USA > Illinois > The era of the Civil War, 1848-1870 > Part 16
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12 Aurora Beacon, April 1, 1858; O. M. Hatch to Trumbull, January 14, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts.
13 They were ready, however, to welcome him as a full-blooded republican if he could quietly content himself with a back seat. This most republicans did not expect, although the Chicago Democrat, March 9, 1858, forecast Douglas' conversion to republicanism to the extent of withdrawing from the senatorial race in favor of Lincoln. It was proposed also that Douglas might be run as the republican candidate for congress from the Chicago district. Ebenezer Peck to Trumbull, April 15, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts.
14 In December 54 papers were anti-Lecompton; the Joliet Signal, whose editor was the local postmaster, sustained the Lecompton constitution, the Menard Index was willing to acquiesce in it.
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A meeting of the Chicago democracy followed by a significant demonstration at Springfield on January 13, 1858, indorsed the anti-Lecompton position taken by Douglas in the senate.15 Similar meetings and formal conventions were held in nearly all the counties, all of which adopted resolutions disapproving the policy of admitting Kansas under the Lecompton con- stitution.
The republicans seeking merely to apply the principle "divide and conquer," had aided inadvertently in this transfer of allegiance. They had found it necessary to admit that re- gardless of Douglas' motives, his present position placed him on the side of right; admiration of the man even prepared the minds of many for support of his political aspirations. The evidence of republican conversions forced the leaders to a reconsideration of their recent policy. They now returned to their original position and directed energy toward creating a real split. "We want to make it wider and deeper-hotter and more impassable," wrote W. H. Herndon. "Political hatred - deep seated opposition is what is so much desired." 16
This policy required the discovery of a Buchanan or na- tional democratic faction and its development into an effective organization. A nucleus for it could be found in the appointees of President Buchanan, all of whom had been active democratic politicians. It was obvious that the rebel Douglas would no longer be the dispenser of the administration patronage in the state; rumors began to circulate, moreover, that the political guillotine would shortly be set to work in earnest to lop off the heads of anti-Lecompton postmasters. Postmaster Price of Chicago was the first victim; others in fear and trembling awaited their turn. Republican leaders and journals labored industriously to bring democratic officeholders to a realization of the danger and office seekers to a sense of the rewards available for loyal administration men.17
Since the regular democratic journals were engaged in
15 Illinois State Register, January 14, 1858; Ottarca Free Trader, January 2, 1858.
16 Herndon to Trumbull, February 19, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts.
17 Rock River Democrat, February 16, 1858; Rockford Republican, Febru- ary 25, 1858; Chicago Democrat, March 15, 1858; Chicago Daily Democratic Press, February 19, 1858.
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Douglas propaganda, the building up of an administration democratic press was essential to aggressive organization work. Federal officeholders were recruited as publishers and editors; during the spring the Chicago National Union, later replaced by the Chicago Herald, the Illinois State Democrat at Spring- field, and several other Buchanan organs, entered the field. Before long a real administration party arose to dispute Douglas' triumph.18
The leading republican journals, finding that a portion of their own party press had been led to espouse the cause of Douglas, next labored to show that there was no more reason for supporting Douglas than for supporting the administra- tion. The republican party has its distinct principles, they ar- gued; to these principles Douglas is as much opposed as is President Buchanan; the only point of policy held in common by Douglas' friends and the republicans is opposition to the attempted fraud in Kansas. Even on that point Douglas, in contrast to republican adherence to principle, is influenced by selfish motives ; his aim is to gratify his pique against Buchanan and to forward his own ambitions. 19
To the dismay and embarrassment of republican leaders in Illinois the eastern spokesmen of the party seemed to have been taken in by Douglas' strategy. At the very opening of congress eastern republican members had entered into confer- ence with Senator Douglas; he was given to understand that they would back him not only in his fight with Buchanan but even in his campaign for reelection. Next, Horace Greeley, the editor of the New York Tribune, went to Washington to consult with Douglas. Shortly afterwards the Tribune, filled with eulogies of the "little giant," intimated that republican support of his senatorial candidacy was merely the prelimi- nary step to Douglas' gradual identification with the republican party. Other eastern republican journals took up the idea, including even the National Era, the old free soil organ at
18 Chicago Democrat, March 6, 1858; Chicago Daily Democratic Press, February 9, 11, 13, 1858; E. L. Baker to Trumbull, May 1, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts.
