USA > Kentucky > The history of Kentucky, from its earliest discovery and settlement, to the present date, V. 2 > Part 40
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Another mischievous institution which was established with impertinent intrusion in Kentucky, and which became very obnoxious and irritating to the great mass of both parties, was the Freedmen's Bureau. Basing its right to existence on the plea that the people of Kentucky, a State that had been steadily loyal, and which had sacrificed as much to sustain the Union as any other, were not qualified or competent to manage their own internal affairs, a plea insulting to their intelligence and integrity, it received but the merited condemnation and indignant protest of the better citizen- ship entire, who desired a return of peace and good order without these ill-graced reminders of war and strife. The Freedmen's Bureau assumed a sort of stepmotherly care over the colored population, so recently and so abruptly released from inherited bondage and suddenly possessed of an abso- lute freedom to do as they might will. The bureau itself seemed an out- growth and expedient of the inordinate desire of a certain class of govern- mental dependents, who, fearing their occupation gone with the cessation of all strife, sought every method to continue a rule of militarism that would perpetuate themselves in power at the expense of the Federal treas- ury. The more patriotic and substantial soldiery and officials had returned to the honest occupations and industries of private life. The bureau men were the shifting adventurers who are ever ready to speculate on the oppor- tunities of the hour without regard or scruple for the character of their work or the methods by which they accomplish it. They were of kinship to the
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
carpet-bag fraternity-the parasitic growth of moral scavenger and spoiler which seems to have ever dormant germ-life in the body politic, but which needs the miasmatic and foul atmosphere of conflict and chaos in times of strife to quicken into vermin form and function, and to swarm and thrive on the refuse and waste of corruption until they disappear again under the sunshine of restored order, prosper- iry, and happiness. These petty and pestiferous officials assumed patron- izing guardianship of the freed men, women, and children, to dictate and control the wages and terms on which they might be employed by the whites, to adjust difficulties between the two races, and to incite and encourage prosecutions against the whites for any grievances the negroes might allege. The effect was to delude the ignorant negroes into impossible expectations and cruel disappointments, and to waste months and years in idleness and in illusions of support and protec- GENERAL WILLIAM PRESTON. tion in such a state, at a time when the whites were wanting their services at fair wages. There was no one greater obstruction to restored industry and gain after the war than this politico military monstrosity termed the "Freedmen's Bureau," and its mischievous results were tenfold greater in the seceded States than in Kentucky.
Of this transition period from anarchy toward reconstruction, Mr. Shaler, from his standpoint, says: 1 " The conduct of the Republicans in regard to the civil rights of the State, the disgust arising from the emancipation of slaves without compensation to loyal owners, the acts of the Freedmen's Bureau, and other proceedings hostile to the governmental integrity of the State, arrayed an overwhelming majority of the people on the Democratic, which was then the Conservative, side.
"The result of this strenuous, though orderly, struggle of the State authorities, with the excess of the military spirit and the wild and malicious legislation of the Republican Congress, was to drive the State into intense political antagonism to the party that had the control of the Government. This has unjustly been assumed to prove the essential sympathy of the Ken- tucky people with the Southern cause. All conversant with the inner history of Kentucky will not fail to see the error of this idea. The truest soldiers to the Union cause were the leaders in antagonism to the militarism that was forced on them, such as Bramlette, Jacob, Wolford, and a host like them,
I Shaler's Kentucky Commonwealth, pp. 385-86.
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FINANCIAL CONDITION OF THE STATE.
who were ready to battle with one hand against the rebellion, and with the other to combat for the life of the civil law. . While the Republican party in Congress was led by men who knew nothing of war, and who were rather enriched or benefited by its continuance, this people, with the battle about their firesides, had a double combat to wage. That they did not falter in either duty is much to their credit. When the war ended, therefore, the parties in Kentucky were reorganized on new lines.
" Perhaps the most satisfactory feature in the close of the civil war was the really quick restoration of civil order in the State, and the perfect reunion of the divided people. In this course the people of Kentucky set an excellent, but unheeded, example to the Federal Government. By this action they avoided having a large part of their citizens parted in spirit from the life and work of the Commonwealth. The historian and true statesman will always admire this episode of reconciliation. The effect is since seen in the wiping-out of enmity that came to the whole country after the deplor- able reconstruction troubles of the South. In Kentucky, it came at once ; there was no torturing and persecuting period of doubt, no hesitation in the return of peace, no gendering of hatreds, as farther South."
