USA > Massachusetts > Commonwealth history of Massachusetts, colony, province and state, volume 2 > Part 25
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The records of the General Court also show that it was not uncommon to make appropriations by way of charity for Indians who were physically incapacitated. Furthermore, missionary activities continued among the natives. Many of the earlier preaching stations in the eastern part of the Prov- ince were maintained, and in 1736 there was inaugurated under John Sergeant's direction the famous enterprise at Stock- bridge which was later for a time the scene of Jonathan Edwards's labors.
TREATMENT OF THE POOR AND SHIFTLESS
While the eighteenth century was for Massachusetts as a whole a period of increasing prosperity, the problem of paup-
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ers was always present (as is shown for the previous century in a chapter of Volume 1). The part played by the provincial government in finding a solution was to indicate the lines along which public charity should be carried out, and to authorise certain preventive measures. The actual administra- tion was in the hands of the counties and towns.
The characteristic Puritan abhorrence of idleness, as some- thing that undermines the character and leads to poverty, runs through much of the legislation on this subject. In the ses- sion of 1692-93, for instance, provision was made that the overseers of the poor or the selectmen should see to it that "all children, youth, and other persons of able body living within the same town, or precincts thereof (not having estates otherwise to maintain themselves) do not live idly or misspend their time in loitering, but they be brought up or employed in some honest calling, which may be profitable to themselves and the publick." Any persons "fit and able to work" who should be found loitering and misspending their time or wan- dering from place to place, were upon conviction to be sent to the house of correction. "At their entrance" they were to be "whipped on the naked back by the master of such house or such other as he shall procure, not exceeding ten lashes." They were to be kept there at hard labor until released by the court. Overseers were also authorised to bind out as appren- tices the children of paupers as well as of those who in the judges' estimation were unable to support them themselves.
This same scorn for the poor is seen in the act of 1699 de- signed for "the Suppressing and Punishing of Rogues, Vaga- bonds, Common Beggars, and other Lewd, Idle and Disorderly Persons; and also for setting the Poor to work." Lumped together with the poor were "persons using any subtle craft, juggling or unlawful Games or Plays; or feigning themselves to have Knowledge in Physiognomy, Palmestry; or pretend- ing that they can tell Destinies, Fortunes, or discover where lost or stol'n Goods may be found; Common Pipers, Fidlers, Runaways; Stubborn Servants or Children, common Drunk- ards, common Night Walkers, Pilferers, Wanton and Lasciv- ious persons, either in Speech or Behaviour ; common Railers, or Brawlers; such as neglect their Callings, misspend what they earn, and do not provide for themselves or the support of their
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Families." In order that such undesirables might be prohib- ited from spreading their dangerous influence, it was required that every county provide itself with a house of correction. The selectmen of each town were to furnish materials for keeping at work such of its inhabitants as might be inmates, and each town was to be charged with the cost of maintaining its own derelicts thus imprisoned.
In 1735 the General Court inaugurated a new system, with a special law for Boston, authorizing the board of overseers to erect a workhouse to which they could commit "idle and indigent" people. The same law provided that, in cases where parents brought up their children in such gross ignorance that they did not know the alphabet or twenty-four letters at the age of six, the overseers might bind out the children into good families "for a decent and Christian education." In the ses- sion of 1743-44 this system of workhouses was made general by an act allowing any town or group of towns to erect and operate such institutions.
As a logical part of this policy of simultaneously taking care of and discouraging poverty, which made each town re- sponsible for the maintenance of its poor, the General Court provided that the town authorities might warn away any newcomer who was thought likely to become a town charge. Such a measure was considered only fair in view of the fact that the right of inhabitancy carried with it the right to de- mand support from the town in case of need. At the be- ginning of the provincial period such a warning had to be given within three months; in 1700 this time was extended to twelve months. Whether or not a person thus officially warned left the town-and he could be forcibly expelled-he was not regarded as a full-fledged inhabitant and was not entitled to poor relief. Some communities exercised this right with dis- cretion, applying it only to those who were really thought likely to need support. Others, however, adopted the policy of warning away every newcomer. The result was that in those cases where the warning was not enforced there came to be a large number who were actually inhabitants, paying taxes and holding offices, without ever acquiring the legal right of inhabitancy.
