, May 5, 1856, O. H. Browning to Trumbull, May 19, 1856, Trumbull manuscripts.
53 Illinois State Journal, May 31, 1856.
54 Ibid., July 14, 1856; Chicago Daily Democratic Press, July 13, 1856.
55 Illinois State Journal, May 30, 1856; McLean County Historical Society, Transactions, 3: 148 ff.
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sell, the old democratic war horse of St. Clair county, was nominated for governor by acclamation, to head the state ticket. An electoral ticket with Lincoln and Friedrich Hecker for electors-at-large was adopted. Illinois republicanism had even a few months previously been strong enough to participate in the preliminary national convention of the republican forces at Pittsburg, February 22. Owen Lovejoy and J. C. Vaughan attended as representatives of the more radical elements in the state. That body had called a national nominating convention at Philadelphia in June, and selections were now made of delegates to represent Illinois. After the completion of busi- ness the convention listened to addresses by O. H. Browning, Owen Lovejoy, B. C. Cook, and Abraham Lincoln, who "made the speech of the occasion." 56 Huge ratification meetings at Chicago and Springfield suggested the enthusiasm with which the work of the convention was received.
Next came the national conventions. At Cincinnati on June 2 the democrats selected James Buchanan on a squatter sovereignty platform; although Douglas had allowed his name to be placed in the field and had received the support of Illinois and Indiana politicians,57 it was clear that the Kansas-Nebraska act had not advanced his availability. The republican national convention with a heavy Illinois representation met at Phila- delphia June 17 and nominated John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton as the antislavery extension candidates. The Ameri- cans or know nothings had already nominated Fillmore and Donelson, who were later indorsed by the remnants of whiggery.
The Philadelphia convention was in many ways a struggle between former democratic and whig elements for a leading place in the new republican party. The whigs put forward Judge McLean of Ohio, a free soil whig; while the democrats settled on Fremont, whom the Chicago Democrat had advo-
56 Chicago Daily Democratic Press, May 31, 1856. Herndon wrote later that he forged Lincoln's name to the document that got him to go to Bloom- ington. "Whiggery & Know Nothingism tried to hold him, but they couldn't," he wrote to Z. Eastman, February 6, 1866, Eastman manuscripts.
57 W. D. Latham to Lanphier, November 9, 1855, Lanphier manuscripts. Douglas' Chicago organ, the Times, decided in December not to advocate the claims of any candidate for the presidency. Cairo Weekly Times and Delta, December 19, 1855.
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cated for the democratic nomination as a " Union and constitu- tional candidate." But the news of the nomination of the conqueror of California, with a whig for the second place on the ticket, brought forth a general outburst of enthusiasm. " Fremont, the gallant, the indomitable, the hero of our west- ern wilds, his name is a household word throughout the Union, and his active sympathy with Freedom has endeared him to the heart of every free man," was the motto of welcome.58 Westerners forgot any disappointment they may have antici- pated in their enthusiasm over the republican declarations for river and harbor improvements, the great desideratum of the west; and for the Pacific railroad, the great national highway.
The camp of the enemy immediately sent up the cry that the "black republicans " were a sectional party; if democratic "dough-faces" were trucklers to the slave power, then the "kinky-heads " were converts to rank abolitionism! Develop- ments conspired to destroy the force of that charge; early Illinois republicanism had been repudiated because dominated by old-line abolitionists; the latter now in turn rejected the new brand because it would not measure up to their standard. The ultra abolitionists assembled in state convention at Joliet on July 31 and August I to nominate an electoral ticket to support Gerrit Smith.59 This in effect stripped the republican party in Illinois of the stigma of abolition fanaticism.
Soon a spirited canvass was under way, with Illinois as one of the chief battle-grounds of the campaign. Here Douglas, reenforced by Horatio Seymour and John Van Buren of New York, Governor Henry A. Wise of Virginia, and Lewis Cass of Michigan broke lances in the ancient stronghold of " dough- face " democracy with John P. Hale, the veteran abolitionist leader, Nathaniel P. Banks and Anson Burlingame of Massa- chusetts, Francis P. Blair, of Missouri, and Governor Charles Robinson of Kansas. The main work for the republicans, however, was done by local talent and it was of a high order. Trumbull and Lincoln, Koerner and Bissell, Owen Lovejoy
58 Browning to Trumbull, May 14, 1856, Trumbull manuscripts; Chicago Weekly Democrat, February 8, 1856; Rock River Democrat, June 24, 1856.
59 Ottawa Weekly Republican, July 26, 1856; Illinois State Journal, August 7, 1856.
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