USA > Louisiana > The province and the states, a history of the province of Louisiana under France and Spain, and of the territories and states of the United States formed therefrom, Vol. I > Part 29
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and expense to dislodge them." This was remarkable language and remarkable prevision for a half-breed savage. He ended by suggesting that the best way to avoid the advances of the Ameri- cans was to unite the Indians and the Spaniards. His advice was adopted, and the suggested union was consummated.
In September, 1784, the exclusion of all foreign trading vessels from the Mississippi, and the depreciation of the colonial paper money to about one-half its face value, brought on the old com- mercial distress. In the resulting extremity, the people even regretted the absence of the British trading boats on the Missis- sippi. But in spite of all this suffering, both upper and lower Louisiana began to fill up with aggressive Americans, and boat loads of provisions from Kentucky and the Ohio and Illinois regions began to appear at New Orleans. Don Estevan Miro suc- ceeded Galvez as governor in 1785; he at once granted every commercial privilege possible and winked at the violation of many of the iron -clad restrictions, suspended like the sword of Damocles over the heads of the colonists. In April, 1786, there were seen at one time on the river at New Orleans forty vessels engaged mostly in an illicit trade with the inhabitants. In addition, large numbers of keel-boats loaded with flour, pork, corn, tallow, lard, hides and other provisions were there to be exchanged for gro- ceries and other necessaries. Again the colonists were pros- perous, but the trade was almost wholly monopolized . by the Americans through violations of the Spanish laws. The sword was still suspended over the people. At this time the annual trade of New Orleans with Mobile and Pensacola amounted to about one hundred thousand dollars; with Texas, six thousand dollars ; with Arkansas not over half so much; and with the Missouri country about as much as with Texas. The trade of the latter was largely monopolized by the English traders from Michilli- mackinac. The trade of the upper Mississippi, including that of the River Des Moines, was also in the hands of the English of Canada, with the Americans making steady inroads on their profits.
Spain claimed the Natchez district and as far north as the mouth of the Yazoo river by right of her conquest of West Flor- ida. The United States claimed as far south as the thirty-first degree of latitude by virtue of the treaty of peace with Great Britain in 1783. Under the latter claim, Georgia, in 1785, sent commissioners to New Orleans to demand the territory as far south as the thirty-first degree, and of course was met with the statement that the territory demanded belonged to Spain. The
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policy of alternately violating and enforcing the commercial restrictions at New Orleans, subjected not only the colonists to the whims of the colonial officials, but all the western people of the United States as well. A uniform policy, even if exacting and oppressive, would not have been violently objected to by the western people. What they did object to was to be thrown at any time wholly out of the New Orleans market and to have their goods confiscated at the caprice of the colonial officials.
But Spain rightly thought more of her own revenues and of the perpetuation of her ancient policy of commercial exclusion than she did of the happiness of the people in the western part of the United States. She was under no obligation to make any sacrifice for their gratification or prosperity. If they were unfor- tunately situated, it was not her fault or concern. She had the undoubted right to exclude the American merchants from New Orleans if she saw fit. She had no right to prevent their navigat- ing the Mississippi, nor did she try to do so at any time. Her only objects were to save the profits of trade to her own subjects, and to turn the revenues arising from her commercial policy over to her king. But the western people complained as if she were at fault, and refused to be comforted until she supinely surren- dered her rights and revenues that they might wax rich and fat. There can be no question that, from this time forward, the west- ern people in their extremity and the United States as a whole, were determined to trade with New Orleans, regardless of Span- ish laws, rights and customs. The course of the colonial officials, until the province passed from the control of Spain, was one of mingled trepidation, resistance, concession and humiliation. With- out the power of prevention, Spain saw her ancient policy crumb- ling in ruin before the commercial and independent assaults of the Americans.
