USA > Louisiana > The province and the states, a history of the province of Louisiana under France and Spain, and of the territories and states of the United States formed therefrom, Vol. I > Part 26
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* This suggestion may have been the perm of the stipulation, which afterward out so important a figure, by which both France and Spain agreed never to alienate Louisiana, but which was violated by Napoleon when he ceded the province to the United States in 1803.
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The Count D'Aranda, one of the foremost statesmen of Europe, favored the possession of the colony by Spain. He noted the importance of extending the Mexican boundary to the Mississippi and the value of having such a river and such a land barrier between the English colonies and Mexico. Under the supposition that Louisiana might some day become a republic, he drew a strong picture of the probable consequences to Spain and said, "The favorable circumstances in which Louisiana would then be placed, would not only increase her population, but also enlarge her limits, and transform her into a rich, flourishing and free state, in sight of our provinces, which would present the melan- choly contrast of exhaustion and of the want of cultivation. From the example under their eyes, the inhabitants of our vast Mexican domains would be led to consider their utter want of commerce, the extortions of their different governors, the little esteem in which they are held, the few offices which they are per- mitted to fill, and would weigh the great inducement which they would have to hate still more the Spanish domination, and to think that they can brave it with more security, when they shall see that a weak province, compared with their extensive and popu- lous country, can make good her position with impunity and secure her prosperity."
He noted that the possession by France threatened the integrity · of Texas and the commerce of both Texas and Mexico; and indi- cated the startling possibility that should Spain fail to take the gift, Louisiana might be abandoned by France, and thus imme- diately become independent or fall into the hands of England. France had already signified that she was unable to sustain it, which probably meant her immediate abandonment of what she realized must soon fall into the grasp of England. What would then be the consequences should Louisiana either become inde- pendent or fall to the possession of Great Britain? Either final- ity meant eternal injury to the Spanish-American colonies, because the limits between Louisiana and Texas had never been defined, and England would be sure to stretch them to the utmost. So would the inhabitants of Louisiana should the colony set up a republic. Spain for her own protection should take possession, but should refrain from making the colony strong and prosper- ous, because to do so would be to invite attack. In other words, Louisiana should be kept weak, inconspicuous, unpopulated and barren to serve as a shield to ward off the attacks of the English on Texas and Mexico. What a prospect for the richest tract of I-17
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the same extent on the face of the globe. And yet such was the subsequent Spanish policy with Louisiana, as shown by the restrictions placed upon her, and by the refusal to permit her people to trade with the citizens of the United States. The Count D'Aranda, with all his sagacity, could not foresee the impos- sibility of keeping such a wonderful tract of country from being transformed into a populous empire, governed by law and blessed with liberty. He advocated immediate possession, with sufficient force to sustain Spanish authority and honor, and suggested the expulsion of the leaders of the rebellion and the confiscation of their property, the establishment of enough Spanish families there to serve as the root for a new population, the transportation out of the colony of all who were unwilling to abide by Spanish dom- ination, the limitation of colonization, and the establishment of a chain of forts along the Mississippi about every thirty miles to emphasize the authority of Spain.
It now remained for the king himself to decide what should be done with Louisiana. D'Grimaldi, the minister of State, advo- cated the retention of the colony: in fact it had been chiefly through his advice that it had been accepted at the outset. He saw clearly the wisdom of possessing it, though not upon the basis of subsequent development, and added his recommendations to those of the other statesmen. The recommendations of the Council received the approval of the king, who further considered more seriously the moral effect of the revolution upon the other Spanish American colonies. The seeds of sedition and inde- pendence thus sown broadcast could not result otherwise than in a harvest of revolutionary whirlwinds, a probable consequence far more momentous than the puny rebellion itself. The king also decided that practical possession had been taken of the col- ony, that the inhabitants were, therefore, his subjects, and that it rested with Spain alone to retake possession and punish the heads of the conspiracy. It seemed to him that Spain should show to the world that she was fully capable of protecting her crown and of crushing any rebellion within her borders. "In accordance with these principles, his Majesty has resolved to use force to reduce the rebels to submission, and has ordered that the neces- sary measures to that effect be taken without delay."*
While waiting to see what would be done with the colony, and what steps would be taken in regard to the rebellion, the inhabi-
*Letter of the Marquis D'Grimaldi to the Count D'Fuentes, Spanish ambassador to the court of France.
