History of North Brookfield, Massachusetts. Preceded by an account of old Quabaug, Indian and English occupation, 1647-1676; Brookfield records, 1686-1783, Part 8

Author: Temple, J. H. (Josiah Howard), 1815-1893; Adams, Charles, 1810-1886
Publication date: 1887
Publisher: North Brookfield : Pub. by the town [Boston, printed]
Number of Pages: 884

USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > North Brookfield > History of North Brookfield, Massachusetts. Preceded by an account of old Quabaug, Indian and English occupation, 1647-1676; Brookfield records, 1686-1783 > Part 8

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JAMES HOVEY. It appears that in 1668 or 9, three home-lots and their accompanying land rights, were granted to Daniel Hovey of Ipswich, and his sons James and Thomas. The home-lots were located on the easterly side of the Town Plot, and N. of the road. Thomas " not coming to reside " at Brookfield, his lands were re-granted to John Chadwick of Watertown, who sold the same in 1687 to Peter King of Sudbury. Thomas settled in Hadley. Daniel, the father, came to B. in 1668, and settled ; but before the town was destroyed he removed to Hadley, and subsequently back to Ipswich, where he died Apr. 1692. James settled on his grant in Brookfield, and raised a family. He was killed by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675, as appears from a list filed in the State Archives. His name is not mentioned in Capt. Wheeler's Narra- tive of the destruction of B .; and the probable inference is, that he was overtaken by the Indians near his own house, which was at a considera- ble distance from the Ayres place. His wid. Priscilla filed Inventory of his estate, Mar. 26, 1676. In 1703, his children, James of Malden, a weaver, Daniel of Ipswich, and Samuel Smith and wife Priscilla of Charlestown, sell their rights in Brookfield to Benoni Morse of Dedham,

FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.

said estate adjoining land formerly granted his father Daniel Hovey and his brother Thomas.

JUDAH TRUMBULL. Was son of John, of Roxbury 1639, who married Ann, daughter of Richard Swan of Rowley, and sister of Mercy the wife of Samuel Warner of Brookfield. He was of Rowley; removed to Brookfield ; and about 1676 to Suffield. By wife Mary he had John, b. Mar. 5, 1674 ; Ebenezer, b. Aug. 1, 1675, Joseph, b. 1677, Judah, b. 1679, who was killed by the Indians near Brookfield in July 1706, and others, and died in Suffield Apr. 1, 1692. His brother Joseph, who was of Suffield before 1675, was grandfather of the first Gov. Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut.

THOMAS MILLETT. There is evidence that he succeeded Mr. Young- love as minister at Brookfield in 1674 ; though his name does not appear in any list of the inhabitants extant. He received a grant of a home- lot of " 20 acres, and 10 acres of meadow," which his son Nathaniel of Gloucester sold Feb. 21, 1710-1, to Lieut. Thomas Baker. "Millett's meadow," often named in later records, commemorates a part of this grant. He came to New England 1635, with wife Mary, and son Thomas, and settled in Dorchester, where he had other children. In 1655, he was in Gloucester, and a preacher, though perhaps not ordained. He was in G. in 1668 ; was with his wife living in Brookfield June 3, 1675, when he gave consent to the sale of land in Gloucester. He died early in 1676 ; his wife died at G. Sept. 27, 1682.

EDWARD SCOTT, who settled in Hadley, was a resident in Brookfield for a short time.

HEZEKIAH DICKINSON lived awhile in Brookfield during the First Set- tlement, before his marriage ; he afterwards bought the Prichard home- lot and rights, which he sold Apr. 15, 1693, to Stephen Jennings, and returned to Hadley, his native place.

[The foregoing notices of the early settlers of Brookfield are compiled mainly from notes furnished by Henry E. Waite, Esq.]

Of the 17 men who signed the petition of 1673, five were killed by the Indians, either in the Ambush of Aug. 2, 1675, or the siege that followed ; and the rest scattered to old or new homes, when the town was deserted. No one of them (except Joseph Ayres, then a youth) appears to have returned to Brookfield. The terrible experiences of that week of woe made impressions and inwrought associations which were indelible ; and set their hearts against the place that could never- more be home to them !

By the Act of Oct. 22, 1673, Brookfield was made in the full sense a Town, with authority to manage its own prudential affairs, through the agency of officers chosen in legal town meeting - restricted only as to the apportionment of lands. The area of the town, it should be remem-

LITTLE GROWTH IN 1674-1675.

bered, at this date was the original six miles square. And considering the broken character of much of the land, and the fact that the best meadows had already been lotted out, the proviso "that their Dividings one to another exceed not 200 acres apiece to any present inhabitant," does not appear unreasonable. If, as there is evidence to believe, each head of a family had already received 120 acres of the most eligible land, the addition of So acres would certainly make a respectable farm.

Very little can be learned of the town's affairs, for the ensuing eighteen months. We know, incidentally, that Richard Coy was chosen town measurer, to survey and stake out land grants ; and that he was juror in attendance upon the county Court in 1674 and the March term of '75. William Prichard was clerk of the writs, an officer allowed by the shire Court, " to grant summons and attachments in civil actions." All males between 16 and 60 years of age were enrolled in the militia, and required to do annual duty ; but no town enrolling less than 64 men was entitled to have a captain. The Brookfield company could not claim a com- missioned officer, and was in command of a sergeant. John Ayres was first sergt., Wm. Prichard second sergt., Richard Coy, corporal. Sergt. Ayres was licensed to keep an ordinary or inn, as appears from the county records.I

As previously stated, a meeting-house was built, and religious worship maintained on the Sabbath, for at least a part of the time. Mr. Young- love conducted these services for a time -though he was not settled, and probably had not received ordination. He was succeeded by Mr. Thomas Millet.

