USA > Massachusetts > Commonwealth history of Massachusetts, colony, province and state, volume 2 > Part 47
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Worst of all, this act destroyed that time-honored New Eng- land institution, the town-meeting. Next to the meeting- house, the town-house was the institution most precious to a
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citizen of Massachusetts Bay. Often the two buildings were one, and all the secular affairs of the meeting-house, even to the choice of a minister, were in the town-meeting's hands. To forbid all such gatherings of the townsfolk, except as they might be called by the governor, was to take away the very substance of New England's civic and religious life.
A second act was labelled: "For the impartial administra- tion of justice in the Province of Massachusetts Bay." This, too, was destructive of the charter, for it provided for the transfer to England, for trial, of any person indicted for murder or for any other capital offence, provided that offence "was committed in the exercise or aid of magistracy in sup- pressing riots, and that a fair trial could not be had in the province." This act, was a reversal of the legal practice of a hundred and forty years.
The third act, seemingly going out of its way to irritate the inflamed citizens of Boston, provided for quartering the British soldiers, who were being sent over in comparatively large numbers, upon the inhabitants of that town rather than in the Castle and other government buildings wherein, up to that time, they had been provided for.
The fourth act threatened all possibility of expansion for New England, since it extended the limits of the province of Quebec to include the territory between the Lakes, the Ohio and: the Mississippi. It provided, moreover, for government by a legislative council appointed by the Crown, (a most dangerous example for all the other seaboard colonies) ; and gave special rights to Roman Catholics, a concession which was anathema to New England Puritans.
THE BOSTON PORT BILL (1774)
The most offensive bill of the series and that which ulti- mately separated America from England, was the so-called Boston Port Bill "for discontinuing the lading and shipping of goods, wares and merchandizes, at Boston or the harbour thereof, and for the removal of the custom house with its de- pendencies, to the town of Salem.". An added sting was given to this measure by a special provision. It was not enough that the bill would remain in force until compensation
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should be made to the East India Company for the damage sustained because of the destruction of the tea. By an added sting this act was to remain operative until the King in council should declare himself satisfied that peace and good order had been restored in the town. In George's state of mind and of temper such "satisfaction" would probably be long in coming.
Lord North, in introducing the Boston Port Bill, gives Mas- sachusetts preëminence in disloyalty by saying: "Boston has ever been the ringleader in all riots, and has at all times shown a desire of seeing the laws of Great Britain attempted in vain in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay." In answer to the con- tention that the "Tea Party" was the work of private persons for whose behavior the Province could not be held responsible, he insisted that the act of the mob in destroying the tea, and the other proceedings, belonged to the acts of the public meet- ing. He continued to suppose that the other colonies were peaceable and well inclined towards the trade of this country, and that the tea would have been landed at New York with- out opposition. Yet when the news came from Boston that the tea was destroyed, Governor Tryon thought it would be prudent to send the tea back to England. Boston alone was held to blame for having set the example; therefore Boston was to be the principal object of English attention for punishment.
INTERTOWN SYMPATHY (1774)
The general opinion in England with regard to the "Yan- kees" was that they were sordid and unscrupulous traders. Any blow, therefore, at their trafficking would bring them at once, it was confidently believed, into a state of humble submission. How little the framers of the five coercive acts understand the provincial temper! How impossible it was for men of far better minds than King George's and his kitchen cabinet's to foresee what those acts involved! Needless to say they over- threw the one obstacle that up to that time had prevented the attitude of the colonies from being a real danger to the mother country. With the first reading in America of the vin- dictive measure through which the Parliament undertook to punish recalcitrant Boston, the aloofness, amounting in many
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cases to hostility, of the thirteen colonies each towards the others, melted away; and revolution became not only possible, but practically the only recourse.
