USA > Kentucky > The history of Kentucky, from its earliest discovery and settlement, to the present date, V. 2 > Part 2
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The testimony in regard to Judge Sebastian, having fixed on him the charges of bribery and foreign pension, though confined to him alone, and though the offer of two hundred thousand dollars had been rejected by his high-minded associates. Innes and Nicholas, yet it fastened an imputation upon the latter gentleman, which in this instance he did not deserve, and which distressed him through the remainder of his life. Thus sensitive was this venerable man to even the appearance of a blemish on his character.
t Butler, p. 320.
432
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
The memory of Innes and Nicholas is free from all suspicion of being tainted with foreign money; and it is only fair to let these distinguished and faithful public men speak for themselves:
"The reasons," says Judge Innes, "why myself and Colonel Nicholas did not communicate the subject to the executive of the United States were these: First, it was known that neither of us approved of Mr. Adams' ad- ministration, and that we believed he kept a watchful eye over our action; that the communication must depend upon his opinion of our veracity, and it would have the appearance of courting his favor ; secondly, that we both had reason and did believe that the then administration were disposed, upon the slightest pretext, to send an army to this State, which we considered would be a grievance upon the people, and therefore declined making any communication on the subject, as we apprehended no danger from the Spanish Government." 1
It becomes here the imperative duty of the historian to turn back for almost a quarter of a century, to the period when these foreign intrigues began first to agitate the sentiment of Kentucky, and to review them from an entirely different standpoint. So far, the testimonies introduced as to the proceedings and parties implicated have been such as appeared from time to time in the discussions and investigations within our own State, where there could be no official records and proofs to remove the veil of mystery which so long hung over this romantic episode of history. Such official records were, of course, only in existence with the foreign authorities with whom the conspirators in Kentucky held communication. These records are on file mainly in the archives of Spain, at Madrid, and have become to us a revelation that clears up all mystery and doubt as to the formidable significance of the intrigues by which it was sought to sever the Union, by the divide of the Alleghany range.
Of the correspondence and papers between Wilkinson and his associates. and the Spanish authorities at New Orleans, Gayarre says, in his "History of Louisiana under the Spanish Domination," that " Most of these dis- patches, if not all, were originally in cipher; they are to be found at length, and in Spanish, in the archives of Spain. Copies made in compliance with a resolution of the Legislature of the State of Louisiana, under the super- vision of M. de Gayangos, a gentleman distinguished for his learning and literary works, and also under the direction of his excellency, Romulus Saunders, who was then the United States minister at Madrid, are depos- ited in the office of the secretary of state at Baton Rouge." Gayarre has most liberally quoted these documents from the latter official file, and pre- sents to us, upon the pages of his history, an intensely-interesting account of the intrigues, from their inception to the end.
In the letter of the Sth of January, 1788, from Miro, Intendant of the province of Louisiana, to Valdes, secretary of state for the Indies, at Mad-
I Journal of 1806-7.
433
WILKINSON'S LETTER.
rid, his understanding of the relations of General Wilkinson are expressed in the following extracts : "The delivering up of Kentucky unto his maj- esty's hands, which is the main object to which Wilkinson has promised to devote himself entirely, would forever constitute this province a rampart for the protection of New Spain. The Western people would no longer have any inducement to emigrate, if they were put in possession of a free trade with us. This is the reason why this privilege should be granted to only a few individuals having influence among them, as is suggested in Wilkinson's memorial ; because seeing the advantages bestowed on a few individuals, they might be easily persuaded to acquire the like, by becoming Spanish subjects."
On the 11th of April, 1788, Miro and Navarro, in a joint dispatch, in- formed the Spanish cabinet that they had received a communication from Wilkinson, in cipher, from which the following is quoted : 1 " I have col- lected much European and American news, and have made various obser- vations for our political designs. It would take a volume to contain all I have to communicate to you; but I dispatch this letter with such haste, and its fate is so uncertain, that I hope you will excuse me for not saying more until the arrival of my boats; and in the meantime I hope you will content yourself with this assurance. All my predictions are verifying themselves, and not a measure is taken on both sides of the mountains which does not conspire to favor ours."