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PUBLIC AND PRIVATE CHARITY
In some other cases, however, Massachusetts charity was less stern. The General Court adopted a resolution in Novem- ber, 1720 to the effect that "the Selectmen of the Town of Boston be desired to take Care for the Fenishing the Hospital upon Spectacle Island, so as to make it warm & comfortable, for the Entertainment of the Sick, And that they Supply neces- sarys, to such as are there & not able to provide for themselves, To be paid for out of the publick Treasury." Some years before, the provincial government had made appropriations to the Boston overseers for the maintenance of certain ref- ugees from the eastern settlements; and in 1721 the sum of £1,000 was voted for the Boston poor whom the small-pox had kept from earning their own living.
Private charity was not uncommon. Several societies, in fact, existed for this purpose in Boston during the eighteenth century. Such, for instance, was the Scots' Charitable Society of Boston, organized in the previous century, which saw to "the relief of the poor of their own nation, having a considerable sum of money at interest, which they give out in small pensions to needy people." A similar organisation of the Irish started in 1737, while of less restricted scope was "The Society for encouraging Industry and employing the Poor." In addition, relief was furnished by special contributions of the churches.
According to Bennett, who saw conditions in Boston in 1740, these various methods for taking care of the less fortu- nate worked very well. "They ... provide very well for their poor," he wrote, "and are very tender of exposing them that have lived in a handsome manner, and therefore give them good relief in so private a manner, that it is seldom known to any of their neighbors. And for the meaner sort they have a place built on purpose, which is called the Town Alms-House, where they are kept in a decent manner, and are, I think, taken care of in every respect suitable to their circumstances in life; and, for the generality, there are above a hundred poor persons in this house."
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ANTI-CATHOLICISM
ANTI-CATHOLICISM
The problem for those not belonging to the established church was greatly simplified by the provision in the Char- ter of 1692 guaranteeing liberty of conscience and worship for all Protestants. The ban on Catholic ceremonies, however, remained, and throughout the provincial period the hostility to this creed continued. This antagonism was, of course, greatly stimulated by the French peril. It is reflected in a law of 1700 providing that "all and every Jesuit, Seminary Priest, Missionary, or other Ecclesiastical Person Made or Ordained by any Authority, Power or Jurisdiction derived, challenged, or pretended from the Pope or See of Rome" should leave the Province by September tenth of that year. Anyone found after that date "that shall profess himself, or otherwise ap- pear to be such by practising and teaching of others to say any Popish Prayers, by celebrating Masses, granting of Abso- lutions, or using any other of the Romish Ceremonies and Rites of Worship ... shall be deemed and accounted an In- cendiary, and disturber of the Publick Peace and Safety, and an Enemy to the true Christian Religion, and shall be adjudged to suffer perpetual Imprisonment." Any such that should escape and be recaptured should be put to death. A fine of £200 was to be imposed upon anyone who harbored a Jesuit or any other priest.
While such legislation may be explained as a device for an emergency, a custom like Pope Day, humorous as it was, in- dicates that the anti-Catholic feeling was a part of the Massa- chusetts conscience. It was the local substitute for the English celebration of Guy Fawkes Day. On that occasion an effigy of the Pope, usually juxtaposed to one of the Devil, was placed on a platform and carried through the streets by the crowd, to the accompaniment of fire-crackers and other noise-making devices. On one occasion the figures were so contrived and manipulated that the Devil stood close behind the Pope, seem- ingly paying his compliments to him, but at regular intervals striking His Holiness in the back with a three-pronged fork. The climax of the parade was a bonfire in which the effigies were burned.
Whether or not it was because of the severity of the laws,
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no evidence appears until the coming of the Acadians in 1755 of anything more than the smallest handful of Roman Catho- lics in the Province. The people's fears were of a possibility rather than of a reality.
