USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > North Brookfield > History of North Brookfield, Massachusetts. Preceded by an account of old Quabaug, Indian and English occupation, 1647-1676; Brookfield records, 1686-1783 > Part 4
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As appears from contemporary history, our tribe built three towns on the easterly bank of Ware river, to each of which, according to Indian etymology, the name Menameset was applied. Perhaps the three lead- ing Quabaug clans built each its own village. Reliable tradition has preserved a knowledge of the site of the lower of these towns. It was on " an island," i.e., a plot of dry land surrounded by wet swamp, on
I The Indian name of this stream signifies " great fishing basket," or "fishing wier " (pronounced ware) ; and their village or villages, built on the banks, would be Men-a-me-seek-et - contracted, Menameset; now more often written Meminimisset, or Wenimisset. The natives had several of these great fishing wiers in this river; and some of them remained in place, up to the time when the Factories were established at Ware Village and Gilbertville.
33
MENAMESET TOWNS.
the easterly side of Wenimisset brook in New Braintree, and contained four or five acres. The highest part of the island was about twenty rods from Ware river ; the old turnpike road from Furnace village through Oakham, crosses it, leaving one-fourth on the northerly and three-fourths on the southerly side of said road. Mr. fudd, the careful investigator, and reliable historian, visited the place and identified the island, in 1854. Ephraim Curtis, who came hither with a message from the gov- ernor in the middle of July, 1675, has left an interesting account of his visit, and description of the island. This was not, as some affirm, the Indian's " stronghold," but was the least defensible of the three towns ; and the absence of characteristic " remains " indicates that its occupation was less permanent. It will come into notice again, when we give an account of the ambushment of Capt. Wheeler.
The two upper Menameset town sites have remained practically unknown to local historians - notwithstanding the fact that the exact statements of the two guides, George Memicho and James Quanapohit, which are preserved in the State Archives, furnish the necessary clews, and Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative is quite specific in data for fixing the most northerly site. Guided by these historical memoranda, the writer has made careful and repeated explorations of the valley from Barre Plains to the Old Furnace, and has discovered two spots which corre- spond to the estimated distances from known points, given by the guides above named ; which spots exactly meet the requirements of Indian vil- lage sites ; and at both of which sufficient "remains " were found, to leave no doubt that they are the two long over-looked Quabaug town sites.I
Going up stream from the mouth of Wenimisset brook, and distant about one mile, is what I call the second Menameset town.2 The site is nearly opposite the White paper-mill. Extending from the Perez Cobb cemetery northerly, is a high plain containing about forty acres, the surface of which is some thirty-five feet above the river level. It is evident that in the olden time, a thick swamp enclosed this plain on the south, east, and north, while the river ran on the west. Back of the plain, and half-way down to the water level is a terrace, where a large village of wigwams could be set up, and where they would be effectually screened from observation by the fringe of hemlocks and pines growing on the edge of the bluff. Back of this terrace and next the river is a strip of low ground, partly sandy ridge and partly swamp. In this dry ridge can still be seen the remains of fifteen Indian "barns," showing
I All these places answer well to a description given Nov. 9, 1675, in a letter from the Massachu- setts Council to Capt. Appleton: The enemy ... stay in " piney and cedar swamps with dry knolls or islands in them, fit for their purpose to lurk in, and lay up their provisions, and hide their squas and children."
2 First recognized by Charles E. Jenks, Esq , one of the party.
34
QUABAUG: INDIAN OCCUPATION, 1647-1665.
this to have been an important store-town. The site, as a place of secu- rity and concealment, could hardly be excelled -the slight fall in the river here giving a ready fordway for escape, in case of surprisal.
King Philip came here from Quabaug Old Fort, with his small band of followers, Friday, Aug. 6 (not 5th), 1675, as George Memicho nar- rates.
The third of the Indian towns known as Menanieset, was up the river a distance of about two miles, on the Capt. Woodbury farm, in Barre Plains. The stream here makes a sharp turn, so as to form a double ox-bow. Within the lower bend is enclosed eight or nine acres of land, comprising above two acres of good cornfield, at near the water level, and the rest a bluff or high plain, bordered on all sides by steep slopes, which could be easily defended. A depression (perhaps originally a broad ditch dug for security, and now partly filled by successive plow- ings, and washings by the rains) crosses the bluff, back of which is a couple of acres, well suited for wigwam sites. At the extreme point in the bend of the river is an elevation, now well wooded, where a strong stockade could have been erected. Towards the westerly foot of this elevation are the remains of six or eight Indian " barns." And at sev- eral points on the bluff, and in the cornfield, an abundance of fire-stones are found, which prove the former existence here of a large number of Indian wigwams, and a somewhat permanent residence.