The necessity of populating Louisiana in order to resist the encroachments of the Americans, caused Governor Miro to relax from the strict observance of the provincial laws of Spain. The Indian nations were deemed a sufficient barrier between the Flor- idas and the Americans. But the Mississippi could be easily crossed ; and so long as the Western people possessed the right to navigate that river, constant infringements of the immemorial customs of Spain might be expected. It was, therefore, neces- sary to populate Louisiana with a large body of colonists, devoted to Spain and hostile to every advancement of the Americans. Thus, at the worst, the colony, though contaminated somewhat with republican principles, would serve as an effectual barrier
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against the march of the Americans on the provinces of Mexico. Thus, the first steps of Spain were to retain both banks of the Mississippi. When that failed, she endeavored to prove her right to the Natchez district, with a northern extension to the mouth of the Yazoo river, the latitude of which formed the northern boundary of West Florida under the British. Spain consistently maintained this claim until, by the treaty of 1795, she surrendered the left bank of the Mississippi as far south as the thirty-first parallel of latitude. This surrender was deemed advisable to gain the good will of the Americans, and was not the result of a change in the opinion of Spain as to her right to the territory.
The ordinance of 1787, which excluded slavery from the ter- ritory northwest of the River Ohio, caused many slaveholders to cross the Mississippi and settle in Louisiana province. The Mis- souri country received a large accession, as did Louisiana and Arkansas. In order to please the Americans east of the river as well as to benefit the Lonisianians, both Governor Miro and Don Diego de Gardoqui, the Spanish minister near the United States, permitted almost a free trade between the western people and the provincials. Finally, Gardoqui, influenced by some whim most probably, called the intendant, Navarro, sharply to account for permitting such a contraband trade; whereupon the latter, in February, 1787, forwarded to Spain a lengthy memorial, showing the necessity of such a course. Among other things he said, "The powerful enemies we have to fear in this province are not the English, but the Americans, whom we must oppose by active and efficient measures. It is not enough to have granted Loui- siana a restricted commerce for ten years ; it is indispensable to use other resources. 'This toleration contributes to the daily increase of the white and black population of this colony, extends commerce, quickens industry, spreads the domain of agri- culture, and gives rise to a state of things, which, in a few years, will be productive of considerable sums to the king. Without this toleration, and without the commercial franchises granted by the royal schedule of the 22d of January, 1782, this country would have been a desert, when it is calculated to become one of the most important portions of America. There is no time to be lost. Mexico is on the other side of the Mississippi, in the vicin- ity of the already formidable establishments of the Americans. The only way to check them is with a proportionate population, and it is not by imposing commercial restrictions that this popu- lation is to be acquired, but by granting a prudent extension and freedom of trade." But the restrictions instigated by Cardoqui 1-19
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caused the complete stagnation of commerce and proved a bar to the continued settlement of the province. By December, 1787, all business was at a standstill. Spain should either have thrown open the ports to the world, or have closed them absolutely to every trader, and have taken the consequences in either case.
It was at this time that Spain entered actively into the scheme of separating the western sections from the rest of the United States and attaching them to Louisiana. It was realized that the dissatisfaction of the western people might lead to a concerted attack on New Orleans; but if they should be attached to Loui- siana, not only would that trouble be removed, but they would prove a barrier between Louisiana and the United States. Unwill- ing to concede the demands of the western people, Spain early perceived the wisdom of encouraging their designs to separate from the United States, and held out the hope of free trade with New Orleans and of the protection of Spain. Thus, Gen. James Wilkinson was favored, because he seemingly represented tlfe western people and was the most prominent man west of the Alle- . ghanies. If his influence and efforts could be gained to aid the scheme of separation, what mattered that his boat-loads of pro- visions were entered free of duty at New Orleans? It is well known that Governor Miro carefully weighed the chances of being deceived by the general. He even states that it would be better thus to be deceived than to run the risk of offending the Ameri- cans by opposing their scheme of separation and their probable attachment to Louisiana. Wilkinson was accordingly received with great distinction. Even if he did not favor the scheme of separation, he no doubt took advantage of the offers of the Span -. iards to transport the products of Kentucky to New Orleans free of duty. Whether he favored the scheme of separation, or merely employed it to fill his pocket and those of his neighbors in Ken- tucky with Spanish gold, will always remain a matter of dispute. The provincial officials showed him the favors, paid him the gold and took their chances.