19 Urbana Union, February 25, March 25, 1858; Chicago Democrat, April 15, 1858; Rockford Republican, April 1, 1858; Rock River Democrat, January 5, 1858.
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Washington. In view of the influence wielded by these papers in the state of Illinois, their position caused republican poli- ticians grave concern.20
Elihu B. Washburne, congressman from the Galena dis- trict, was sent to Springfield as a messenger from Greeley to propose that Lincoln be dropped in Douglas' favor.21 Then came from Washington a proposition which was confidentially placed before leading republicans by Sheahan of the Chicago Daily Times, that in order to defeat the Lecompton legisla- tive candidates in the doubtful districts, Douglas and the re- publicans should cooperate to elect the anti-Lecompton demo- cratic congressmen, in return for which Douglas would retire in favor of the republican candidate for senator. Although this proposition was seriously considered by party leaders in Chicago and Springfield, it was finally agreed to call a state convention to reject the proposed bargain and to fight out those matters squarely with Douglas.22
The Douglas forces had been successful in setting the early date of April 21 for the democratic state convention at Spring- field; though both factions busied themselves with the selec- tion of delegates of the right stripe, everywhere the Douglas group succeeded in controlling the regular party organizations. In some places the only Buchanan democrat was the local post- master, though in other regions, especially in Egypt, the " simon pure " Buchanan democrats did show some strength and activ- ity. Challenging the regularity of the Douglas men, they undertook to read them out of the party and prepared to get up conventions of their own. An organization was established in Chicago, where the Irish led by Owen McCarthy and Philip Conley, inclined to stand by the administration; and meetings were held at Aurora, Springfield, and at various other places.23
20 Chicago Tribune clipped in Ottawa Weekly Republican, April 24, 1858. Thurlow Weed and William H. Seward were apparently party to these nego- tiations, while Henry Wilson and N. P. Banks of Massachusetts approved the indorsement of Douglas. N. B. Judd to Trumbull, March 7, 1858, C. H. Ray to Trumbull, March 9, 1858, John O. Johnson to Trumbull, May 11, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts; Tracy, Uncollected Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 83-84. 21 McLean County Historical Society, Transactions, 3 : 123.
22 J. K. Dubois to Trumbull, March 22, April 8, 1858, A. Jonas to Trumbull, April 11, 1858, Herndon to Trumbull, April 12, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts.
23 Chicago Democrat, March 6, 1858; Chicago Daily Democratic Press, March 11, 29, 30, 1858.
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The Douglasites appeared at Springfield in full strength. An aggressive anti-Lecompton platform was adopted, unani- mously approving the principle of the Cincinnati convention of 1856 as applied by Senator Douglas ; and his recent course was given a hearty indorsement. The convention decided, however, not to antagonize the Buchanan men by taking an emphatic stand against the administration. Even a resolution mildly censuring Buchanan for turning Douglas men out of office for opinion's sake was voted down. Besides the all- important nomination for senator, the convention named Wil- liam B. Fondey as candidate for state treasurer and ex-Gov- ernor Augustus C. French as candidate for superintendent of public instruction.24
The national democrats had failed in their original scheme to send duplicate delegations to the convention to obstruct the work of the Douglasites. A squad of forty or fifty delegates was recruited, representing the formal organizations of five counties and informal representatives of twenty-three others; they were led by Isaac Cook, the postmaster of Chicago, who appealed to some with threats of removal from office and to others with promises of places. Since a preliminary caucus showed that they were hopelessly outnumbered, they presented no credentials to the convention, but assembled in a meeting of their own. A separate party organization was effected; after passing resolutions strongly indorsing the administra- tion, they agreed to postpone the nomination of candidates until the meeting of a state convention on the eighth of June. This nominating convention of about two hundred delegates from thirty or more counties discussed Sidney M. Breese as a candidate for the senatorship, but took no formal action; they did put up John Dougherty for treasurer and the "old ranger," John Reynolds, for school superintendent.25 Strangely enough on the point of principle both of these candidates had been anti-Nebraska men only four years before.
The indorsement of the traditional democratic faith by the Douglas convention made the duty of the republicans of 24 Illinois State Register, April 22, 1858; Illinois State Journal, April 28, 1858.