This site corresponds in distance, both from Quabaug Old Fort, and Lancaster, with the official report of Quanapohit ; and is capacious enough to accommodate the large numbers of natives specified in said report as then gathered at " Menemesseg." It also meets the requirements, as to distance from Lancaster and Bacquag, given in Mrs. Rowlandson's Nar- rative, as the place where she was held a captive, Feb. 12-28, 1676 ; is " about six miles off " from the small Indian town of Nichewaug ; and it would be the first of the Menameset towns to be reached by the band of whooping savages, as they returned with English scalps and plunder, from their assault on Medfield, Feb. 21, 1675-6.1
History of the Quabaugs. The foregoing detailed description of their chief towns, will enable the reader to understand the frequent topo- graphical references made in succeeding pages of this and the next chapter.
The facts now to be narrated, concerning the internal affairs of Qua- baug, and the relation of the tribe to other Indian tribes, and to the Massachusetts authorities, will be mainly given in the official documents of the time. This method is chosen, because many of these papers have not been accessible to the public : because the more important ones now in print are defective translations, rather than accurate copies of
I See Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative - Third Remove.
UPPER MENAMESET, ON WARE RIVER, BARRE PLAINS.
35
QUABAUGS IN 1647.
the originals in the State Archives : and because all of them, in addition to their intrinsic historical value, throw light upon contemporary events, by incidentally disclosing the meaning of actions, as well as the motives and ulterior plans of the actors.
1647. - In 1647, three Indians who lived near Quabaug Old Fort, were murdered by a party of marauding Naunotuks, aided by one or two Maquas. The next spring, a murderous raid was made on an out-settle- ment of the Quabaugs, located on the Ware river, probably in the town of Barre, and five Indians killed, and their wigwams robbed. News of this massacre was brought to Quabaug by an Indian that escaped. And steps were immediately taken by Quacunquasit, to send an account of the affair to the Governor at Boston, and ask for aid to apprehend the murderers. In response, the Court of Assistants at its May session, " sent twenty men to Nashaway to enquire of the truth of the matter, and to apprehend the murderers if they could be found ; but being fled to Narraganset, they returned, and informed us certainly of the persons murdered, and of the actors, etc." [Winthrop's Journal, II. 397.]
Failing in this attempt, the Quabaug sachem sent two of his trusty Indians to Cutshamakin, a distinguished Wampanoag, living at Dorches- ter Mills, and under-sachem to Massasoit. A message was also sent to the apostle Eliot, who had the confidence of Cutshamakin. The mis- sion prospered ; and the Indian messengers not only gained the ear of the Dorchester sachem and Mr. Eliot, but offered to undertake the ap- prehension of some of the Naunotuk murderers. These counsels pre- vailed with the Magistrates at Boston ; and "we gave them commissions, and withal wrote to Mr. Pynchon to assist them, etc. (they living near Springfield)." [Winthrop's Journal.]
William Pynchon was an early friend and associate of Gov. Winthrop ; was one of the founders of Roxbury, where he was a magistrate and treasurer. He was the father of Springfield, and was holding the office of Assistant ; he was a man of affairs, whose opinions would naturally have a controlling influence with the Magistrates. His letter of reply to the Governor shows that he was well informed in the news of the day ; was politic ; was shrewd in the use of technicalities ; and was bound to save Springfield from possible harm, even if little Quabaug was left unavenged. This letter, as printed in Savage's edition of Winthrop's Journal, contains numerous and misleading errors. The following copy, made by Henry E. Waite, is believed to be an exact transcript of the original in the State Archives.
SPRINGEFELD this 5 of the 5m 1648.
Sir. I received a letter from you with ye hands of 4 magistrates more to it, to assist two Indians of Quabaug with men &c, for the apprhending of 3 murtherers at Naunotuk wch is about 15 miles from our Towne up ye River.
36
QUABAUG: INDIAN OCCUPATION, 1647-1665.
These Indians of Quabauge have dealt subtilly in getting Cutshamoquin to get Mr Eliot to be their medeator to you for yr helpe: The principall Argūt wch Mr Eliot doth use to move you is, that ye murthered are yr sub- jectes : & thereuppon ye warrant from the Court runns that ye said Indians may charge eather Indians or English to assist them to apprhend them at Naunotak, I. bec [because ] ye murthered are yr subjects & 2ly bec the mur- therers are wthin yr Jurisdiction.