Gardoqui so far receded from his restrictive orders late in 1787, that he granted to Col. George Morgan a large tract of land on the right bank of the Mississippi a short distance below the mouth of the Ohio, provided he would conduct there, as he agreed to do, a large number of emigrants. Morgan partly complied with his agreement by founding the town of New. Madrid. It is well known that Wilkinson counseled the Louisiana officials to grant no concessions to the Americans, in order to force the western people to separate themselves from the rest of the United States
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and to sue for attachment to Louisiana. He pointed out that if they were given free trade with New Orleans, the inducements of separation would be removed. By shutting that port absolutely against them, Spain would compel them for their own protection to unite with Louisiana, providing the United States did not come to their relief. Every thing possible, short of giving the United States cause for war, was done by Spain to encourage the western people to divide the Union. Within certain limitations, they were promised the right to practice the Protestant religion-a great concession from Catholic Spain.
In the spring of 1788 upon the retirement of Navarro, Miro became intendant, as he was also governor. One of the last offi- cial acts of Navarro was to caution Spain against the aggressions of the Americans. He predicted that the United States would not be satisfied until its domain was extended to the Pacific. He declared that the only way to thwart these pretensions was to sep- arate the East from the West and unite the latter with Louisiana, As a means to effect this object, he advised Spain to "grant every sort of commercial privileges to the masses in the western region, and shower pensions and honors on their leaders." It will thus be seen that his recommendation differed materially from that of General Wilkinson, who advised against granting any conces- sions whatever to the western people. As it came to pass, Wilkin- son was right and Navarro wrong, because the western people had no desire to separate from the rest of the Union, unless it was necessary to do so in order to obtain a market for their products. Miro, Gardoqui and Florida Blanca did all in their power to dis- member the American Union. They sent spies to every part of the United States to effect this object. Much more would have been accomplished had they not issued conflicting directions to subordinates.
The separation of Kentucky from Virginia in 1788 was thought to be an opportune time for its attachment to Louisiana; but the government of the United States had become so much stronger that its promises of relief deterred the western people from resort- ing to extreme measures. The anxiety of Spain to divide the Union, caused her officials in Louisiana to permit almost unre- stricted trade, and so long as that state of things continned the western people wanted no change. The adoption of the federal constitution in 1789 and the inauguration of George Washington as first president of the United States, gave every indication of a government strong enough, not only to take care of the western settlers, but to prevent with force, if necessary, their separation
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from the Union. These indications were not lost upon the Span- ish leaders. They realized that not a moment was to be lost, if a separation was to be effected. Large sums of money were sent to Wilkinson and others to be employed in accomplishing the design of Spain. A boat load of catables was sent to Kentucky from New Orleans and ordered sold at the same price they com- manded in that city. The delegate of Kentucky to Congress, a man named Brown, opposed the incorporation of that State into the Union, on the grounds that the prosperity of the people demanded their separation. But the incorporation of Kentucky into the Union and the vigorous course of President Washington in asserting the pre-eminent authority of the government, com- pletely checkmated the designs of General Wilkinson (if such were his designs) and those of Spain. The western people were given positive assurance that their requirements would receive proper attention in due time. Wilkinson accordingly informed Governor Miro of this change in the sentiments and opinions of the western people.
Immediately succeeding these important events, others equally important came to light. The British of Canada made an attempt to induce the settlers in the western part of the United States to join them in a movement to disposses Spain of Louisiana. The British agent, Colonel Connolly, visited General Wilkinson in Kentucky, and, in order to gain his approval and assistance, laid bare all the plans of the leaders. Connolly informed Wil- kinson that Lord Dorchester would arm and equip ten thion- sand men, if the Kentuckians would undertake the enterprise. Wilkinson was offered almost any position and emolument he might desire to lead the movement. He was promised the assist- ance of a fleet; which would move up the Mississippi and co-oper- ate with his land operations. But Connolly seems to have received no encouragement from Wilkinson. The latter was too bright not to see that any attempt to separate the West from the East would be promptly suppressed by President Washington. No sooner had Connolly informed Wilkinson of the designs of the British of Canada to unite with the western people to deprive Spain of Louisiana, than he transmitted the intelligence with his comments to Miro. This act of Wilkinson was rewarded by his appointment as the agent of Spain and by the payment to him of a large sum of money. It was in 1788, also, that Col. John Sevier, as the representative of the State of Frankland, announced to the Louisiana officials that his people desired to form an alli- ance with Spain and to place themselves under her protection.
