USA > Kentucky > The history of Kentucky, from its earliest discovery and settlement, to the present date, V. 2 > Part 4
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49
2 Spanish Archives. Gayarre's History of Louisiana, p 359.
448
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
itably draw upon them ; and the great and innumerable difficulties in which they will probably be entangled, if they do not speedily secede from the Union. The benefits they will certainly reap from a secession ought to be pointed out in the most forcible and powerful manner, and the danger of permitting the Federal troops to take possession of the posts on the Missis- sippi, and thus forming a cordon of fortified places around them, must be particularly expatiated upon. In consideration of the gentlemen devoting their time and talents to this object, his excellency, the Baron de Carondelet. will appropriate the sum of one hundred thousand dollars to their use, which shall be paid in drafts on the royal treasury at New Orleans, or, if more convenient, shall be conveyed, at the expense of his Catholic majesty, into this country, and held at their disposal. Moreover, should such persons as shall be instrumental in promoting the views of his Catholic majesty hold any public employment, and in consequence of taking an active part in en- deavoring to effect a secession shall lose their employments, a compensation, equal at least to the emoluments of their respective offices, shall be made to them by his Catholic majesty, let their efforts be crowned with success, or terminate in disappointment.
"Second-Immediately after the declaration of independence. Fort Mas- sac (opposite Paducah) shall be taken possession of by the troops of the new government, which shall be furnished by his Catholic majesty, without loss of time, with twenty field pieces, with their carriages and every neces- sary appendage, including powder, balls, etc., together with a number of small arms and ammunition sufficient to equip the troops that it shall be necessary to raise, the whole to be transported at his expense to the already- mentioned Fort Massac. His Catholic majesty will further supply the sum of one hundred thousand dollars for the raising and maintaining of said troops, which sum shall also be conveyed to and delivered at Fort Massac.
"Third-The northern boundary of his Catholic majesty's provinces of East and West Florida shall be designated by a line commencing on the Mississippi, at the mouth of the river Yazoo, extending due west to the river Confederation, or Tombigbee."
To facilitate acceptance of these tempting offers, Power, who had several interviews with Wilkinson, delivered to the latter ten thousand dollars, which had been carried up the Mississippi and Ohio, concealed in barreis of sugar and bags of coffee. Wilkinson had just been appointed major-general, in the place of Wayne, recently deceased, and Power was instructed to as- certain the force and temper of the army under his command. and report to Carondelet. The Spanish governor made an appeal. through Power, to the ambition, as well as cupidity. of this dangerous American Catiline in the following language : 1 " The Western people are dissatisfied with the excise tax on whisky; Spain and France are irritated at the late treaty, which has bound so closely together the United States and England ; the army is de-
I Martin's History of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 145.
5
449
THE PROJECT GIVEN UP.
voted to their talented and brilliant commander; it requires but firmness and resolution on your part to render the Western people free and happy. Can a man of your superior genius prefer a subordinate and contracted position as the commander of the small and insignificant army of the United States, to the glory of being the founder of an empire, the liberator of so many millions of his countrymen - the Washington of the West? Is not this splendid achievement to be easily accomplished? Have you not the confidence of your fellow-citizens, and principally of the Kentucky volun- teers? Would not the people, at the slightest movement on your part, hail you as the chief of the new republic? Would not your reputation alone raise you an army which France and Spain would enable you to pay? The eyes of the world are fixed upon you. Be bold and prompt. Do not hesi- tate to grasp the golden opportunity of acquiring wealth, honors, and im- mortal fame."
But all these allurements failed to produce their expected effects. Time, Washington's administration, and a concourse of favorable circumstances had consolidated the Union; and Wilkinson and his associates, whatever might have been their secret aspirations, were too sagacious not to see what almost insuperable obstacles existed between the conception and execution of such dangerous schemes. Therefore, on his return to New Orleans, Power made to his Spanish employer an unfavorable report on what he had ob- served. Whatever might have been, at any previous time, the disposition of the people of Kentucky, they were now restfully satisfied with the Gen- eral Government. Nor do these later disclosures impeach the loyalty and good faith of any Kentuckian, save Wilkinson and Sebastian.