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Just as easily and quickly might civil order, loyal submission, and com- plete reconciliation have been restored in every seceded State, had the Fed- eral administration and Congress, with wise statesmanship and exalted manhood, extended toward them the same policy of restoration that was happily enforced in Kentucky, instead of the miscalled reconstruction meas- ures of carpet-bag rapacity and Freedmen's Bureau intrusions, which for more than ten years spread material and political ruin over an impoverished and prostrate people. The conservative Union party of Kentucky found the opportunity to show that if they resisted the rebellion that would destroy the Union they venerated, no less did they repudiate and condemn the usurpation that would wreak its vengeance, and practice its wrongs and extortions, upon any part of the citizenship who had sought an honest refuge under the grateful shadows of the sovereignty of the Commonwealth.
Pending the war, and to January 1, 1866, Kentucky borrowed $4,095, - 314, for war purposes. During the same time she disbursed $3.331, 077 for said purposes, and refunded to banks, of money borrowed, $661,941. A balance of $81,051, due from quartermasters and others, and $21, 245, cash on hand, made up the amount borrowed. The outstanding claims against the military department were $100,491 ; balance due banks, $2,601,585 ; balance due Kentucky by the United States Government for advances, $2,438,347. The most of the latter due has been collected by the State.
The financial credit and condition of the State were fortunately maintained throughout the four years of war, with an ability and integrity of manage- ment equal to other periods of its history, and inferior to that of no other Commonwealth of the Federal Union at the time. At the outset of the
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
war, the report of the auditor showed that the State was owing $4, 729, 234 ; of this, $1, 381,832 was the "school fund " proper, and $316,884, the "county-school fund," due for unexpended balances in the counties. For the Ist of January, 1865, Auditor W. T. Samuels reported the indebted- ness of the State chargeable to the sinking fund $5, 284,037 ; and for credit on the same, cash assets, $1,017, 192; leaving a balance of $4,266,845. The State held assets to meet this indebtedness $4, 830,475, in turnpike and navigation stocks, and $1,562, 819, in bank and railroad stocks, worth, prox- imately, $2,500,000. The credit of the State was maintained at a proximate standard of par throughout the belligerent period; and there was no time of the desolating and sanguinary strife, that the Commonwealth was not able to borrow all the money it needed, at a reasonable rate of interest. In singular contrast to this admirable State credit, was the credit of the United States Government, which for years negotiated its six per cent. bonds with embarrassing delays and difficulties, upon both the home and foreign mar- kets, and with discouraging results; whose issued currency had sunk as low as two hundred per cent. beneath par value, and was, long after the · restoration of peace, offered in exchange for coin at a discount of fifty per cent. There were no better indices to the real state of popular opinion and confidence as to the issue of the great civil war, than the vibration of the financial pulse in response to its alternating phases.
On May 29, 1865, Judge Joshua F. Bullitt, for reasons of alleged dis- loyalty set forth, was removed by address by the Legislature from his seat on the Appellate bench, and on June 5th Governor Bramlette appointed to the vacancy Judge William Sampson, of Glasgow, who was regularly elected to the same office in August after. Judge Sampson dying on February 5, 1866, Judge Thomas A. Marshall was appointed to the temporary vacancy, until the first Monday in August following, when Judge M. R. Hardin was elected to serve out the remainder of the term. At this election the last forlorn struggle was made to enforce military or other party violence, and many incidents of strife occurred, resulting in the killing at the polls of some twenty persons throughout the State. Judge Alvin Duvall was elected clerk of the Court of Appeals, over General E. H. Hobson, the Republican candidate, and a model of the many brave, honorable, and able men of Kentucky, who gave their services to the Union cause, without condition or compromise.