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tants of Louisiana were tortured with anxiety and misgivings. Hundreds not imbued with the principles of liberty were sorry of the course they had taken. The Spanish officers, Loyola, Gay -. arre, Navarro and others were shown more favor and considera- tion than they had reason to expect. Fault began to be found with the course of the revolutionists, but they were not intimidated and boldly advocated their measures of revolution. That they had become weaker in influence was shown when the Supreme Council reissued its decree of expulsion to the Spanish frigate. Aubry succeeded in collecting a force of about four hundred Spanish and French, and declared that the Spanish vessel would . depart only at the time set by D'Ulloa. His ability to assemble so large a force and defiantly to carry his point, still further increased the reaction against the rebellion. On the 15th of February, 1769, he wrote as follows to the captain general of Cuba : "I hope that Mr. D'Ulloa does me justice and that he has testified to my good conduct ; for no one ever loved and ven- erated the Spanish nation more than I do. This revolution dis- graces the French of Louisiana. Although it has not as yet spent its fury and its frienzied course, yet it seems to me that some of the most obstinate among the insurgents begin to look into the future with some uneasiness and even fear; and if in these cir- cumstances we were favored with the arrival of a battalion and the receipt of some money, coupled with assurances that all that has occurred shall be forgotten or forgiven, tranquillity would soon be restored, after the infliction of the great punishments which they deserve, on a small number of seditious persons, who have usurped all powers in the colony and have done all the harm."
Both sides continued to send to the courts of France and Spain manifestos of all sorts and deputies provided with elaborate doch- ments distorting more or less, while trying to explain, the series of comedies and tragedies which had been enacted on the colonial stage. The currency which D'Ulloa had offered to redeem at seventy-five per cent was ordered converted into five per cent bonds at three-fifths of their face value. The Spanish frigate commanded by Captain D'Acosta was permitted to depart under the orders of D'Ulloa. Even Lafrenière used his influences to restore normal order under the rule of the Supreme Council. The leaders of the revolution, seeing their power waning and wishing to rekindle the revolutionary flame, finally conceived the bold project of forming a republic, the chief officer of which , should be termed Protector. As a co-ordinate branch of the pro-
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posed government, a council of forty men to be elected by the people was provided for. While the project of forming a repub- lic was not carried into effect, it was seriously considered, and is claimed to have been the first republic to be proposed in the New World. A national bank was likewise planned. Under the revival movement, some went so far as to advise the expulsion of Aubry. It was clear that the serpent of rebellion was not dead but sleeping.
When all the circumstances in the case are considered, it appears that the revolution was due to a variety of causes. Since the establishment of the colony by D'Iberville in 1698, the col- onists, being wretchedly poor, few in number and crushed in spirit, were accustomed to do about as they pleased, because they could do no harm by being permitted to live under lax laws, and very few even of them. There had thus grown up an independ- ence of all law, but not a disloyalty to the rightful sovereign. This independence was unquestionably the dominating spirit of the revolutionary movement. The alleged devotion to France was not so pronounced as was the spirit of independence. The hatred of Spain and all things Spanish contributed not a little to the flames of opposition. But the weakness of the administration of D'Ulloa and the accompanying belief that the cession to Spain would be annulled, owing to the unaccountable delay in taking . possession, were the immediate causes of the insurrection. Other motives may have contributed. No grave and contributing error was committed by D'Ulloa. The inhabitants were not oppressed more than they had been previously under French administra- tions. All these claims were merely the pretexts which the revo- lutionary leaders employed, when the crisis came, to condone their veiled spirit of independence. But neither France, Spain nor England, to whose officer at Pensacola an appeal for help had been made, was in sympathy with a principle so hostile to their forms of government. The independent movement, the first to employ force in America, must stand upon its own bottom; this it could not do, and therefore was crushed under the iron heel of O'Reilly.