We here close this dramatic episode of several and varied scenic repre- sentations of American history, throughout which Kentucky was made to play a part not less conspicuous and interesting than that of Spain herself. That our pioneer fathers held in their hands and at their disposal the future destiny of the United States, as far as the transmontane territory was in- volved, there can be little doubt. Had Kentucky withdrawn from the Union and set up an independent sovereignty at the time of the formation of the Federal Constitution, it is most probable that she would have carried with her all the territory north and south of her, and west of the Alleghanies. The General Government was then too embarrassed and enfeebled with the antag- onisms of sentiment and policy among States and statesmen, with reference to the questions of limitation of sovereignty, Federal and state, to have offered an adequate resistance to a formidable movement toward separation and in- dependency. Beneath all the irritation and complaint of the Kentuckians, there was enough of latent conservative good sense, and love of country and kind, to restrain them from the rash venture. Besides, there is little doubt but that the almost passionate affection of the great mass of the Ken- tuckians for the old mother Commonwealth. Virginia, had very much to do with her adherence to the Union, under the artful and insidious temptations
29
450
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
held out by foreign suitors. For two generations, the admiration and love of Virginia by her wandering children of the West was something beautiful and touching, and was more nearly akin to veneration than to patriotism. When Virginia, therefore, entered the Federal Union, filial Kentucky, like Ruth to Naomi, was ready to say: "Whither thou goest, I will go, and where thou lodgest, I will lodge; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God."
Some interesting reminiscences followed the close of these dramatic pro- ceedings.
1 In 1811, General Wilkinson was tried before a court-martial assembled at Frederickstown, under specification of receiving pensions from Spanish officers and agents concerned in the provincial government of Louisiana, and undertook his own defense, pleading not guilty. After a protracted trial and voluminous proceedings, conducted for the accused with marked ability and spirit, the court decided him "not guilty." As in the case of Aaron Burr, this trial shows how difficult it is oftentimes, even with the cumulative testimony of years and the efforts of adroit counsel, to convict of treason or other political offenses, especially when the act has been done in sym- pathy with a sustaining current of popular sentiment. Wilkinson's speech in his own defense was a very masterly and adroit effort.
In the debates of the constitutional convention of 1849, Ben Hardin palliates the action of Sebastian in going to New Orleans for the purpose of negotiating with Carondelet, by asserting that he went under written com- mission signed by Messrs. Nicholas, Innes, and Murray, and that there was another similar, signed by nearly one hundred other good citizens of Ken- tucky, urging the mission. Hardin gave the text of this treaty as nego- tiated, but which was superseded by the one made by the Governments of Spain and the United States, and insisted that it was more liberal in its terms for the people of the West than the one adopted. Of course, he could not defend the course of Sebastian in accepting a pension from Spain.
2 In the inquiry into the conduct of Judge Innes, then judge of the United States District Court in Kentucky, before Congress, a copy of the record of Sebastian's trial by the Kentucky Legislature was sent to be used as an exhibit against Innes ; and from this we copy the joint answer of Nicholas and Innes, as made and sent to Baron Carondelet's proposition, through Thomas Power, for the severance of Kentucky from the Union :
"Sir : We have seen the communication made to you by Mr. Sebastian. In answer thereto, we declare unequivocally that we will not be concerned, directly or indirectly, in any attempt that may be made to separate the Western country from the United States; that whatever part we may at any time be induced to take in the politics of our country, her welfare will be our only inducement, and that we will never receive any pecuniary or other reward for any personal exertions made by us to promote that welfare."
I Wilkinson's Memoirs.
2 American State Papers, Vol. XX., p. 929.
45I
LETTER FROM PRESIDENT MADISON.