But if thinges be well examined : I apprhend that neether the murthered are yr subjects nor yet ye murtherers wthin yr Jurisdiction.
I grant they are all wthin ye line of yr pattent, but yet you cannot say that therefore they are yr subjects nor yet within yr Jurisdiction vntill they have fully subjected themselves to yr government (wch I know they have not) & vntill you have bought their land : vntill this be done they must be esteemed as an Independant free people, & so they of Naunotak do all account themselves, & doubtless wch ever goes wth strength of men to dis- turb their peace at Naunotuk they will take it for no other than a hostile action : witness their deadly fewdt wch they have & do beare to ye Mona- heganicks 2 ever since they took Sewoquasse 3 from them the last yere : wch I doubt will be the ground of a further dangerous war : 4 for I heare that Pacomtuk will psue the Quarrell & Joyne wth ye Indians of the duch River against ym, but the Naricanset must begin the war, and as I heare eather yesterday or this day is like to be ye day of fight between them & ye Naricanset : though thes River Indians will delay their tyme till the tyme that corne begins to be ripe : but now they are making of a very large & a strong forte.
But to returne to ye case of ye murthered: The first 3 that were mur- thered the last yere lived about 6 or 7 miles on this side Quabaug nerer us,5 & the murtherers of them are known as they affirm: & there are severall Smale Sachims of Quabaug, & in all neer places there are other smale Sachims no one Sachim doth Rule all: & one of these petti Sachims hath made friendship wth Cutshamoquin & that makes Cushamokin cale them his subjects, but I believe they will stick no longer to him than the sunn shines uppon him.
The last 5 that were killed this Spring (wth one more that escaped) lived in ye midway between Quabaug & Nashaway, & yet not prperly belonging to eather place, but liveing as newters, & yet bec they were somewhat neere neighbors to both places, therefore both places do desyre yr help against the murtherers. The murtherers of these 5 are not known : but bec the
I This " deadly fewd " was the war between the Narragansets and Mohegans, in which the English took sides with the latter. And when Sequasson, a Narraganset chieftain, for an alleged conspiracy, had put himself under the protection of the Pacomptucks, Uncas with a party of Mohegans, marched up the river and captured Sequasson by a night surprise, and took him to Hartford. On trial, he was acquitted; and at the date of this letter was probably living at Waranoco (Westfield).
2 Mohegans.
3 Sequasson.
4 This war, then brewing, was an alliance formed by the Narragansets, Pacomptucks, and Mo- hawks, who were to descend upon the Mohegans, and destroy the tribe, and take revenge on Uncas. As Uncas was in league with the English, they would become involved in the strife and its consequences. The day this letter was written was the one set for opening the campaign.
5 Quabaug Old Fort.
37
WILLIAM PYNCHON'S LETTER TO GOVERNOR.
murtherers of the first 3 are known therefore they suppose they are the same men : but the man that is escaped saith that if he can see their faces he doth know their faces though he knows not their names.
Mr Eliot also writ a letter to me to stir me up to assist ye said Indians that came from you : I. he urgeth me wth a comand of god to make inquisi- tion for blood, & 2ly wth a p mise They shall heare & Feare Etc : & hence he concludes that there is no feare of a war to pceed from this dealing.
If ye first positions can be made good, namely that ye murthered were yr subjects & 2ly that ye murtherers were wthin yr jurisdiction ; then Mr Eliots exhortation to me had been seasonable, or else not.
But yet notwthstanding, I have not declined ye businesse, but have be- thought myself how to get it effected in the best manner: & therefore I advised ye Quabaug Indians to stay vntill Nippunsait returned from Sowo- quasses house, wch I expected wthin 2 dayes, but he came not till the 3d day : then we had a private conference & I ordered my speech thus to him, that I had red letters from you that whereas Chickwallop desyred Cut- shamokin to appoint a meeting at Quabauge, it was yr desyre that ye meet- ing might be at Boston, that you might understand the businesse as well as ye Indian Sachims, & that you would take it kindly if he would talk wth the Naunotuk Sachims to apprehend the 3 murtherers, & that they would send some to [be] at ye meeting at Boston.