At the opening of the year 1867, it was very obvious that the conserva- tive men of the Union party, forming, perhaps, a majority of the same, had become alienated and intensely hostile to the Republican administration, beginning as far back as 1863, under President Lincoln, and continuing through the indefinite future. The persistent subordination of the civil authorities to the domination of military or martial law; the executions resulting from this armed license ; the reign of terror inaugurated by cruel and corrupt commandants of the district ; the abrupt proclamation of eman-
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COMPARISON OF VOTES. 759
cipation ; the adoption of the constitutional amendment liberating all slaves, without compensation even to loyal owners in a loyal State ; the attempt, after the war ceased, to dismantle the State government, and to force on the people the odious carpet-bag rule; the establishment in the State of the Freedmen's Bureau, etc., were interpreted by these Union men, who had largely led the Federal cause through the darkest days of its perils and despair, as the wanton infliction of indignities, injuries, and insults, which were not only needless and inexcusable, but cruel and ungrateful. So intense were the feelings of resentment in the loyal masses of Kentucky that an irreconcilable division occurred at the termination of the war, within the ranks of these masses themselves, the Radical element supporting the main policy of the Federal administration, and the Conservative opposing. The latter avowed that they had been misled and betrayed by the earlier assurances of the Government, and this asserted breach of faith added to the bitterness of their opposition.
In 1867, the first elections for congressmen and State officers were to be held since the close of hostilities. For the first time, general disabilities and difficulties were removed from citizens who had returned from Confederate service, and these were permitted the full exercise of the right of suffrage, and of holding offices of state. They were not diffident or dilatory in coming forward to assert these rights. On the 4th of May, a special elec- tion for congressmen was held throughout the State, resulting in a vote of 9,787 for L. S. Trimble, Democrat, and 1,780 for G. G. Symmes, Union, in the First district ; John Young Brown, Democrat, 8,922, B. C. Ritter, Union Democrat, 1, 155, and S. E. Smith, Union, 2,816, in the Second; E. Hise, Democrat, 7,740, and G. D. Blakey, Union, 1,201, in the Third ; J. Proctor Knott, Democrat, 8, 199, W. J. Heady, Union Democrat, 508, and M. C. Taylor, Union, 2, 277, in the Fourth ; A. P. Grover, Democrat, 7, 118, R. T. Jacob, Union Democrat, 2, 417, and W. A. Bullitt, Union, 742, in the Fifth ; Thomas L. Jones, Democrat, 9,488, and W. S. Rankin, Union, 3,839, in the Sixth ; James B. Beck, Democrat, 9,716, C. S. Hanson, Union Democrat, 1, 388, and William Brown, Union, 1,664, in the Seventh; George M. Adams, Democrat, 7,690, and M. J. Rice, Union, 7, 175, in the Eighth; and John D. Young, Democrat, 9,042, T. M. Green, Union Democrat, 862, and S. McKee, Union, 7,563, in the Ninth.
On the 5th of August, at the regular election for State officers, John L. Helm, Democrat, for governor, received 90,225 votes; W. B. Kinkead, Union Democrat, 13, 167 ; S. M. Barnes, Republican, 33,939; Helm's ma- jority over Barnes, 56,286, and over Kinkead, 77,058. By about the same vote, John W. Stevenson was elected lieutenant-governor, over H. Taylor and R. Tarvin Baker; John Rodman, attorney-general, over John M. Har- lan and John Mason Brown; D. Howard Smith, auditor, over J. Smith Hurtt and Silas Adams; J. W. Tate, treasurer, over Alfred Allen and M. J. Roark ; James A. Dawson, register of the land office, over J. J. Craddock
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
and J. M. Fiddler; and Z. F. Smith, superintendent of public instruction, over B. M. Harney and D. Stevenson.
These elections determined the status of political parties from 1867 to the present day. The feeble party passed away, and appeared no more. It became evident that there was no mid- dle ground to be occupied between the old Democratic party contending for an administration of the Federal Govern- ment literally within constitutional limits, and the Republican party following the fortunes of, and lending support to, an administration born of the issues and necessities of the war, and yet ruling States by the might of militarism.
These results show into what party forms the political elements were inclined to crystallize out of the chaos and dis- turbance of the Civil war. First we per- ceive a tidal and instinctive current of disposition to reinstate the Democratic party on the ante-bellum theory and prin- GOVERNOR JOHN L. HELM. ciples, and the phenomenal effect of this leaning, in its accomplishment by a fusion of the Conservative Union with the Southern Rights elements.