Of course, in passing this measure, Parliament counted, with a confidence that any English student of American af- fairs at that time would have declared justified, upon the well-known jealousies, not only between the several colonies but between town and town in Massachusetts. George the Third, who delighted, as all petty natures do, in stirring up trouble, knew, as did his subservient ministers, that for vari- ous and quite diverse reasons most of the other colonies up to that time heartily disliked Massachusetts, a hatred in which the Bay Colony took a certain pride. They knew too that, largely because of maritime and economic rivalries, most of the Massachusetts towns were in some measure antagonistic to most of the others. Since Boston assumed rather a superior attitude toward the lesser communities, it was upon that largest and most prosperous town of the Commonwealth that the rather envious antagonisms of the other maritime places were up to that time directed.
Doubtless in framing the drastic legislation aimed at a single community, the English ministry rather gleefully foresaw al- most a vulture-like rejoicing by such competing places as Salem and Marblehead over the paralysis of a town which was more and more absorbing the colonial trade. Never were men more mistaken !
INTERCOLONIAL SYMPATHY (1774)
Within two days after receipt of the Port Bill, the Com- mittees of Correspondence of eight Massachusetts towns (such committees having been for some time in useful existence) met and issued to the other provincials a plea for help and a recommendation that all the colonies suspend intercourse with Great Britain. It astonished no one more than it did the Bos- tonians to witness the immediate response to this plea, and the widespread condemnation of the measures designed to punish them for holding the expensive "Tea Party." The sympa- thetic indignation, the substantial help, and the variety of as- sistance placed at their feet as fast as riders could bring these messages and goods were as unexpected as they were helpful.
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To quote from the rather elephantine humor of the Essex Gazette of May 30, 1774 : "On Saturday last, Mr. Paul Revere returned from Philadelphia, having been sent express to the Southern Colonies, with intelligence of the late rash, impolitic and vindictive measures of the British Parliament, who, by the execrable Port Bill, have held out to us a most incontest- able argument why we ought to submit to their jurisdiction; and what rich blessings we may secure to ourselves and pos- terity, by an acquiescence in their lenity, wisdom and justice. Nothing can exceed the indignation with which our brethren in Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and Philadelphia have received this proof of ministerial madness. They uni- versally declare their resolution to stand by us to the last ex- tremity."
Turning again to John Fiske, we find him writing: "Droves of cattle and flocks of sheep, cartloads of wheat and maize, kitchen vegetables and fruit, barrels of sugar, quintals of fried fish, provisions of every sort, were sent overland as free gifts to the people of the devoted city, even the distant rice-swamps of South Carolina contributing their share. The overcautious Franklin had written from London, suggesting that per- haps it might be best, after all, for Massachusetts to indemnify the East India Company; but Gadsden, with a sounder sense of the political position, sent word, 'Don't pay for an ounce of the damned tea.' Throughout the greater part of the country the first of June was kept as a day of fasting and prayer; bells were muffled and tolled in the principal churches; ships in the harbours put their flags at half-mast. .. . As usual, the warm- est sympathy with New England came from Virginia. 'If need be,' said Washington, 'I will raise one thousand men, subsist them at my expense, and march myself at their head for the relief of Boston.' "
OBSTINACY OF GREAT BRITAIN (1774)
These and similar acts give evidence of a certain dramatic quality in the play-hating Puritan, which was of the utmost value at a time when the crowd-mind was made up of such diverse elements as were to be found, for example, in Catholic Maryland, in Dutch New York, and in Quaker Pennsylvania.
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The perhaps exaggerated assurances of these previously un- friendly colonies in displaying their sympathy for the chief New England town engendered, however, in old England a spirit of retaliation that milder forms of opposition to the parliamentary measures might not have stimulated.
King George especially resented this unexpected outcome of his policies. His ire inflamed led him, and through him his ministers, to refuse concessions, after it must have been plain even to them that they had made a grievous and perhaps fatal mistake. This interpretation of the ministerial attitude is con- firmed by careful reading of the parliamentary debates in the spring, and again in the late fall, of 1774.