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So earnest were the people on the Cumberland river in this move- ment, they named one of their districts Miro in honor of the Spanish governor. The Spanish duty of fifteen per cent. on American products shipped into Louisiana was declared by Miro to be unsound policy, because it removed the necessity of the west- ern people to join Louisiana.
In order to retain the good will of General Wilkinson, Miro, on behalf of the Spanish government, bought of him in April, 1789, tobacco to the amount of two hundred and thirty-five thou- sand pounds. If Wilkinson was not now the friend of Spain he was making his pretense of being so a very profitable venture for himself and his Kentucky neighbors. The two districts of Frankland and Miro, known formerly as Cumber- land, desired to join Spain. James White, a member of con- gress from the Miro district (now Memphis), communicated this desire to both Gardoqui and Miro. But when the conditions of annexation were announced by the latter, it was found that the Americans were not willing to accept them. They were reason- able and highly proper in every particular; but the Americans wanted to remain practically independent and at the same time to be protected by Spain. The terms granted by Gardoqui to Colonel Morgan were disapproved by Miro, who "called the attention of the cabinet of Madrid to the danger of thus having an imperium in imperio, a government within a government." Miro informed Spain that had he agreed to the Morgan grant, an independent republic would have been organized in Louisiana and the states would have been depopulated to settle all of Louisiana upon similar terms. In order to check this independent move- ment, Miro sent a squad of about thirty-five soldiers under the command of Lieut. Pierre Foucher to build a fort at or near New Madrid, and commissioned that officer civil and military com- mandant of that district: He was instructed to be extremely friendly to the Americans.
As an indication of the course the United States intended tc pursue in regard to the land of the Natchez district, it is sufficient to observe that the State of Georgia sold to the South Carolina Company in 1789 a tract of 52,900 square miles on the left bank of the Mississippi and extending from the mouth of the Yazoc river down to a short distance above Natchez. The company endeavored to secure the co-operation of Wilkinson, but were only partly successful. Of course, the movement encountered the prompt and emphatic opposition of the Spanish officials at Ney Orleans. Miro wrote to Wilkinson, "Spain is in possession o
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all that she conquered from Great Britain in the last war, and consequently of the territory which these gentlemen have obtained from the State of Georgia, and therefore so long as the question of limits shall not be settled, every attempt to seize on any portion of the land to which we have a previous right of possession, will be an act of hostility which we must resist." Colonel Morgan, in order to retain the good graces of Spain, was forced to coun- tenance the plans of the provincial administration. His town of New Madrid (L'Anse a la Graisse) did not fulfill his expecta- tions. The settlers there, in a memorial prepared by them, found fault with the exactions of their leader and complained of the lawlessness of their surroundings. An intimation by Wilkinson to Miro that a body of Americans would be pleased to form a set- tlement at Walnut Hills ( Vicksburg) was discountenanced by the latter.