25 Illinois State Register, June 10, 1858; Illinois State Journal, June 9, 16, 1858.
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Illinois exceedingly plain. On the night of the convention about thirty prominent republicans held a caucus which expressed a firm conviction that they were relieved of every obligation to Douglas and ought to have nothing to do with him. In an atmosphere of harmony and brotherly love the mutual sus- picion of ex-whigs and of ex-democrats was allayed, while both elements acknowledged the moral obligation to support Lin- coln in return for his withdrawal in 1855 in favor of Trumbull.26
The call for a republican state convention which followed the next day met an immediate and enthusiastic response. County conventions, after denouncing the treatment applied to Kansas often expressed a sense of gratitude to Douglas as well as to the republican congressman for their opposition to the Lecompton proposition; this was usually followed, how- ever, by an announcement that Abraham Lincoln was the party's choice for United States senator. Ninety-five county meetings had given such an indorsement to Lincoln.27 On June 16 there gathered at Springfield one of the largest delegate conventions ever witnessed in the state: one thousand five hundred delegates were said to be on the ground, all full of "electric fire." They adopted a platform of principles breath- ing a broad, liberal nationalism; it was based on the doctrine that free labor is the only true support of republican institu- tions. Exception was taken to the policies of the administration and to the Dred Scott decision.28 A state ticket with James Miller for treasurer and Newton Bateman for superintendent of public instruction was selected. A resolution indorsing Abraham Lincoln as the first and only choice of the republicans of Illinois for the United States senate was greeted with shouts of applause and unanimously adopted.
Lincoln's nomination was so much a matter of course that he was prepared for the invitation which followed to address
26 George T. Brown to Trumbull, April 25, 1858, E. L. Baker to Trumbull, May 1, 1858, Herndon to Trumbull, April 24, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts. 27 Rockford Republican, June 17, 1858.
28 Herndon to Trumbull, June 24, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts; Tracy, Uncollected Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 87-88. Support was promised to homestead legislation, to river and harbor improvement, and to a Pacific railroad by a central route. Illinois State Journal, June 23, 1858; Alton Courier, June 18, 1858.
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the convention in an adjourned session in the evening. In a carefully prepared speech delivered without manuscript or notes, he laid before the assembled delegates a prophecy of grave moral and political import-a forecast of the logical result toward which events were hurrying the nation. "'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe that this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved- I do not expect the house to fall -but I do expect it will cease to be divided." 29
Was that undivided house to be all slave? The recent action of the supreme court in the case of Dred Scott was but one fragment of a mountain of evidence which revealed a de- sign to make slavery national. "Put this and that together," he reasoned, " and we have another nice little niche, which we may ere long see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude slavery from its limits.
We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Mis- souri are on the verge of making their State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave state." In the face of this danger many had turned expectantly to the leadership of Douglas ; but could he lead a real opposition to the advance of slavery, he who did not care " whether slavery was voted down or voted up?" That danger must be met by those who in their hearts did care for the result.
The senatorial canvass offered the republican party of Illinois an opportunity in the very crisis of its existence to establish itself politically in the state. Its weakness in 1856 had been concealed by the personal popularity of its gubernatorial candidate. Now with the discords of the opposition and with the feverish excitement that prevailed, it was hoped that Lin- coln could snatch a real victory and terminate democratic control. The contest also promised to serve as a test of what the future had in store for the clever Springfield lawyer-poli- tician whom political fortune had treated for twenty years with
20 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, 1: 240 ff .; Lincoln-Douglas Debates, I; Sturtevant, Autobiography, 291.
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all the fickleness of a courtesan. The senatorship was the prize which had dropped from his grasp in 1855 and which now promised to make or ruin his political career.