In the archives is a letter of Wilkinson's, written from Kentucky, to Miro and Navarro, of date May 15th, from which we quote: "My dear and venerable Sirs : I have for the second time the pleasure of addressing you, and I flatter myself that some time ago you received my first, which I sent by express in a pirogue with two oarsmen, and the answer to which I am continually expecting. Major Isaac Dunn, the bearer of this dispatch, and an old military companion of mine, came to settle in these parts during my absence. Permit me to recommend him as one worthy of your entire con- fidence, and as a safe and sagacious man, acquainted with the political state of the American Union, and with the circumstances of this section of the country. On the Ist of January next, 1789, by mutual consent, this district will cease to be subjected to the jurisdiction of Virginia. A convention has been called already to form the constitution of this section of the country, and I am persuaded that no action on the part of Congress will ever induce this people to abandon the plan which they have adopted, although I have intelligence that Congress will, without doubt, recognize us as a sovereign State.
"The convention of which I have spoken will meet in July. I will. in the meantime, inquire into the prevailing opinions, and shall be able to as- certain the sentiments of the members elected. When this is done, after having previously come to an understanding with two or three individuals
t Gayarre's History, p. 206
28
434 .
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
capable of assisting me, I shall disclose so much of our great scheme as may appear opportune, according to circumstances, and I have no doubt but that it will meet with a favorable reception, because, although I have been com- municative with no more than two individuals, I have sounded many, and wherever it has seemed expedient to me to make known my answer to your memorial, it has caused the keenest satisfaction. Colonel Alexander Scott Bullitt and Harry Innes, our attorney-general, are the only individuals to whom I have entrusted our views, and, in case of any mishap befalling me before their accomplishment, you may, in perfect security, address your- selves to these gentlemen, whose political designs entirely agree with yours. Thus, as soon as the new government shall be organized and adopted by the people, they will proceed to elect a governor, members of the Legislature, and other officers, and I doubt not they will name a political agent with power to treat of the affair with which we are engaged, and I think this will all be done by the month of March next.
"I do not anticipate any obstacle from Congress, because, under the present Federal compact, that body can neither dispose of men nor money, and the new government, should it establish itself, will have to encounter difficulties which will keep it weak for three or four years, before the expira- tion of which I have good grounds to hope that we shall have completed our negotiations, and shall have become too strong to be subjected by any force that may be sent against us. The only fears I have proceed from the policy which may prevail in your court. I am afraid of a change in the present ministry, and in the administration of Louisiana."
1 The impressions made on the mind of Miro by these dispatches are set forth in the following observations, which he forwarded to the cabinet at Madrid, along with the letter of Wilkinson: "The flat-boats of Brigadier- General Wilkinson have just arrived with a cargo that cost seven thousand dollars in Kentucky, under the care of Major Dunn, who has delivered me the letter of which I forward a translation. It will make you acquainted with the State in which is the principal affair mentioned in my confidential dispatch, No. 13. This major confirms all Wilkinson's assertions, and gives it out as certain that next year, after the meeting of the first assemblies in which Kentucky will act as an independent State, she will separate entirely from the Federal Union. He further declares that he has come to this con- clusion from having heard it expressed in various conversations among the most distinguished citizens of the State; that the direction of the current of the rivers which run in front of their dwellings points clearly to the power with which they ought to ally themselves. The said brigadier-general, in a private letter addressed to me, adds that he flatters himself with the pros- pect of being the delegate of his State to present to me the propositions which will be offered by his countrymen, and that he hopes to embrace me in April next.
I Gayarre's History, p. 211.
435
NAVARRO'S REPRESENTATIONS.