Under normal conditions of governmental policy and treatment, moder- ated with magnanimity and forbearance, and directed with considerate and humane statesmanship, not only should the entire mass of the Union party of the Southern and border States have been won and held to the support of the victorious administration, but this powerful nucleus of strength should have been heavily re-enforced from the ranks of the Southern Rights men themselves. Thus might probably have been secured to the support of the administration party a majority, or nearly all, of the old fifteen slave States. and in a legitimate and honorable way. The dominant party in possession of the Government, and of all its potential forces, was probably in the main moved with as good intentions as were possible to the statesmanship of the age, but half-leavened as yet with the highest type of intelligence and jus- tice to which the Cross will at last elevate our civilization. A distinguished historian of the present century was led to say, that from his readings and study of all history, he believed that a great majority of the cruelties and tyrannies perpetrated by those in supreme power, in all ages, were done with good intentions. When we consider that monarchs are ever liable to be influenced by the flattering pleas of courtiers and ambitious favorites. and the rulers of republics by the wiles of demagogues and schemers, all under the plausible pretexts of patriotism or public necessity, we may not be surprised that the whole machinery of the Federal Government was for
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761
REORGANIZATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
years prostituted to sustain an organized horde of spoilsmen and political bandits over the States of the South. Had the powers at Washington been moved with the spirit of justice and humanity which animated the hearts of the Republican leaders in Kentucky, it would have saved this great reproach upon our nation and history.
We have enumerated some of the unfriendly acts, and imperfectly described the unfriendly animus, of the Federal administration, by which it broke down all confidence and fraternity and provoked the resistant hostility, mainly, of the intelligent masses of the people in the Southern and border States. Its encroachments upon the sovereignty of the States and the liberties of the citizens, under the war powers usurped and concen- trated in the Federal unit, and the continued exercise of these, long after peace, through military satrapies, Freedmen-Bureau agencies, and carpet- · bag officials, alarmed and exasperated the powerful Conservative Union party, and drove it in self-defense into formidable opposition. The subju- gated Confederates, broken in power and fortune, conceded their cause lost, slavery gone, and the issues of war ended. There was no outlook for them but a return to the old Union, submission to-its authority, and to be at peace once more, if permitted. Had the Government now been magnani- mous, forbearing and just, to restore to citizenship and self-government a sense of obligation and gratitude, and the assurance that their best interests and happiness would be subserved, would have built up overwhelming majorities for the administration party in every State South, by natural sequence. But their post-bellum condition under the duress of militarism and the rapacities of the carpet-bag dynasties was as deplorable as the con- dition of war itself. They were left no alternative. All were driven for self preservation into the ranks of the Democratic opposition.
Thus the organization and overpowering strength of the Democratic party throughout the South was the reactionary product of resistance and protest against the usurpations, the injus- tice, and the abuses of the Republican administration, in its harsh and remorse- less exercise of extraordinary powers. Had Lincoln lived, this might not have been.
It will be borne in mind that the ballot in the late elections was confined entirely to the whites in Kentucky; the colored men were, as yet, denied the right of suffrage. On the 3d of September. John L. Helm was inaugurated governor while lying dangerously ill at home, and on the 8th breathed his last. On the 13th John W. Stevenson, lieutenant-governor, was
GOVERNOR JOHN W. STEVENSON.
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
inaugurated governor, at Frankfort, by order of succession. General Frank Wolford was appointed adjutant-general, and Major Fayette Hewitt, quarter- master-general, both of whom, in their official capacities, rendered valuable material services to the Commonwealth during their terms. In General Hewitt's first report, in December, he shows that for the year 1867, $399,- 224 had been refunded to Kentucky by the United States Government, on account of war claims; and that $1, 468,937 was still owing on the same account, to facilitate a settlement for which proper steps were being taken.