OTHER PROTESTANT CHURCHES
The problem for the other non-conforming sects was of a different kind. It was a law of the Province that all inhabi- tants should contribute to the support of the religious estab- lishment no matter what their religious beliefs or the church which they actually attended. Against the double charge for the maintenance of religion which such a law involved for all sects except the Congregationalists, constant pressure came particularly from the Quakers, Baptists, and Episcopalians. In 1720, for instance, a group of Quakers petitioned the Gen- eral Court for relief, pleading that their consciences would "not allow them to pay their money for the Support of the said Ministers & Meetinghouses, And they being known dili- gently to attend the Publick Worship in their own Meeting- houses, every first day of the week."
The result of such repeated pressure was that in 1728 the General Court yielded so far as to pass an act exempting "per- sons commonly called Annabaptists and those called Quakers within this province from being taxed for & towards the sup- port of Ministers." It was not a complete victory, however, since their property still remained taxable for this purpose.
Yet it was enough to stimulate the Episcopalians to renewed petitions for concessions. Such an attempt in 1732 was unsuccessful. It was argued by the committee to which the matter had been referred that "such of them as live at a great Distance must either stay at Home on the Lord's Day, & attend on no publick worship, which the Committee would hope they dare not allow themselves in, or else they must generally or for the greatest part of the Year, Attend on the Ministry established in the Churches of New England, In which case by all Laws, Divine, & humane they ought to Contribute towards the support of such a Minister, Nor will such persons attending three or four Times a Year at a Church of England much alter the matter." They did not, like
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FESTIVITIES
the Quakers, make it a scruple of conscience to attend a church other than their own. The Episcopalians, however, continued their campaign with eventual success. For an act of 1742 stated that members of the Church of England and their estates should be taxed for the support of the "publick worship of God," but that in the case of those who could show a certificate of membership signed by the minister and wardens the treasurer of the town should pay the amount of their tax to the minister of the Anglican church. Such Anglicans were to be in no way responsible for the support of the Congrega- tional establishment.
COMMENCEMENT, ELECTION DAY, TRAINING DAY
Edward Ward, writing of his trip to New England in 1699, reported cynically that "Election, Commencement, and Train- ing-days, are their only Holy-days." However unreasonable the story, it would have been generally admitted that those occa- sions were looked forward to with eager expectations.
Particularly was this true in the case of Harvard Com- mencement, though to a soured Mather it was "an insipid, ill- contrived solemnity." The college authorities viewed with alarm the tendency of the "commencers" to make this a time for other than academic activities. Nevertheless it took on the air of a great public festivity to which people came from great distances, intent upon a good time. What was worse, the holiday-makers prolonged their revels through the rest of the week as though it were a pagan carnival.
For a brief period an attempt was made to check such wan- ton merriment by conducting Commencement "in a more pri- vate manner than usual," and by having it on Friday instead of Wednesday; but in 1736 the authorities yielded to pres- sure and went back to the old system. Commencement from that time on held its place as a social fixture in the life of the Province.
Election Day, or the Anniversary Election as it was com- monly called, being the day on which the councillors for the ensuing year were chosen, under the provincial government came to be an event marked with considerable pomp and cer- emony, and with much attendant gayety. An elaborate parade
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conducted the governor into the heart of the colonial capital of Boston. The annual Election Sermon was the opportunity for a severe indictment of the Province for its moral lapses. A banquet was provided for the dignitaries and for those in high society. For the rank and file of the citizenry it was chiefly an occasion when one could drink more openly than usual, with reduced danger of getting into trouble if too much drink triumphed. Bostonians naturally got most out of the day, but many came in from outlying towns to enjoy the fun of the community outing.
The ordinary Training Day included the not too serious business of military exercises. As a break in the regular routine it brought large numbers of people together and was till long after the period of 1725 a popular festival diversion. Boston had in addition the training days of the Ancient and Honor- able Artillery Company, membership in which was a thing to be highly prized. Artillery Election Day was a social func- tion, preceded by the Artillery sermon, the call to deliver which was one of the highest honors to which the Massachu- setts clergy aspired.