Thereuppon Quacunquasit, one of ye Sachims of Quabauge, & Nippunsait & others discoursed a long tyme how to effect this matter, & who to apprhend in the first place. But neether I nor my son for want of language could understand their discourse : but in conclusion they explained unto us what they had concluded on, namely, to take two of ye 4 that were at Naunotuk : but they thought it best not to medle wth Wottowon & Reskeshonege bec they were of Pamshads kindred who is a maqua Sachim : but Nippunsait said he would tell him that they should live, hoping he would further them in the taking of the Rest: & all the Indians consented to this motion as ye most fesible & likly way to attain their ends in the Rest: the other two namely Wawhilam & his brother: Nippunsait hath undertaken by some wile or other to bringe them to my howse in a peacable way, & then he will leave ym to me to apprhend them & so to send ym to you : & this they thought might be effected about 10 or 12 dayes after this conclusion was made, wch was made 2 dayes before ye date of this letter.
& thus by these means they will ingage ye English as ye cheifest pties in their business.
But I must confess I look uppon this service in sending them to you as a difficult & troublesome service : for I. I have no prison to keep them safe, & 2ly it will occasion great resort of Indians to my house to see what I will do wth them, & 3ly we shall want men : & I pceive that the Indians are afraid to medle wth them unlesse they can mak the English the principall in the business.
If ye Lord should let loose the reynes to their malice, I mean to their friends & Abettors, it may be of ill Consequence to ye English that inter- medle in their matters by a voluntary rather [than] by a necessary calinge, for they & their friends stand uppon their inocency, & in that respect they threaten to be avenged on such as lay any hands uppon them :
38
QUABAUG: INDIAN OCCUPATION, 1647-1665.
& our place is more obnoxtious to their malice than the Bay by farr, espe- cially the Naunotuk Indians are desperate Spirites, for they have their dependance on the Mowhoaks or maquas who are the Terror of all Indians.
my advise therefor is, that you will as much as may be take the matter from vs : wch may thus be effected : send 3 or 4 men to our plantation 1 wth all speed that may lie together here, eather at the ordinary, or at some other howse, till the said pties be brought to me : if they be not brought before they come : they may improve their tyme here by doing some work: & if there be not a sufficient number of Indians to goe with them to carry them safe : I may appoint more men that ye businesse may not faile for want of a good guard.
let thes psons [that] march here [have] a charge to be private & silent in the business till they see it effected : you may send thes men away on the 2d day : if the Indians should mak an escape & not be taken, yet the charge of 3 or 4 men in so weighty a business for the faierer carrieing of it on, is not to be stood uppon : If they be taken before they come I will set a guard uppon them for 2 or 3 dayes in hope you will send them wth as much speed as may be : Indeed there should not be a dayes delay after they come to my howse; it will prvent the tumult of Indians, & p vent their waylaying : if thes two be once apprhended & put to death then they have determined the death of 6 more neer Quabaug: & only the former two to live.
thus have I as briefly as I can (though abruptly) related the substance of ye matter. I intreat you that thes men may cale to my son davis 2 for a letter before they come away : they must be active men & leight of foote, for the better countenancing of the businesse: I shall ere long send you further intelligence about this Pacomtuk businesse wth ye Monaheganicks. the Lord is able to divert their intentions : though it is to be suspected it is intended for ye vtter ruine of ye monaheganicks, & the English will I feare be imbroyled in the war :
Yr assured loving brother in the Lord
W. PYNCHON. hast : hast. [Addressed,]
To his honored ffreind Mr John Wintrop Governor at his howse in Bos- ton, dir it wth all speed.
The Governor sent the letter, with this note : -
For his hond brother the Deputy Gov wth speed
Sir. I pray acquaint Mr Eliot wth this letter & let me have yor advice about it speedily, so I rest
9 (5) 48 :
Yr loving brother Jo : WINTHROP, Govr.
And the Deputy Governor, Dudley, returned it, with this endorsement, written on the blank page : -
Upon readinge this lre and conference wth Mr Elyott, I give my advise (wch you require) for a pawse in the busines before wee proceede any further in it.
I Springfield.
2 Capt. Wm. Davis of Boston, m. Margaret Pynchon.
39
ADVICE OF DEPUTY GOVERNOR.
I. For that the ground and warrant of our medlinge in it is by this Ire taken away : it being denyed that the murthered were our subiects, or the mur- therers w hin our Jurisdiccon.
2. If the murtherers should be apprehended and brought to us, the p ty escapeing is for ought wee yet know all the witnes against them, hee affirm- inge hee knows their faces, wch yet is doubtfull, the murder beinge done in the night.