In some portions of the State, remnants of the bands of guerrillas, bush- whackers and lawless refuse of the war, organized themselves into inde- pendent associations, under the style of " Regulators," under plea or threat of visiting punishment upon citizens against whom were real or alleged offenses. As almost inevitably follows, in cases where one or more irrespon- sible individuals assume at once the functions of the regularly-constituted authorities of judge, jury and executioner, the license is indulged to revenge private grievances, and to gratify the lust of lawlessness. The results were heralded abroad in reports of murders, violent assaults, and terrorisms in a number of communities.
Governor Stevenson promptly issued his proclamation, " that such law- less associations of men would not be tolerated, and that steps would be taken to bring the guilty to speedy punishment." General Wolford was instructed to recruit and equip three volunteer companies in Boyle, Marion and Casey counties, for the purpose named. Some time and trouble were taken to break up these organized disturbers of the public peace, but it was finally effected.
In his message to the Legislature, Governor Stevenson called attention to the fact, that of the nine Kentucky representatives in Congress, only George M. Adams had been admitted to his seat. "Kentucky, entitled to nine representatives, has but one." On July 3d, when L. S. Trimble, Thomas L. Jones, John D. Young and James B. Beck went forward to the clerk's desk to be qualified as members, they were interrupted by Samuel McKee, who was con- testing the seat of J. D. Young. Their cases were referred to the committee on elections, to report whether, at the election, loyal voters were not overawed by rebel sympathizers, and also as to the loyalty of the said members claim- ant. The House afterward re- C fused a seat to Young, and gave it to McKee.
SENATOR JAVES B BECK.
763
FINANCES OF THE STATE.
The message of Governor Stevenson to the General Assembly conven- ing in December, 1867, is a very lucid and able exposition of the condition of the finances and domestic affairs of the Commonwealth at the time, as well as of the policy of the Federal Government toward the State, and we therefore extract from it a summary of historic interest. Of the finances of the State, he says :
"The public debt of the Commonwealth, on October roth, amounts to $4,611,199. This sum includes the school fund of $1, 632, 297, which deducted from the debt proper and payable leaves subject to payment, Octo- ber roth, $2,978,902. There was to the credit of the sinking fund on that date in the treasury, $1,519,783. In addition there is due the sinking fund, for money borrowed by the State, $381, 239, which added to the amount in the treasury makes the total to the credit of the sinking fund, $1, 901, 022. Were this amount of cash on hand applied to the extinguishment of the State debt, the remainder of that debt, exclusive of the school fund, would amount to $1, 077,877.
"This indebtedness is represented by State bonds of different maturities, - bearing interest at the rates of five and six per centum per annum. This amount of bonded indebtedness also includes $544,000 of the military bonds of the State, issued during the war, and designated as the remainder of the war debt. For the purpose of liquidating this debt, certain sources of State revenue were set apart by the Legislature, constituting what is known as the sinking fund. These resources were, from time to time, increased by the General Assembly. The Constitution provides that they may be increased, but shall never be diminished, until the State debt is paid.
" The sources of revenue thus set apart as sacredly belonging to the sinking fund were taxes paid by the banks, by insurance companies, brokers, etc .; the rentals of the penitentiary, and receipts from slack-water improvements; stock owned in certain banks, railways and turnpikes. Many turnpike stocks are much below par value. If all these stocks were worth par, the resources of the sinking fund, independent of the $1, 901,022, · cash in the treasury, would be $6, 103,294. Add the cash item named, and the total resources of the sinking fund, at a par estimate, are $8, 004,317. Were the entire indebtedness of the Commonwealth liquidated, there would still remain to the credit of the sinking fund $7,926,438. This would be the apparent balance. From it must be deducted the depreciation of the turnpike stocks, and added the premium on the bank stocks over their par value. It may safely be assumed that, after the extinguishment of the entire indebtedness, several millions surplus would remain to the credit of the sinking fund.
"On January 1, 1867. there was due from the United States Government to this Commonwealth, for money advanced for war purposes, $1. 831, 706, of which $399, 224 has since been paid, leaving yet due $1, 432,482. Our
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HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
State agent, Colonel Pennebaker, is actively pressing the payment of this balance upon the proper authorities at Washington. I recommend, as a measure of sound policy, the payment of the State debt at the earliest practicable moment, as but three per cent. is paid for the money on hand on deposit in the banks, but little more than one-half the interest we pay on our bonds."
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