Hon. John Brown, in his testimony on the trial of Sebastian, disclaimed any knowledge of a pension from the Spanish Government to Sebastian or any one else, and declared that, so far as he had received any information about the matters in issue in the trial, he had given the same to the secre- tary of state, for the use of the president of the United States. Also, he declared substantially that, some time after, when Genet, the French com- missioner, informed the deponent that he had in contemplation to raise an army mainly in Kentucky, for the conquest of Louisiana, he learned that one of the heads of departments was fully advised of this. - He had no per- sonal knowledge of Genet's issuing commissions or enlisting men, but received letters and communications in regard to these matters, the informa- tion in which he promptly gave to the secretary of state for the use of the president. There is no evidence to show that he was governed by any other than disinterested and patriotic motives.
We copy here a letter of President Madison to Mann Butler, Esq., as published in the appendix to the second edition of his history, vindicating Mr. Brown :
" MONTPELIER, October 11, 1834 .- Dear Sir: I have received your letter of the 21st ult., in which you wish to obtain my recollection of what passed between Mr. Brown and me in 1788, on the overtures of Gardoqui, that if the people of Kentucky would erect themselves into an independent State, and appoint a proper person to negotiate with him, he had authority for that purpose, and would enter into an arrangement with them for the exportation of their produce to New Orleans.
" My recollection, with which reference to my manuscript papers accords, leaves no doubt that the overture was communicated to me by Mr. Brown. Nor can I doubt that, as stated by him, I expressed the opinion and appre- hension that a knowledge of it in Kentucky might, in the excitement there, be mischievously employed. This view of the subject evidently resulted from the natural and known impatience of the people on the waters of the Mississippi, for a market for the products of their exuberant soil; from the distrust of the Federal policy, produced by the project for surrendering the use of that river for a term of years, and from a coincidence of the overt- ure in point of time, with the plan on foot for consolidating the Union by arming it with new powers, an object, to embarrass and defeat which. the dismembering aims of Spain would not fail to make the most tempting sacri- fices, and to spare no intrigues.
" I owe it to Mr. Brown. with whom I was in intimate friendship when we were associated in public life, to observe, that I always regarded him, while steadily attentive to the interests of his constituents, as duly impressed with the importance of the Union, and anxious for its prosperity. I pray you to accept with my respects my cordial salutations.
(Signed) "JAMES MADISON.
" Mann Butler, Esq."
452
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
The verdict of public sentiment being that Judge Muter was disqualified, from age and feebleness, for discharging the duties of judge of the Court of Appeals, a resolution was introduced into the House of Representatives ex- pressive of the fact. Deeply affected, he requested their withdrawal, and intimated his intention to resign. The withdrawal was made, and the mag- nanimous and generous old man realized his intimation, in a letter addressed to the governor, on the 9th of December, tendering his resignation. This act of patriotic devotion is one that demands a pause of the pen, while the meed of praise is offered for the magnanimity of a sacrifice but too few men, in like conditions, would have made. In poverty, the venerable jurist and servant of the people, who had worn out the energies of life in the faithful discharge of public duties, resigned incontestable claims on the pub- lic treasury, thus throwing himself on the justice and generosity of the country at a period when the future opened up to him no other source of support. A pension was granted him by legislative act; but at the succeed- ing session, the members, deeming this an objectionable precedent, passed an act over the governor's veto, repealing the first. The vacancy created by the resignation of Judge Muter was filled by the appointment of Thomas Todd to the chief-justiceship.
At this period Henry Clay, the most gifted of American statesmen and orators, became actively prominent before the public in a political and pro- fessional career of peerless brilliancy and power. 1 Mr. Clay was born on the 12th of April, 1777, in Hanover county, Virginia. His father was a Baptist clergyman, of respectable note. He died in the fifth year of his son's age, leaving the future care of him to his mother. She appears to have been a woman of unusual worth, of marked intelligence, and mascu- line force of character. Though left with a large family to care for, as many a noble matron has been called to do, she managed the little estate left with such prudence, economy, and energy, as to rear her large family in comfort, and to afford the opportunities for her sons to assume stations of respectability and honor in life .. The memory of her virtues and affection was ever after cherished with sacred regard by the Great Commoner.