"Although his candor and the information I have sought from many who have known him well seem to assure us that he is working in good earnest, yet I am aware that his intention may be to enrich himself at our expense by inflating us with hopes and promises which he knows to be vain. Never- theless, I have determined to humor him on this occasion. As you have seen, Wilkinson had promised a volume of information when his flat-boats should come down. He has kept his word, and transmitted me various newspapers containing articles on the Mississippi, and a paper of his own, full of reflections on the new Federal Government, the establishments on the Ohio, and the navigation of the Mississippi."
1 Navarro, an able and gifted statesman, had preceded Miro as intendant of Louisiana. On retiring to return to Spain, in a last dispatch to Madrid, to be submitted as a memorial to the king, he seeks to portray, in strong colors, the situation in the province over which he had charge, and at the request of the minister of the department for the Indies. He represented that Spain must apprehend imminent danger from the thirteen American colonies which had recently become free and independent and had assumed rank among the nations of the earth, under the appellation of the United States of America. He dwelt with marked emphasis on the ambition and thirst of conquest which his keen eye could detect in the breast of the new- born giant, who, as he predicted with prophetic accuracy, would not rest satisfied until he had stretched his domains across the continent and bathed his vigorous young limbs in the placid waves of the Pacific. This ominous and dreaded event was only to be prevented by severing the Atlantic States from the boundless West, where so much power was only slumbering in the lap of the wilderness. To do this, Spain must grant every sort of commer- cial privileges to the masses in the Western region, and shower pensions and honors on their leaders. This memorial produced a powerful impression at Madrid, and confirmed the Government of Spain in the policy already begun.
2 On the 3d of November, 1788, Miro wrote to Minister Valdes, at Madrid, as follows: "This affair proceeds more rapidly than I had pre- sumed, and some considerable impetus is given to it by the answer of Con- gress to the application of Kentucky to be admitted into the Union as an independent State. That answer is, that the new Federal Government which is soon to go into operation will take their wishes into consideration, and will act thereon." This information Don Diego Gardoqui must have communicated, but he did not what follows :
"Oliver Pollock, a citizen of Philadelphia, who arrived here three days ago, in a vessel from Martinique, has declared to me that Brown, a member of Congress, who is a man of property in Kentucky, told him in confidence that, in the debates of that body on the question of the independence of that Territory, he saw clearly the intention of his colleagues was, that Ken-
I Gayarre's History, p. 217.
2 Copy of Archives, filed at Baton Rouge.
436
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
tucky should remain under the jurisdiction of Congress, like the county of Illinois, and that a governor should be appointed by them for that province as for the other, but that, as this was opposed to the welfare of the inhab- itants of Kentucky, he was determined to return home (which he did before Pollock's departure from Philadelphia), and, on his arrival, to call for a general assembly of his fellow-citizens, in order to proceed immediately to declare themselves independent. and to propose to Spain the opening of a commercial intercourse with reciprocal advantages; and that, to accomplish this object, he would send to Pollock the necessary documents, to be laid before me, and to be forwarded to your excellency. He requested Pollock to prepare me for it in anticipation.
" Your excellency will therefore rest assured that Brown, on his arrival in Kentucky, finding Wilkinson and his associates disposed to surrender themselves up to Spain, or at least to put themselves under her protection, will easily join them, and it is probable, as Wilkinson has already foretold it. that, next spring, I shall have to receive here a deputation appointed in due form.
" I acted toward Pollock with a great deal of caution, and answered him as one to whom had been communicated some new and unlooked-for infor- mation, giving him to understand that I could not pledge to him my support before seeing the documents which he expected."