In a series of really masterly speeches, the friends of Amer- ica, notably Burke, pointed out from every angle the folly and danger of maintaining the Five Acts ; and he urged the Govern- ment, in case they were retained, notwithstanding these argu- ments, to soften their enforcement. All this wise advice, al- though presented by many of the ablest men in both houses, met with nothing but increased ministerial obstinacy. No state- ment of fact, no deduction from the happenings in America, however obvious, seemed to make the slightest impression upon Lord North or his colleagues in the cabinet. It was, to Eng- land, a fatal instance of the familiar saying, "whom the gods would destroy they first make mad."
At no time could the friends of America muster more than a small minority in Parliament as against the over- whelming governmental majorities. Those fatuous sup- porters of Lord North's policies took as true all the state- ments of their friends, the American Tories, regarding as trivial and of doubtful accuracy all statements concerning the feelings and behavior of the body of colonists, superior both in numbers and soundness of argument. In face of the extensive fire of revolt which the "Great Incendiary" and many another had raised, the King and his ministers shut their already blind eyes and continued to murmur that no blaze was there.
In Spark's Life of Franklin is an interesting account of the attempt to use that canny American as a medium of re- conciliation between the English government and the revolting colonies. The hints thrown in by Franklin of grounds of
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reconciliation for Massachusetts, and therefore the other colonies, were much too strong for English consideration. Franklin may have had an ulterior purpose in making them impossible.
GENERAL AND GOVERNOR GAGE (1774)
To enforce the Port Bill, a few weeks after its passage in March, General Gage was sent over as commander-in-chief of the military forces of North America and as governor of Massachusetts Bay. With him, or soon after, came the "four regiments" for which such easy success had been pre- dicted, in addition to the two obnoxious regiments already stationed in the chief Massachusetts town.
Till superseded by Gage, Governor Hutchinson remained titular governor. He was a man much misunderstood, re- garding whom opinions are still at variance.
Driven out of Massachusetts Bay, where he had been born and brought up, because of his notorious letters in criticism of Boston folk-letters so cleverly manipulated by Franklin and Samuel Adams-he shortly died in exile and seemingly of a broken heart. General Thomas Gage, while English born, was of a mild and conciliatory temper, and for a time ex- hibited extraordinary patience in dealing with his rebellious and frequently quite unreasonable charges.
Says Harold Murdock, in his Nineteenth of April, 1775: "Surely no milder rule was ever maintained than that of General Gage. We have it on good provincial authority that his attitude was distinctly conciliatory, and his demeanor to- ward the civil officers in the town respectful to the point of deference. The local press bristled with attacks upon the government he represented, and yet no move was made to- ward censorship or suppression. Well-known patriot agitators came and went, but their movements and speeches were both ignored. In the meantime, on every village green the provin- cial militia was drilling; and the towns under the direction of the Provincial Congress were briskly engaged in collecting ammunition and supplies for war. Outside of Boston the courts were overawed. Indignant magistrates were waited upon by mobs and forced to resign their trusts, while soldiers in Boston were systematically seduced to desert. The army
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became restless, and it was urged that the Governor's leniency was alienating thousands of loyal citizens, who naturally looked to him for protection. But Gage persisted in his watchful waiting, until it was whispered about in military circles that 'Tommy' was no better in his high office than 'an old woman.' "
THE BRITISH TROOPS (1774)
That his soldiers had little sympathy with Gage's friendly attitude towards the people of Boston is indicated by the fol- lowing extracts from the diary of Lt. John Barker, of the "King's Own Regiment."
"Yesterday in compliance with the request of the Select Men, Genl. Gage order'd that no Soldier in future shou'd appear in the Streets with his side Arms. Quaere, Is this not encouraging the Inhabitants in their licentious and riotous disposition? Also orders are issued for the Guards to seize all military Men found engaged in any disturbance, whether Aggressors or not; and to secure them, 'till the matter is enquired into. By Whom? By Villians that wou'd not cen- sure one of their own Vagrants, even if He attempted the life of a Soldier; whereas if a Soldier errs in the least, who is more ready to accuse them than Tommy?"
"Quaere-Why is not the 100 days Batt. and Forage Money, which has been long due the Troops, paid them? Because Tommy feels no affection for his Army, and is more attach'd to a paltry Oeconomy, both in Publick and Private."