Douglas' followers accepted Lincoln's nomination as a chal- lenge which made the issue of the campaign the question of Lincoln's or Douglas' election. The Buchanan movement they sought to ignore as of little importance though policy sug- gested that the administration democrats be pacified, since party differences over Kansas were held to be no longer important.30 The "national " democratic leaders, however, spurned all ad- vances. They reminded each other of the epithets applied to them; they had been branded as hired minions, corruption- ists, as "Buchaneers," the " Buzzardi and Lazzaroni;" Doug- las himself had nicknamed them "Danites," whereas "stink fingers " was the coarse epithet applied to them by some Doug- lasites. All these terms rankled in their breasts. "We will not be insulted by them one minute and then embrace them the next;" said their organs, "they want to come into the Demo- cratic party to enjoy those spoils they have been so much dis- gusted at lately. The arrant political traitors who sought to betray the Democracy must either go over to the Republicans, organize their new party, or retire to private life." 31 Let the bolters drop Douglas, and they would unite on any reliable democrat. Inasmuch as the Douglasites exhib- ited no willingness to accept this test, the " Buchaneers " brought out their own candidate for the United States senate; Judge Sidney Breese was carefully groomed by his followers in south- ern Illinois who claimed that Egypt was entitled to the next United States senator. Though Douglasites sought to induce Breese to leave the field, rumors of his withdrawal were author- itatively dispelled by him in a carefully prepared announce- ment.32 Breese's aspirations were encouraged by the national
30 The English bill had been passed allowing that territory a vote on the Lecompton constitution in full, with the offer of 500,000 acres of land in the event of favorable action. Douglas and the Illinois house delegation had voted with the republicans against the English bill as failing to provide open, free, and fair submission, but upon its passage the Douglasites acquiesced in the measure. Most Illinois democrats had preceded them in hurrying this issue.
31 Chicago National Union clipped in Illinois State Journal, May 19, 1858.
32 Belleville Star of Egypt clipped in ibid., July 21, 1858 ; Breese to Reverend
W. F. Boyakin, September 7, 1858, Belleville Advocate, September 15, 1858.
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administration at Washington, which continued to use its con- trol over the public patronage in Illinois to maintain the Buchanan organization.
Republicans for a time concentrated their efforts on main- taining the democratic split. The puny " national " organiza- tion still required attention; it was considered good policy to nurse the infant until it became strong enough to stand up and fight not only the Douglasites but even the republicans, since the latter could in any event easily knock it down. Separate democratic tickets would mean easy republican victory; the hopes of the Lincolnites fed upon the bitterness toward Doug- las of prominent Buchanan men. Dr. Charles Leib of Chicago and even Colonel Dougherty lent aid and comfort in this direc- tion by their assurances to both Senator Trumbull and Lincoln that the national democracy would without fail remain in the field with separate candidates in every county and congressional district.33
At the same time certain radical " black republicans " found indorsement of Douglas to be a valuable expedient to prevent the Buchanan men from harmonizing with the Douglas wing. M. W. Delahay, an Alton radical who bitterly hated Douglas, went on the stump for the "little giant" with the understand- ing of Lincoln and the republicans; he remained in the field until the Buchanan convention nominated its state ticket; then, according to arrangement, he came out for Lincoln. 34
In playing policy to both democratic wings the republicans incurred the danger of overshooting the mark. Their interest in the " Buchaneers" was so marked as to make it necessary to deny charges of an alliance between the two groups, while their Douglas-espousing tactics actually encouraged lukewarm party men of democratic antecedents to break for Douglas. Old-line whigs, whose political connections for the past four years had been very uncertain, were already prone to choose moderate antislavery ground over "negro-equality republican- ism," and welcomed such an opening, especially in view of recommendations in favor of Douglas coming from outside
33 Joseph Medill to Trumbull, April 22, 1858, Herndon to Trumbull, July 8, 1858, Charles Leib to Trumbull, July 20, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts.
34 M. W. Delahay to Trumbull, November 28, 1857, May 22, 1858, ibid.
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republicans.35 These developments forced republican leaders to change their tactics; they decided to concentrate their oppo- sition on "the little dodger" as the real enemy to be met squarely and in the open. This was exactly to Douglas' liking; for the three-cornered fight practically ended with Douglas' return to Illinois to open his active canvass.