1 On the 12th of February, 1789, Wilkinson again wrote at length to Gov- ernor Miro, asserting that he had, at that time, disclosed himself fully only to Innes and Colonel Bullitt; and having since made a stricter inquiry, dis- covered that the proposed new government of the United States had inspired some with apprehension, and others with hope, in which he foresaw some probable cause of opposition and delay. All idea of Kentucky subjecting herself to Spain must be abandoned for the present; the only feasible plan now was to effect a separation from the Union, and an alliance with Spain on terms to be negotiated. He had brought this question of separation be- fore the people with earnestness and adroitness, speaking of it in general terms as having been recommended by eminent politicians of the Atlantic coast, with whom he had conversed on the affair; and thus, by indirect sug- gestions and arguments, he had inspired the people with his own views. without urging them as original with him. He found all the men of the first class of society in the district, with the exception of Marshall and Muter, decidedly in favor of separation, and afterward for an alliance with Spain. At first, these two objectors had expressed the same sentiments for separation, but their feelings had taken a different direction, from private motives of interest and from personal pique. He then determined to bring the question into the convention. From the same letter we quote :
" I was then occupied until the 28th of July, on which day our conven- tion met at Danville, in conformity with the ordinance you saw in the Gazette
I Copy Spanish Archives, Baton Rouge.
437
IN A STATE OF INDECISION.
which I sent you by Major Dunn. The Hon. Samuel McDowell, president of the convention, had the day before received a package from the secretary of Congress, containing an account of the proceedings of that body on the subject, which excited our solicitude-that is, our intended separation from the State of Virginia.
" You will remember that, in my memorial, I was of opinion that the Atlantic States would not consent to the admission of this district into the Union, as an independent State, but, on my return from New Orleans, I was induced to alter my opinion, from the information which I received through persons of the highest authority, and under that new impression, I wrote you by Major Dunn. Thus we were not prepared for an unexpected event, of which we could have received no premonition. You will at first sight discover, on perusing the aforesaid paper No. 1, that this act of Con- gress was passed with the intention to gain time, amuse and deceive the people of this district, and make them believe that they could rely on the good dispositions of the Atlantic States, until the formation of the new gov- ernment, when our opponents flatter themselves that it will be able to check our designs. Unfortunately, this artifice produced but too much effect on the members of this convention, and confirmed the apprehensions of others.
"From this proceeding of Congress, it resulted that the convention was of opinion that our proposed independence and separation from Virginia not being ratified, its mission and powers were at end, and we found our- selves in the alternative either of proceeding to declare our independence, or of waiting according to the recommendation of Congress. This was the state of affairs, when the Hon. Caleb Wallace, one of our supreme judges, the attorney-general, Innes, and Benjamin Sebastian, proposed a prompt separation from the American Union, and advocated with intrepidity the necessity of the measure. The artifice of Congress was exposed, its proceed- ings reprobated, the consequences of depending on a body whose interests were opposed to ours were depicted in the most vivid colors, and the strongest motives were set forth to justify the separation.
"Nevertheless, sir, when the question was finally taken, fear and folly prevailed against reason and judgment. It was thought safer and more convenient to adhere to the recommendation of Congress, and, in conse- quence, it was decided that the people be advised to elect a new convention, which should meet in the month of November, in conformity with the ordi- nance which you will find in the Gazette, No. 2.
"Some of my friends urged me to avail myself of this opportunity to revive the great question, but I thought it more judicious to indulge those who, for the moment, wish only that a new application be made for the independence and separation of Kentucky from Virginia, and that a memo- rial be made to Congress on the necessity of obtaining the free use of the navigation of the Mississippi. I assented to these last propositions the more
438
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
readily that it was unanimously resolved that, should any of them be rejected. then the people would be invited to adopt all the measures necessary to secure for themselves a separate government from that of the United States, because it would have become evident that Congress had neither the will nor the power to satisfy their hopes. I determined, therefore, to wait for the effects which will result from the disappointment of those hopes, and on which I rely to unite the country into one opinion. This is the basis on which the great question now rests, and the convention has adjourned to the next month.
"Thus, sir, if we review the policy favored by the inhabitants of Ken- tucky, we see that the most intelligent and the wealthiest relish our designs, which are opposed by only two men of rank, who, controlled by their fears of silly demagogues, and filling their followers with hopes from the expected action of the new Congress, have caused the suspension of the measures we had in view to unite the people, and thus to secure the success of our plans without involving the country in violent civil commotions.