The youthful years of Mr. Clay were spent in disciplinary experience, which, if it did not subject him to any ordeal of actual privation and want, yet admitted little opportunity for the temptations which allure and destroy the better manhood of so many young men. His sphere in boyhood was that of the workingman, but denied many of the facilities provided for the education and improvement of the workingman of to-day. It is most prob- able that this identification of his birth and early life with the great indus- trial masses, and this common experience which he shared with them, had a potential influence in establishing that sympathy toward the people which characterized him throughout his public career. For love to both races, he was among the first and boldest of the Southern born to advocate the eman-
I Collins, Vol. II , p. 205-8.
.
453
HENRY CLAY'S YOUTH.
cipation of slaves; and in this sentiment of policy and humanity, no man was more consistent during life. His measures of internal improvement, of modified tariff reform, and of other policies embraced in his American System, at the time more plausible and patriotic than they would be now, were meant to diffuse the benefits of government to the whole people. In this Mr. Clay's individuality was most marked.
Mr. Clay's opportunities for education were after the country methods of the day for the poor. The extent of his attainments in literature con- sisted of the common elements taught in a country school of the humblest origin. Even these slender advantages were but sparingly enjoyed, as he was compelled by straightened circumstances to devote considerable time to manual labor. It is most probable that this very circumstance of early familiarity with the stern realities of life contributed to give to his mind that strong practical bias, which has subsequently distinguished his career as a statesman; while there can be no doubt that the demands thus made upon his energies tended to a quick development of that unyielding strength of character which bears down all opposition, and stamps him as one of the most potential spirits of the age.
He was, at the age of fourteen, employed in the office of the clerk of the high court of chancery, at Richmond, Virginia. Won by his amiable deportment, uniform habits of industry, and striking displays of intelligence, Chancellor Wythe honored him first with his friendship, and afterward em- ployed him as an amanuensis. Here he first conceived the idea of studying law.
In the year 1796, he went to reside with Robert Brooke, Esq., attorney- general of Virginia. While in the family of this gentleman, his opportuni- ties for acquiring a knowledge of the profession to which he had determined to devote his life were greatly improved, and he appears to have cultivated them with exemplary assiduity. The year 1797 seems to have been devoted by Mr. Clay exclusively to the study of his profession. It is worthy of re- mark that this was the first year in which his necessities permitted him to pursue an uninterrupted system of study ; and so eagerly did he avail him- self of the privilege, and such was the ardor and vivacity of his mind, that near the close of the year he obtained from the Virginia Court of Appeals a license to practice. Of course, the acquisitions made in the science of law, in the course of these irregular and broken efforts to master that intri- cate and complex system, were somewhat desultory and crude; and it is not the least striking evidence of the wonderful resources of Mr. Clay's genius, that he was enabled, notwithstanding these disadvantages, to assume so early in life a high rank in his profession, at a bar distinguished for the number, ability, and profound erudition of its members.
Upon obtaining his license. Mr. Clay, then in the twenty-first year of his age, came to Lexington, Kentucky. He did not, however, immediately enter upon the duties of his profession, but spent several months in review-
454
HISTORY OF KENTUCKY.
ing his legal studies, and forming an acquaintance with the people. His appearance at this period is represented to have been that of a man in feeble health. Delicate in his person, slow and languid in all his movements, his whole air and bearing were pervaded by a lassitude, which gave no promise of that untiring energy which has since so singularly marked his extraordi- nary history.