OBSERVANCE OF ROYAL OCCASIONS
Commencement, Election Day, and Training Day were the only secular occasions which came anywhere near being gen- eral holidays. Certain other occasions called for celebrations, which came to be more generally observed as time went on. Particular notice was taken of the day when a new sovereign was proclaimed or crowned, anniversaries of the ruler's ac- cession to the throne, and royal birthdays. All these festiv- ities were formally observed under the provincial regime, and possibly were missed after the Revolution as rightful oc- casions for a big time. Our own celebration of the Fourth of July is probably a modern form of those celebrations.
In the Boston News Letter of September 20-27, 1714 can be read an account of Boston's recognition of the proclama- tion of George First in 1714. It led off with a great military display and ringing of bells. The Council Chamber was hung with scarlet cloth. At two o'clock there was a public dinner for the Lieutenant-Governor, the Council, and a number of
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OBSERVANCE OF ROYAL OCCASIONS
gentlemen and officers. In the evening toasts were drunk in the Council Chamber, while the Town House and the principal streets were "finely illuminated beyond what ever was known in the English America."
On George First's coronation day, according to the same authority, the Castle, batteries, ships of war, and merchant ships had all their colors out. At noon all the great guns were fired and the bells rung. The Assembly, civil and mili- tary officers, gentlemen, merchants, and others were "hand- somely Entertain'd at the Town-House with all sorts of wine, expressing their great Joy on & Satisfaction in his majesty's Coronation & happy Accession to the throne of Great Britain."
Little objection appeared on the part of the elder gener- ation to the idea of offering some manifestation of loyalty at such times ; but frequently the outcome was bitter feelings and even occasional undisguisable friction. Perhaps the chief source of difficulty was that the celebration often came on a Saturday or a Sunday. In those instances, the court party in the Province were not too tender of Puritan principles or of laws on the statute books. It was inevitable, too, under those circumstances that many "of the common sort" would take ad- vantage of the opportunity to defy hated restrictions and to crow a bit while doing it.
An incident of this kind occurred early in the new regime when the loss of the charter was still an open sore. Sewall's Diary records (Saturday, September 25, 1686) : "The Queen's Birthday is celebrated by the Captains of the Frigots and sun- dry others at Noddles Iland. King and Council's Proclama- tion of November 6, last, was published by beat of Drum throw the Town to hinder their making Bonfires in the Town however. Went with their Boats to the Ships and Vessels and caused them to put out their Ancients. Many Guns fired. A kind of Tent set up at the Iland and a Flagg on the top on 't. Made a great Fire in the Evening, many Hussas." The feel- ings of many Bostonians were reflected in the entry for the following day. "Mr. Willard expresses great grief in 's Prayer for the Profanation of the Sabbath last night."
A similar difficulty arose in February 1702/3. "Went on purpose to speak to the Governour against having Illumina- tions, especially in the Town house; That so the profanation
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of the Sabbath might be prevented. I said twould be most for the Honour of God; and that would be most for the Honour and Safety of Queen Anne. Governour said twould be hard for him to forbid it, considering how good the Queen was, what successes God had given her. I answered, It could not be introduced into the Town-House without his Excellency's Order, for under his Excellency the Government of the Town was (partly) committed to us. Governour answered not a word. Others urged our Law, the Grief of Good People, his best Friends. And I think all was said between us, that could be said." Two subsequent brief entries tell about the day itself. "Feb. 6. Between 8 and 9 m. The Bells begin to Ring, to celebrate Queen Anne's Birth-Day, being the last of the Week." "Feb. 11. The Governour under his hand remits the Fines of several sentenced to pay 5s apiece for drinking at Mrs. Monk's on Satterday night last about 9 o'clock."