It is curious to read that on his arrival, May 13, 1774, Governor Gage was officially met at Long Wharf, com- plimented by the council and afterwards "sumptuously enter- tained." -
On the next day a "numerous town meeting resolved" that, "if the other Colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importation from and exportation to Great Britain, and every part of the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same will prove the salvation of North America and her liberties; and that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of these acts exceed all our powers of expression : We therefore leave it to the just censure of others, and appeal to God and the world."
From an engraving in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
GENERAL THOMAS GAGE
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PROTESTS OF OTHER COLONIES AND TOWNS (1774)
Indignation meetings were not confined to Boston. New York witnessed a very large one; at which a committee of 52 was named which, among other resolves, insisted that a "genuine congress" should be convened at Philadelphia. Sub- stantial aid was given through a subscription for the support of such poor inhabitants as should be deprived of the means of subsistence by the acts. The Virginia House of Burgesses, as already noted, set apart the first of June for fasting and humiliation. The day was devoutly kept in Williamsburg, the state capital; and the idea extended, among other towns to Philadelphia where all the citizens, except the Quakers, shut up their houses and where, all day long, muffled bells were rung. Similar proceedings took place in Maryland and South Carolina. Even Connecticut and Rhode Island, who had no reason to love their step-mother, Massachusetts, joined in the general protest. The latter colony circulated a paper with the Rattlesnake motto-"Join or die." In this document it was asserted that only such a union could save the inhabitants of the colonies and their posterity from "what is worse than death-slavery."
Significant action was taken by the two towns that would most greatly benefit by the Boston Port Bill. Marblehead, which had been designated in place of Boston as the major Massachusetts port, let the suffering merchants from Boston have free use of its wharves and storehouses; while its in- habitants offered to load and unload goods consigned to Bos- ton without expense to that town. The citizens of Salem, which was named as the new capital of Massachusetts Bay, declined to take advantage of a situation that would greatly have increased their wealth, and, as they declared, refused to "raise our fortunes on the ruins of our suffering neighbors."
THE AMERICAN TORIES IN BOSTON (1774)
Since Boston was purely a maritime city with almost no other resources, the Port Bill, despite the unexpected help of fellow-provincials, bore very heavily upon the merchants and upon the inhabitants in general. With soldiers in numbers patrolling the streets, and with a large body of resident Tories,
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official and unofficial, more or less openly rejoicing at the town's predicament, it was difficult to evade the new law, expert though the Bostonians might be in the genial art of smuggling. A further loss to the town's revenue came through the removal of the General Court to Salem. This involved, in spite of the remonstrance of the town, the transfer of quite a body of officials and clerks. Meanwhile Boston was becoming uncomfortably congested with Tories, who were fleeing from many towns to take shelter behind the English guns.
In admiring the rebellious attitude of Massachusetts, it must not be overlooked that much injury was done by the self-styled patriots to those who dared to be openly loyal to the mother country. As a general statement, with such notable exceptions as Hancock, Otis, John Adams, Warren and the Quincys, the Massachusetts "patriots" in Boston and outside were of the commoner and less educated sort. The more aristocratic and the richer citizens, many of them with other interests binding them to England, were generally loyal to the Crown. The patriot elements, however, being superior in numbers, had it in their power to annoy, to threaten and even to make life unsafe for their opponents, many of whom, as has already been pointed out, fled for protection to the guarded town of Boston.
Doubtless it was at their urgency that Gage fortified the "Neck" over which then ran the only land entrance into Bos- ton; but in so doing, he provided new fuel for the growing indignation against him, against his soldiers, and particularly against the measures which he and his regiments had come over to enforce. As put by Griffith : "The dissatisfaction was increased by placing a guard upon Boston Neck, the narrow isthmus which joins the peninsula to the continent; for which measure the frequent desertion of the soldiers was the as- signed reason. Individuals encouraged such desertion; and the Boston committee contributed to the temptation, by mak- ing the situation of the soldiery as disagreeable as they could, and by counteracting all endeavours to render it comfortable. They acted systematically for the exclusion of all supplies from the land for the British troops. Through their connexion with the neighboring committees, the farmers and others were prevented from selling them straw, timber, slit-work, boards,
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in short every article excepting provisions necessary for their subsistence. Straw purchased for their service was frequently burnt; vessels with brick intended for the army were sunk, and carts with wood overturned."