It was the design of Miro to people the Natchez district with Spanish subjects. This he accomplished, but they were mostly Americans, with a decided predilection to revolution and inde- pendence. West of the Mississippi the inhabitants were submis- sive and usually opposed to the inroads of the Americans. The pretensions of the Virginia Company to a large tract on the left bank of the Mississippi above the mouth of the Yazoo were denied by Miro; but he did not oppose, though he did not countenance, the claims of the Tennessee Company to a tract on the Tennessee river near its mouth. In August, 1789, he wrote as follows to the Spanish cabinet : "This leads me to renew the propositions which I have made, to declare New Orleans a free port for all the European nations, and even for the United States of America, and to clothe me with the power, either to restrain, or to stop alto- gether, as I may deem it opportune, the commerce of Kentucky and the other settlements on the Ohio. You will then see Loui- siana densely populated in a few years. I believe that I am not in error when I affirm, that to confine Louisiana to trade with our nation (Spain), would be to ruin her. I have recommended them (the Indians) to remain quiet, and told them, if these people (the Americans) presented themselves with a view to settle on their lands, then to make no concessions and to warn them off ; but to attack them in case they refused to withdraw; and I have promised that I would supply them with powder and ball, to defend their legitimate rights." All attempts by the Americans to gain the favor of the Indians under McGillivray were fruitless.
The royal schedule of May, 1789, concerning the education and
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occupation of slaves, was so strongly objected to that the Cabildo forwarded a remonstrance to the Spanish cabinet. In 1790, war with Great Britain over the Nootka Sound controversy seemed imminent, and again rumors of a military movement down the Mississippi were circulated. The fears of the Louisianians were finally dispelled by the announcement from Philadelphia that the British would not be permitted to cross the territory of the United States to attack Louisiana. But the United States took advantage of this circumstance to press its claims to the right of navigating the Mississippi. The entire revenue of the province in 1790 amounted to sixty-six thousand one hundred and sixty-three dollars. The revolution in St. Domingo in 1791 sent many new settlers to Louisiana. In December of this year, the Baron de Carondelet succeeded Miro as governor and intendant of Louisiana and West Florida. His bando de buen gobierno, or proclamation of orders to the inhabitants, inaugurated many innovations. He wrote to the Spanish cabinet that an expenditure of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars would be necessary to put Louisiana in a proper state of defense. The French revolu- tion was raging, and trouble might be expected. In fact war between Spain and Great Britain seemed likely at this date.
In June, 1793, a royal schedule granted improved commercial regulations to the Louisianians. Even the Spanish cabinet "winked at" violations of the trade restrictions, and, as a conse- quence, the people were prosperons and happy. A large trade was carried on between New Orleans and Philadelphia. News was received this year that Louis XVI had perished on the scaf- fold and that Spain had declared war against the French republic. So many of the Louisianians favored the French revolution that there was little mourning over the death of the king; but the war between France and Spain was an important matter. However, sympathizers with the French revolution were held totally in check by Governor Carondelet. He fortified New Orleans and other points, and wrote to the Spanish cabinet that had it not been for this fact, and for his strict measures of repression, a revolution would have taken place in Louisiana. He recommended the aban- donment of Fort Panmure at Natchez for the occupation of Fort Nogales at Walnut Hills. The war declared in 1793 between France and Great Britain gave him so much concern that, consid- ering the limitation of his means, he put the colony in an excel- lent state of defense. About this time the Indian slaves applied for the freedom that had been promised them as far back as the administration of O'Reilly. On this subject, he reported adversely
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to the Spanish cabinet. In 1794, the first newspaper published in the province, Le Moniteur de la Louisiane, was issued at New Orleans.
In 1794, the Jacobins of Louisiana, led by, a society of French revolutionists in Philadelphia, attempted to inaugurate a rebellion at New Orleans. At first public meetings were held, and fiery pamphlets were circulated among the people. But Carondelet promptly prohibited such assemblages, suppressed the circulars, and transported six of the leaders to Cuba. The attempts of the French minister near the United States, Genet, to organize an expedition among the western people of the United States for the purpose of descending the Mississippi to attack New Orleans, greatly alarmed the Louisianians; but the course of the govern- ment at Philadelphia in promptly demanding the recall of Genet, and in suppressing the whisky insurrection in western Penn- sylvania, largely removed the apprehensions of Carondelet. How- ever, he put all the men-soldiers and militia -- at his 'command, in all about six thousand, in readiness to repel any movement of that character. At this time he diplomatically removed more of the trade restrictions, in order to appease the western people; but as soon as the danger was past he ordered the restoration of the restrictions.
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