3. It is like in Mr Pinchons oppinon to draw a warr upon us, wch if (as hee saith) it be provoked by vs voluntarily, not necessaryly, wee shall incurr blame at home and wth our confederate English, and want helpe from heaven in it, and comfort in prosecuting it.
4. The charge & difficulty wch the sendinge men out in hay and harvest tyme would be considered.
5. A pawse will advantage vs in hearinge what the narragansetts will doe upon Uncus whome wee must defend.
6. And if soe, it cannot be wissdome in vs to stirr upp other Indians against vs to ioyne wth the warr: [Narragansetts]
I have forgotten 2 other reasons while I was settinge downe theis.
I thinck a messinger would be dispatched to Mr Pinchon, to lett such Indians loose if any should be apprehended, wch I thinck will not be, they whoe have promised not beinge like to doe it, or if Mr Pinchon see cause to doe otherwise to leave it to him.
THO : DUDLEY.
The following note in Winthrop's Journal, gives the final upshot of the matter : "Whereupon the Govr wrote back personally to Mr. Pynchon, that then he should proceed no further, but send back the Indians, etc."
In addition to its historical relation to the Quabaugs, and other neigh- boring tribes, this letter gives us an insight into the Indian character, as exemplified when the English first came to the country, and before con- tact of races had modified natural traits. Perhaps the expressive word sanguinary best describes the native disposition. They were fond of war ; were ready to make and break alliances ; revengeful ; given to theft and murder, when the strong could assault the weak ; and artful to cover their tracks. Mr. Pynchon's reasoning also affords an insight into the views entertained by the first white comers as to the rights and privi- leges of the native dwellers. It was held that the Indian had owner- ship in the lands he occupied, till he voluntarily sold them ; and he was free and independent till he formally submitted to the English authorities. This letter also confirms the opinion heretofore expressed in these pages, that the Quabaugs, Naunotuks, and other River tribes were regarded and treated as distinct sovereignties, rather than allied clans, except in cases where self-interest prompted an alliance.
And the fact is here brought out which shows how the apostle Eliot became thus early interested in Quabaug. We are thus prepared to
40
QUABAUG: INDIAN OCCUPATION, 1647-1665.
understand the following letter written by him at Roxbury, Dec. 29, 1649.
.. . " There is another aged Sachem at Quobagud, three score miles Westward, and he doth greatly desire that I would come thither and teach them, and live there ; and I made a journey thither this summer, and I went by Nashaway : but it so fell out that there were some stirs betwixt the Narranganset and Monahegan Indians, some murders com- mitted, etc., which made our church doubtful at first of my going ; which when the Nashaway Sachem [Sholan] heard, he commanded twenty armed men (after their manner) to be ready, and himself with these twenty men, besides sundry of our near Indians went along with me to guard me : but I took some English along with me also, so that hereby their good affection is manifested to me, and to the work I have in hand : Here also [at Quobagud] I found sundry hungry after instruc- tion ; but it pleased God to exercise us with such tedious rain and bad weather, that we were extreme wet, insomuch that I was not dry night nor day from the third day of the week unto the sixth, but so travelled, and at night pull off my boots, wring my stockings, and on with them again, and so continued : The rivers also were raised, so as that we were wet riding through : but that which added to my affliction was, my horse tired, so that I was forced to let my horse go empty, and ride on one of the men's horses which I took along with me. Yet God stept in and helped : I considered that the word of God 2 Tim. 2 : 3, " Endure hardship as a good soldier of Christ," with many other such like medi- tations. . . . And I thank the Lord, neither I nor my company took any hurt." I
This was all the information, relative to his visit, called for by Mr. Eliot's then design in writing the letter. But to us, it is matter of deep, though unavailing regret, that he did not give the name of the " aged sachem " on whose invitation the visit was made. Circumstances, how- ever, favor the conclusion that it was he who was known in our annals as David, the trusted friend of the Brookfield first settlers, who is mentioned in Wheeler's Narrative, as a " chief Sachem," and " great friend to the English."
That Mr. Eliot kept alive his interest in our Indian town, and found much to encourage him in his good work, is evident from Gookin's Ac- count, written twenty-five years later [see ante, p. 39.] The intimate relations which subsisted between the Quabaugs and the Wampanoags, as hinted at in Pynchon's letter, and confirmed by subsequent events, render it certain that intercommunication with the Bay was not infre- quent ; Indian customs of hospitality sanctioned a week's stay of our
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