THE SEPARATISTS (1774)
While these characterizations bear the earmarks of spleen, the patriots were, without doubt, a difficult body to handle. In making it uncomfortable for the American Tories, they were following the course of all restless majorities towards opposing, though quite helpless, minorities. How far the frequent riotings of that year, the threats against the Tories and the general popular restiveness were encouraged by Samuel Adams and his busy agents, it is impossible to know. Inas- much as Sam Adams for a number of years-and for a long time without much political support-had been preaching sepa- ration from England, it is undeniable that he had a very large influence in bringing about the unique position of the Bay Colony in 1774.
Sam Adams was not battling without allies in his own colony. Until the fall of 1774, only this province seriously contemplated separation from England and was willing, so far as many of the patriot leaders were concerned, to pay the customary price of rebellion-civil war. That price Frank- lin plainly named eighteen months later in his famous dictum : "We must all hang together or assuredly we shall all hang separately." Those Massachusetts leaders understood that to fight alone would be suicidal. Consequently, through most of that year the patriot leaders of Massachusetts Bay were bending their energies to the extremely difficult task of con- verting the other colonies to a state of mind comparable with theirs. To that end, the stupidity of the English ministry in passing the five vindictive measures, and in emphasizing its intention to enforce those acts by sending over a con- siderable armed force, was of great service to the Boston radicals. Without such concrete examples of the power and spitefulness of the King's ministers, it would have been quite impossible for Massachusetts to stir up any active interest among the other twelve colonies concerning revolution.
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These weapons, forged by the enemy itself, the astute political leaders in Massachusetts brandished over the heads of the hesitating colonies with a skill and astuteness almost beyond belief.
POWER OF SAMUEL ADAMS (1774)
It is often said that, during 1774, the fires of Samuel Adams, the "Great Incendiary," were temporarily banked. Ostensibly they were; yet the securing of delegates to the First Continental Congress, and the acts of that congress itself, seem to indicate the hand, hidden though it may have been, of this arch and successful politician, who had long been using, and was continuing to use, his remarkable powers in dealing with the crowd-mind towards altering a situation in which perhaps a majority even in Massachusetts up to that time preferred to remain submissive to England into one where an even larger majority were so eager for war that the Tory civilian minority had no choice but protection by British armies or flight.
No one can say positively for how long a time Samuel Adams had been determined upon separation from England; one can only guess concerning the arts through which he made Hancock and others of the merchant class decide to join' the patriot rather than the royal cause. He transformed his more conservative cousin, John Adams, into a temporary radi- cal, and manipulated the leaders and the common folk, so that the former should go far enough and the latter should not go too far in precipitating and maintaining revolutionary war.
It is impossible to believe that Sam Adams was really "in eclipse" between March, 1774, and April, 1775, for during this period he brought the thirteen mutually hostile colonies into a harmony at least sufficiently effective for the organiza- tion of an army pledged to a war; and the outcome of such a war must be either separation from England or, so far as the leaders were concerned, the gallows.
As in the case in all fights, animal or human, a preparatory period was occupied with what is called in sporting circles "sparring for position." Massachusetts and Virginia, for ex-
From a copy, in the Copley Gallery, of the portrait by Edward Savage
ROBERT TREAT PAINE
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ample, knowing themselves to be the leading Provinces, were both manoeuvering for supremacy in the new republic, should it finally arrive. Each of the other colonies, particularly Pennsylvania, had its special political axe to be ground; and all the colonies were looking sidewise at the challenge which, through the five punitive acts, England had thrown down; and were wondering how far they might safely go in meeting that challenge by the only weapon they possessed, a threat of thoroughgoing war.
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