It does not appear that Alexander O'Reilly was specially selected to undertake the suppression of the rebellion in Louisiana. He was an inspector and lieutenant-general of the Spanish army, and had been already ordered to Havana for the purpose of reviewing in the Spanish. Gulf cities the royal armaments and equipments, and was upou the point of sailing. Not deeming it necessary to make a special appointment for that purpose, the king intrusted the subjugation of the revolutionists to O'Reilly.
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It was thought best to conceal the object of his mission so far as Louisiana was concerned: his departure was hastened, and he embarked without forces or equipment, it being well known that he could secure everything necessary at Havana. Upon his arrival in Cuba he was ordered to take whatever he deemed neces- sary in infantry and ammunition, have all conveyed to New Orleans, there take formal possession of the colony, and have the leaders of the rebellion duly tried and punished after the pre- scribed forms of law. All others likely to disturb the public tran- quillity were to be transported from the colony. He was given large powers-was authorized to provide rules for the adininis- tration of finance, justice, commerce ; in fact, to frame a new form of government and carry it into execution. He was also author- ized to use whatever force was necessary to carry all his orders into effect. "It seemed proper to invest Don Alexandro O'Reilly with these extensive powers on account of the distance at which we are from that country. But as the king, whose character is well known, is always inclined to be mild and clement, he has ordered O'Reilly to be informed that his will is, that a lenient course be pursued in the colony, and that expulsion from it be the only punishment inflicted on those who have deserved a more severe one."*
General O'Reilly was not the sort of man to take half way measures. Abilities of an exactly opposite character had made him one of the foremost military commanders of Europe. There- fore, in coming to a colony which had rebelled against his king, for the purpose of restoring the royal authority and of punishing the rebel leaders, he came as befitted his genius and the dignity and supremacy of the court which he represented. He was aware of the military strength of the revolutionists and made prepara- tions of sufficient amplitude to overawe and overcome any force likely to be trained against him. He embarked about four thou- sand five hundred selected Spanish soldiers on board of a frigate and twenty-eight transports, and on the 23d of July, 1769, arrived at the mouth of the Mississippi. When the news of the presence of this formidable fleet reached New Orleans early the next morn- ing, the excitement may well be imagined. Of course the whole town was soon on the streets and in an uproar. It is reasonable to suppose that all persons who had taken part in the rebellion were in more or less trepidation, now that the crisis was seen to be at hand. Several of the revolutionary leaders still openly
* Letter of Marquis D'Grimaldi to Count D'Fuentes.
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counseled resistance to the landing of the Spanish forces, but the folly of such a course was shown by the size of the approaching fleet and by the fact that the ranks of the opposition had melted away almost to a corporal's guard. In their extremity, the leaders waited upon Aubry, signified their wish to yield to the Spanish authority, and cast themselves upon his mercy and pro- tection. He advised absolute submission, and told them freely that he did not think so kind a king as his Catholic Majesty would resort to extreme measures where the revolution had as yet shed no blood. Having in a measure tranquilized the inhabitants, and having sent messengers to the other settlements near New Orleans to effect the same object, Aubry made preparations to receive the Spanish general and his forces as befitted the solemnity of the occasion.