When Mr. Clay entered upon the duties of his profession, the Lexington bar was noted for talent, numbering among its members some of the first lawyers that have best adorned the legal profession in America. He com- menced the practice under circumstances somewhat discouraging, and, as appears from his own statement, with very moderate expectations. His earliest efforts, however, were attended with complete success. His reputa- tion spread rapidly, and, to use his own language, he "immediately rushed into a lucrative practice." This unusual spectacle, so rare in the legal pro- fession, is to be ascribed mainly to Mr. Clay's skill as an advocate. Gifted by nature with oratorical genius of a high order, his very youth increased that potent fascination which his splendid elocution and passionate elo- quence threw over the public mind, and led the imagination a willing captive to its power. It was in the conduct of criminal causes, especially, that he achieved his greatest triumphs. The latitude customary and allowable to an advocate in the defense of his client, the surpassing interest of the questions at issue, presented an occasion and a field which never failed to elicit a blaze of genius, before which the public stood dazzled and fascinated.
When Mr. Clay first arrived in Kentucky, the contest between the old Federal and Democratic parties was violent and bitter. Any one acquainted with the ardent character of the Kentuckians at that period will not require to be told that neutrality in politics, even had Mr. Clay been disposed to pursue that equivocal line of conduct, was for him utterly out of the ques- tion, and would not have been tolerated for a moment. He accordingly united himself with the Jeffersonian or Democratic party, with whose prin- ciples his own sentiments entirely harmonized. He was prominent at a very early day among those who denounced the most obnoxious measures of the Adams administration, and was especially conspicuous for the energy. eloquence, and efficiency with which he opposed the alien and sedition laws.
In 1803, he was elected to represent the county of Fayette in the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. He was re-elected to that body at every session until 1806. The impression made upon his associates must have been of the most favorable character, since, in the latter year, he was elected to the Senate of the United States, to serve out the unexpired term of General Adair. He was elected for one session only.
During this session, Mr. Clay, as a member of the Senate, had occasion to investigate the extent of the power of Congress to promote internal imn. provements, and the result of his examination was a full conviction that the
455
CLAY'S CAREER.
subject was clearly within the competency of the General Government. These views he never after changed; and, profoundly impressed with the policy of promoting such works, he at the same session gave his cordial support to several measures of that character.
At the close of the session, Mr. Clay returned to Kentucky and resumed the practice of his profession. At the ensuing election, in August, he was returned as the representative from Fayette to the Legislature. When the Legislature assembled, he was elected speaker of the House. In this station, he was distinguished for the zeal, energy, and decision with which he dis- charged its duties. He continued a member of the Legislature until 1809, when he tendered his resignation, and was elected to the Senate of the United States for two years, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resigna- tion of Mr. Thruston. During his continuance in the Legislature, he had produced the deepest impression of his abilities, and won the warm regard and full confidence of his associates. How completely he had established himself in the favorable opinion of that body may be inferred from the fact that he was elected to the office of speaker by a vote of two-thirds. He retired accompanied by expressions of ardent admiration for his talents, high esteem for his services, and sincere regret for his loss.
The principal matters which came before the Senate during Mr. Clay's second term of service related to the policy of encouraging domestic manu- factures, the law to reduce into possession and establish the authority of the United States over the territory between the Mississippi and Perdido rivers, comprehending the present States of Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida, and the question of a re-charter of the Bank of the United States. In the dis- cussions which arose on each of these questions, Mr. Clay bore a conspicuous part, fully sustaining the high reputation for ability with which he entered the Senate.
His speech in favor of giving the preference to articles of American growth and manufacture, in providing supplies for the army and navy, was remarkable as being the first occasion in which he developed to the national Legislature those peculiar views in reference to the policy of building up a system of home industry which he had at an earlier day sought to impress on the legislation of Kentucky. Up to this period, this subject, which has since, and mainly through the instrumentality of Mr. Clay, become so prominent and exciting a question in American politics, had attracted little or no atten- tion; and when the principle of protection and encouragement was at this session brought forward for the first time, and attempted to be embodied in legislative enactments, the resistance it encountered was violent, bitter, and determined.
His speech delivered at the same session on the "line of the Rio Per- dido," in which he undertook to investigate and trace the title of the United States to the territory which comprises the present States of Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida, is a masterpiece of forensic oratory, distinguished for
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.