On learning of Lincoln's nomination, Douglas acknowl- edged the worth of his opponent by declaring: "I shall have my hands full. He is the strong man of his party -full of wit, facts, dates, and the best stump-speaker, with his droll ways and dry jokes, in the West. He is as honest as he is shrewd; and if I beat him, my victory will be hardly won." 36 With this compliment, Douglas buckled on his armor for mortal combat in the political arena. On July 9, just after the adjournment of congress, he arrived in Chicago. Enthu- siastic supporters had met him in Michigan City to conduct him by special train to the splendid celebration of his home- coming. Chicago was in gala attire; cannon boomed, ban- ners waved, and fireworks flashed, until the crowd- some said forty or fifty thousand people-was delivered over to the eloquence of the fiery senator, speaking from the balcony of the Tremont House. 37
Realizing that his rival, Lincoln, was an attentive listener within the hotel, the senator threw all his energies into his oratory. He pointed to the increased favor of his popular sovereignty principle, complimented the support that repub- lican members of congress had yielded to that doctrine in the recent anti-Lecompton fight, and concluded with the assertion that he was the only rightful champion of the principle of local self-government as applied to slavery. Taking up Lincoln's house-divided speech he sought to make his rival the spokes- man of a sectional abolition republicanism. He challenged Lincoln's plan to array section against section, to incite a war of extermination; he himself was not anxious for uniformity
35 Tracy, Uncollected Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 87; Chicago Democrat, March 11, 1858; Illinois State Register, April 24, 1858; N. B. Judd to Trum- bull, July 16, 1858, Trumbull manuscripts.
36 Forney, Anecdotes of Public Men, 2 : 179.
37 Opposition journals claimed that the money for the expenses - $1,281 - had been advanced to Douglas himself. Chicago Press and Tribune, July 10, 1858.
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in local institutions - differences in soil, in products, and in interests required different domestic regulations in each locality. As to the rights of the Negro, in a government " made by the white man, for the benefit of the white man, to be administered by white men," anyone of inferior race should be allowed only such rights, privileges, and immunities as each state should judge consistent with the safety of society.
Lincoln replied from the same rostrum on the next evening, after a series of demonstrations in imitation of the Douglas celebration. He challenged Douglas' attempt to transfigure himself with the mantle of popular sovereignty by showing that any distinctive popular sovereignty doctrine had fallen before the assaults of the supreme court and that no one had ever disputed the right of the people to frame a constitution. Placed upon the defensive by Douglas' assaults of the previous evening, he undertook to explain his house-divided proposition as an experiment in the realm of prophecy and not as a program for practical political endeavor. "I did not even say that I desired that slavery should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I do say so now, however." 38
After a week's rest Douglas started for the capital by way of Bloomington. There on July 16 he again attacked Lincoln's arguments to show that they were not worthy of the support of moderate men. Whigs and Americans, even honorable republicans, had found the true issue in the anti-Lecompton fight, while republican politicians, in order to defeat him, had formed an alliance with Lecompton men and betrayed the cause. Lincoln was present in the audience and when Douglas had concluded loud calls were made for a reply from him. Lincoln was induced to come upon the stand, from which he explained, after three rousing cheers, that as the meeting had been called by the friends of Douglas it would be improper for him to address it. He found his opportunity on the next day at Springfield when he replied to Douglas in what proved to be the most "taking" speech of the first part of his campaign.39
In all these preliminaries Lincoln was campaigning at a
38 Writings of Lincoln, 3:49; Lincoln-Douglas Debates, 18; Tracy, Uncol- lected Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 86-87.
39 Ibid., 92-93 ; Writings of Lincoln, 3: 67 ff.
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distinct disadvantage. The democratic machinery gave Doug- las' movements the atmosphere on a triumphal march: a train dedicated to the "champion of popular sovereignty" moved into a station heralding his arrival with the booming of a twelve-pounder mounted on a platform car, then came the flourish of trumpets, the roar of salutes, the music of bands, the parade formed with waving banners, until the festive crowd, forgetting the heat and dust of prairie midsummer, moved to the speech-making. This was good democratic enthu- siasm. The republicans, with their more limited campaign funds and with too much of the lethargic whig spirit in their ranks, at best could only try their hand at imitation. Lincoln, trailing into town on the heels of Douglas, was lost in the immense audience that assembled to hear the "little giant" - an audience composed not only of loyal democrats but also of republicans, whigs, and know nothings drawn by the fame of the anti-Lecompton hero. Douglas usually succeeded in placing his rival on the defensive; seldom did he leave an opening which made possible an effective comeback. Lincoln's only chance came when, after the large holiday crowd had dispersed, the faithful of the faith rallied a handful of the populace to attend the lanky Springfield lawyer.
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