Late at night on the 24th, a Spanish messenger arrived at New Orleans, bearing dispatches from General O'Reilly, and was received at the landing by all the resident Spanish officers and their friends and sympathizers ; in fact, the whole town witnessed his arrival, although long after dark. The messenger Francisco Bouligny immediately inquired for Aubry, and was conducted to the residence of that gentleman, to whom he delivered his dis- patches. They announced that General O'Reilly had come to take possession of the colony for Spain, and requested that all steps necessary for such ceremony should be ordered by Aubry. The latter returned answer of his readiness and anxiety to turn the colony over to the Spanish authority. The messenger remained over until the 26th, and was introduced to many of the leading citizens, including the chiefs of the revolution. Aubry took pains to make it clear to Bouligny that the revolution was a thing of the past and that no opposition whatever would be offered to the authority of Governor O'Reilly nor to the landing of the Spanish forces. The reception of the messenger became almost an ova- tion, so marked was the attention shown him. The resident Spanish officials, who so recently had suffered many threats and insults, were likewise shown every consideration of deference and respect. On the morning of the 26th Aubry announced to the entire town in open air at the public square, the arrival of O'Reilly, stated why a general of such prominence and such a large force had been sent, explained that his arrival was sanc- tioned by the kings of both France and Spain, and advised all who in any way had supported the revolution to desist and render immediate submission and obedience. He said, "I think that in these delicate circumstances I can assume the responsibility to
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assure you that if you offer no resistance, General O'Reilly will treat you favorably, and that you will not be deceived in having full reliance on the clemency and tenderness of disposition of his Catholic Majesty."
Succeeding this ceremony, three leaders on the revolution, Lafrenière, Marquis and Joseph Milhet, waited upon. Governor Aubry, and announced their intention of visiting General O'Reilly at the Balize, providing Aubry would favor them with a letter of introduction to that officer. The latter willingly complied, and encouraged the revolutionists to take the initiative of submission. Accordingly, when the Spanish messenger returned down the river with Aubry's reply, he was accompanied by those three men. The latter were received ceremoniously by O'Reilly on the deck of the flag-ship, where all the principal officers of the fleet had assembled. On behalf of the revolutionists, Lafrenière delivered an address in which he acknowledged the sovereignty of Spain, signified his perfect submission, declared that it would. not be necessary to conquer Louisiana, and explained that the causes of the revolution were the harshness of D'Ulloa and the contra- vention by him of the ancient privileges of the colonists. O'Reilly gravely and politely informed him that as yet, in the absence of facts and evidences, it was impossible for him to pass judgment on the merits of the insurrection, that he should take pains to learn the whole truth, that his disposition was to "render good services to the colonists," that he was pleased at the submission of Lafreniere and his associates, and that he deprecated the frenzied course which the revolutionists had taken. Ile con- cluded as follows: "I will listen to your reasons when the time shall come. Thanks to God, I am free from prejudice, and I know that many things, which at a distance seem as if clothed in the dark garb of guilt, are often decked in the white robes of innocence." He invited them to remain and dine with him, favored them with polite consideration, and from his deference led them to believe that their conduct would, at the worst, receive but a light punishment.
Messengers were sent to New Orleans by O'Reilly to make preparations for the disembarkation of the Spanish forces and for the assignment of their quarters; but this required time and it was not until the 15th of Angust that Governor Aubry went down the river to confer with O'Reilly and to have a time set for the transfer of possession to the new authority. Finally, on the morning of the 17th of August, the entire fleet arrived and cast anchor before the city or moored at the wharves. By proclama-
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tion Aubry had notified all the inhabitants of the town and the surrounding plantations to assemble to witness the ceremony of transfer and to pledge their submission and fidelity to Spain. On the 18th Aubry and his staff visited the Spanish fleet, and Gov- ernor O'Reilly returned the courtesy by coming ashore and dining with the retiring Frenchmen. He then returned to the fleet and made preparations to land all his forces. A signal gun at five o'clock announced that the disembarkation had commenced. Aubry and all his troops were drawn up to receive them, and all the citizens were assembled to witness the imposing ceremony. The Spanish soldiers, with great precision, marched down the flying bridges, in solid columns, clad in the glittering parapher- nalia of war, with arms blazing in the sun, and with an appear- ance of strength and invincibility that elicited the admiration of all beholders. Moving on like clock-work, they drew up in battal- ions, forming the three sides of a square, and were followed by the artillery of more than fifty cannons and mortars, and by about one hundred mounted men. Of course, it was the most imposing scene ever witnessed in New Orleans up to that time. Every flag was flying from the vessels and from the houses, for now every- body seemed loyal to Spain. Every bell in the city was adding its silver notes to the song of thanksgiving that the uncertainties of the wretched past were at an end. There was no mistaking this splendid display of military force. It was meant to crush at the outset the spirit of revolution and of independence. It was now too late to exhibit any other sentiment than servility.