"There are three conditions which are requisite to perpetuate the con- nection of this section of the country with the Atlantic States. The first, and most important, is the navigation of the Mississippi; the second, which is of equal consequence, is the admission of this district into the Union as an independent State, and on the same footing with the others; the third. which is of less moment, is the exemption from taxes until the befalling of the two events previously mentioned. Now, sir, as two of these condi- tions are inadmissible, either by the Atlantic States or by Spain, can any one hesitate to declare what will be the consequences ? With due deference. I say, no; because, as it is not rational to suppose the voluntary casting away of property that another may profit by it, so it is not to be presumed that the Eastern States, which at present have the balance of power in their favor in the American Government, will consent to strip themselves of this advantage, and increase the weight of the Southern States, by acknowledging the independence of this district, and admitting it to be a member of the Federal Union. That the people of Kentucky, as soon as they are certain of their being refused what they claim. will separate from the United States is proclaimed, even by Marshall, Muter, and their more timid followers.
" But, sir, should unforeseen events produce results contrary to my wishes, to my logical deductions, and to my hopes, should an obstinate re- sistance to forming a connection with Spain, or should an unexpectedly hostile disposition manifest itself in the settlements, then the true policy would be to make of emigration the principal object to be obtained, and Spain would always have the power, through some agents of an eminent rank here, to draw to her the most respectable portion of the population of this district. Hundreds have applied to me on this subject, who are deter- mined to follow my example, and I do not deceive myself, nor do I deceive you, sir, when I affirm that it is in my power to lead a large body of the
439
PROPOSALS FROM GREAT BRITAIN.
most opulent and most respectable of my fellow-citizens whither I shall go myself at their head; and I flatter myself that, after the dangers I have run and the sacrifices which I have made, after having put my honor and my life in your hands, you can have no doubts of my favorable dispositions toward the interests of his Catholic majesty, as long as my poor services shall be necessary.
"After having read these remarks, you will be surprised at being in- formed that lately I have, jointly with several gentlemen of this country, applied to Don Diego Gardoqui for a concession of land, in order to form a settlement upon the river Yazoo. The motive of this application is to procure a place of refuge for myself and my adherents, in case it should become necessary for us to retire from this country. in order to avoid the resentment of Congress. It is true that there is not, so far, the slightest appearance of it, but it is judicious to provide for all possible contingencies.
"The British Colonel Connelly, who is mentioned in General St. Clair's letter, arrived at Louisville in the beginning of October, having traveled from Detroit, through the woods, to the mouth of the river Big Miami, from which he came down the Ohio in a boat. My agent in Louisville gave me immediate information of that fact, and of the intention which Connelly had to visit me. Suspecting the nature of the negotiation he had on hand, I determined, in order to discover his secret views. to be beforehand with him, and to invite him here. Consequently, he came to my house on the 8th of November. I received him courteously, and as I manifested favor- able dispositions toward the interests of his Britannic majesty, I soon gained his confidence, so much so that he informed me that Great Britain. desiring to assist the American settlers in the West, in their efforts to open the nav- igation of the Mississippi, would join them with ready zeal to dispossess Spain of Louisiana. He remarked that the forces in Canada were not suffi- cient to send detachments of theni to us, but that Lord Dorchester would supply us with all the implements of war, and with money, clothing, and supplies to equip ten thousand men, if we wished to engage in that enter- prise. He added that, as soon as our plan of operation should be agreed upon, these articles would be sent from Detroit, through Lake Erie, to the river Miami, and thence to the Wabash. to be transported to any designated point on the Ohio, and that a fleet of light vessels would be ready at Jamaica to take possession of the Balize, at the same time that we should make an attack from above. He assured me that he was authorized by Lord Dor- chester to confer honors and other rewards on the men of influence who should enter on that enterprise, and that all those who were officers in the late continental army should be provided with the same grade in the service of Great Britain. He urged me much to favor his designs, offering me what rank and emoluments I might wish for, and telling me at the same time that he was empowered to grant commissions for the raising of two regiments, which he hoped to form in Kentucky.
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