A JOLLY QUEEN'S BIRTHDAY
When the Queen's Birthday arrived, Saturday, February 6, 1713/4, a trying day began for Sewall. "My neighbour Colson knocks at our door about 9. or past to tell of the Disorders at the Tavern at the South-end . .. kept by John Wallis. He desired me that I would accompany Mr. Bromfield and Con- stable Howell thither. It was 35. Minutes past Nine at Night before Mr. Bromfield came; then we went . .. Found much Company. They refus'd to go away. Said were there to drink the Queen's Health, and they had many other Healths to drink. Call'd for more Drink; drank to me. I took notice of the Affront to them. Said must and would stay upon that Solemn occasion. Mr. John Netmaker drank the Queen's Health to me. I told him that I drank none; upon that he ceas'd. Mr. Brinley put on his Hat to affront me. I made him take it off. I threaten'd to send some of them to prison; that did not move them. They said they could but pay their Fine, and doing that they might stay. I told them if they had not a Care, they would be guilty of a Riot. Mr. Brom- field spake of raising a number of Men to Quell them, and was in some heat, ready to run into the Street. But I did not like that. Not having Pen and Ink, I went to take their Names
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with my Pensil, and not knowing how to Spell their Names, they themselves of their own accord writ them. Mr. Net- maker, reproaching the Province, said they had not made one good Law." After some persuasion the revellers consented to adjourn to a less public place. "The Clock in the room struck a pretty while before they departed. I went directly home, and found it 25 Minutes past Ten at Night when I entered my own House."
The following Monday found some of the participants in the Sabbath jubilation in court. Fines of 5s were imposed "for the Breach of the Law Entituled, An Act for the better Ob- servation, and Keeping of the Lord's Day. They all appealed . . . John Netmaker was fin'd 5s for profane cursing; saying to Colson, the Constable's Assistant, God damn ye; because the said Colson refus'd to drink the Queen's Health." Net- maker was also charged with "Contempt of Her Majesties Government of the Province," and failing to acknowledge his error or to offer bond for his appearance at the next Gen- eral Sessions, he was committed to jail. At this point, how- ever, Massachusetts justice fell foul of other interests. The prisoner was the secretary of General Nicholson, who, the Governor urged, was entitled to ambassadorial privileges. On that basis the Governor pushed through the Council an order for Netmaker's immediate release, though one member voting in the negative remarked that "he understood not how it be- long'd to the Council to meddle with it."
Profanation of the Sabbath was not the sole objection that men of the old type raised against celebrations like these, as may be seen for instance in Sewall's entry for the Queen's Birthday, 1707/8. "I could not find it in my Heart to go to the Town-House; because hardly anything is professedly there done but drinking Healths." Increase Mather has given an explanation of the Puritans' abhorrence of this custom. It is, he says, a remainder of heathenism; its originator was the Devil. It therefore must not be followed by Christians. Fur- thermore, as usually practised it is "against the Rules of Charity, Justice, and Reason" in that it "puts another upon Drinking such a quantity of strong Liquor, when perhaps he has enough and too much already." Health-drinking is "an unjust and Tyrannical Invasion on the Liberty which belongs
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to every one both as a man and as a Christian when he is obliged to Drink more, than his present Appetite inclines him unto."
ROISTERING
Such sociable pastimes as card-playing and dicing also threatened to become popular, and Increase Mather saw the necessity of including them among the things to be placed on his index. One morning (June 21, 1699) a pack of cards proved its presence by appearing strewn over Sewall's front yard, "which, tis supposed," says Sewall, "some might throw there to mock me. ... " Cotton Mather testifies to the continu- ance of such diversions in 1711. "I hear of some young Men in my Flock, who abandon themselves to the ruinous Courses of Gaming; and who especially betake themselves thereto, for the Quieting of their Minds, when they meet with any Thing in the public Sermons that proves troublesome to their Con- sciences."
Gambling also took a popular form in lotteries, becoming so frequent that in 1719 the General Court took action. "Whereas there have been lately set up within this Province certain mischievous and unlawful Games, called Lotteries, whereby the Children and Servants of several Gentlemen, Merchants and Traders, and other unwary People have been drawn into a vain and foolish Expense of Money; Which tends to the utter Ruin and Impoverishment of many Families, and is to the Reproach of this Government, and against the com- mon Good, Trade, Welfare, and Peace of the Province"-so runs the preamble. Penalities provided were a fine of £200 for setting up a lottery and one of £10 for taking a chance in one.
The prevalence of such undesirable things was associated in many minds with the tavern, a social institution of enlarging importance, particularly in Boston. On this point Puritan logic kept to a remarkably straight path. Such places were intended for the care of travellers and strangers, and every- thing possible was done to restrict them to that service. Laws for that purpose carried on the policy from the earlier days well into the eighteenth century.
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