Finally, General O'Reilly came down the bridge of the flag- ship, preceded by attendants in royal livery, bearing long silver maces, and surrounded with a splendid escort of officers, garbed in the brilliant uniforms of the Spanish army and navy. He advanced to the center of the square, where Governor Aubry stood with his retinue, waiting to receive him, and where from a tall mast still flew the tri-color of France. Here the credentials were exhibited and exchanged, and here the instruments were read which transferred Louisiana to the crown of Spain. As a conclusion of the ceremony, the Flag of France was hauled down and that of Spain run up, amid the flaunting of banners, the strains of martial music and the roar of musketry and artillery. The new sovereignty was hailed with loud acclamations by many who a short time before had anathematized everything Spanish and had invoked every saint in the calendar against the cession of Louisiana. Proceeding to the cathedral, the new authorities were received in stately fashion by the church dignitaries, who
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signified their willing submission to his Catholic Majesty. The orderly and imposing dismissal of the troops closed the cere- monies. Louisiana was now a Spanish province in name as well as in fact.
Up to this time the bearing of O'Reilly was so free from any exhibition of enmity toward the revolutionists, that they were led to believe that forgiveness for their offenses would be duly bestowed. He had not said so; but his urbanity and politeness gave all the impression that he possessed a kind heart and a for- giving nature. Aubry had previously expressed the belief that, inasmuch as the revolutionists had spilled no blood, they would be leniently dealt with, provided they rendered ready obedience and homage to the new authority. It cannot justly be said, that O'Reilly at any time previous to his taking possession of the province, practiced any deception as to his future course with the offenders. It has been asserted that his excessive suavity and courtesy were used by him as a cloak to conceal the dagger which he expected soon to slip between the ribs of the leading revolu- tionists. This charge is not probable. There is nothing to show that he was a martinet. Every writer of those memorable occur- rences speaks pointedly of his evident fairness and justice. Despite assertions to the contrary, he was no doubt fair-minded and kind-hearted. But having risen to great military prominence in a foreign country (for he was an Irishman ) by strict adherence to discipline and by prompt and undeviating obedience of orders, and having received his chief promotions and highest honors by rigorous devotion to an exacting sovereignty, it was beyond his nature and his training to brook the slightest infractions of duty or homage to his king. His excessive politeness was common to every courtier and every court in all the capitals of Europe ; for such was the custom of the times under the old monarchies. His conduct thus far in Louisiana was eminently wise and con- sistent.
Even while the ceremonies of taking possession were in prog- ress, O'Reilly was not idle. He had already set in motion the forces which were destined to search for every scrap of evidence both for and against the revolutionists. The diligence with which he pursued this search, proves his desire to get all the evidence before taking any definite action. The taking of depositions was already in progress. He wrote to Aubry, "I beg you to make me acquainted with all these events and their true causes and to furnish me with the names of the persons who induced the people to commit the offense of presenting themselves with arms in their
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hands to enforce the violent expulsion of Don Antonio D'Ulloa and to renew the same excesses against all the Spanish officers and troops in the colony. . . It is expedient that you have the kindness to communicate to me as soon as possible all that you may know in relation to said revolution, without omitting to quote literally all the orders, protests and public or secret docu- ments, to which you may have had recourse, in order to reduce to, and to keep within, the bounds of duty the chief agents of the conspiracy. It is very essential that I should know who is the person who wrote, printed and circulated the docu- ment having for its title : 'Decree of the Council,' dated October, 1768, and under what anthority this was done. I desire the same information with regard to the other document entitled : 'Memo- rial of the Inhabitants of Louisiana on the Event of the 29th of October, 1768,' because all the articles of said documents claim my special attention. I shall put entire faith in your informa- tions, and I again beg you not to omit any circumstance relative to inen and things in what concerns said revolution."
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