Brookfield is taxed in the "Country Rate " for 1675, £5. 0. 6, and is credited with killing 10 wolves, £5.0. 0.

The evidence goes to show that there was little growth in the popu- lation of the town by accessions from abroad, in the years 1674-5. A reason for this may have been that other new towns offered greater inducements to settlers, from their rich and abundant meadow lands, and better lines of travel towards Boston. The old trails leading to

I Extractsfrom the County Records. - Sept. 26, 1671. Goodman Ayres of Quawbauge is licensed to keep an ordinary and sell wine and liquor for the ensuing year. The license was renewed in Sept. of the years 1672, 73, and 74.

Mar. 31, 1674. Jno. Ayres Sen. of Brookfield refuses to pay arrearage for the maintenance of Mr. Younglove, on account that he keeps the ordinary and has for time past, and should be free from it.

Mar. 30, 1675. Thomas Wilson of Brookfield was presented by the grand jury for cursing Samuel Warner of the same town. And the town of Brookfield was presented for defect in the bridge over the swamp at Richard Coy's, Sen .; and for want of a common pound.

Mar. 26, 1676. Inventory of estate of James Hovey: " Land at Brookfield, of little value by reason of the Indian Wars and desolation made in that town."

Sept. 26, 1682. The grand jury presented to the court for consideration, the county or country Road at Quabauge, at a muddy brook called Coy's brook, that travellers may pass in safety: Upon inquiry the Court finds a feasible way } of a mile N. of the mirey place. Same date, the jury presented David Morgan, Nicholas Rust and Thomas Gilbert for hunting at Quabauge on Sabbath with Toby ye Indian of Mr. Sam'l Marshfield's.

FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.

Quabaug were circuitous and hilly. The new " Bay Path " via Worces- ter, was only opened through in 1674 [see ante, p. 25]. And the non- action of the Legislature upon the Brookfield petition of 1670, as well as the neglect, or inability of the inhabitants to procure the assignment of the deed of the granted and occupied territory to themselves, may indicate the existence of internal dissensions, or other causes, not now understood. And it is likely that the proximity of the Wekabaug Indian village proved a drawback as well as an eye-sore. The natives did not improve in character by intercourse with the whites. English beer and cider and rum induced drunkenness, and its train of evils ; the posses- sion of guns rendered hunting more sure of success than his bow and arrows and yank-ups and deer-pits ; English beans in part took the place of corn for food supply, and required less labor ; and the easing off of the necessity for protracted toil by improved means of cultivation, and the possibility of begging, induced habits of laziness and shiftlessness among the squaws. And continued contact was demoralizing to the English. The white boys - and some of the men -learned to trap and hunt, and imitated the shiftless ways of the Indians.

Signs of a Storm. - As narrated in the preceding chapter, the Indians and English co-occupied the Brookfield lands and lived in comparative harmony, till the spring of 1675. But now the premonitions of a rup- ture of peace began to be apparent. Mr. Fiske, in his Historical Ser- mon, says : "Our Indians grew somewhat shy of their English neighbors, and took offence at some damages they had sustained from their cattle." Nominally, the English were required to fence in the home- lots, and meadows, and planting-fields ; and they set apart and fenced an ox-pasture, and horse and sheep pastures ; but hogs ran at large in the town streets, and cows and young stock ranged the Commons. The natives usually put a brush fence around their corn and bean fields ; but it was poor protection against the roving cattle. Undoubtedly, causes of offence from this source, were not infrequent.

But the antagonism which now developed itself, had a deeper seat than defective fencing, and cattle trespasses.

Enough was said in the preceding chapter to indicate the close relationship which early subsisted between the Quabaugs, and the Wam- panoags, who had been the subjects of Massasoit, and now were the immediate subjects of Philip. And the records of the time show that intercourse between the two tribes was constant, and that some tie, not now fully understood, bound them in a common interest. This social and political intimacy is the clew by which to trace the early enlistment of our Quabaugs in the impending struggle. And it also accounts for the important part which they played in the first campaign, as leaders

CAUSES OF KING PHILIP'S WAR.

and fighters ; and thus renders necessary a brief summary of the real causes of King Philip's war.

Undoubtedly the primary cause is to be sought in race jealousy and adverse social conditions. These are always operative, in a greater or less degree, when two hitherto separated peoples come in contact. And they are especially potent when the two races are imbued with opposing religious ideas and customs. And if perchance, the intruding people are superior in strength, and crowd the natives, and impose new cus- toms, the innate jealousy is all the more intensified. This was exactly the case of the New England white settlers. The Plymouth and Massa- chusetts colonies brought hither the power of civilization, and new religious ideas, and having got possession of the lands and the strategic points of dominion, sought to force upon the Indians obedience to their laws - and thus precipitated the conflict between right and might.

In treating this question, the fact is not to be overlooked, that the Indian possessed in a large degree, a dominant and sanguinary dis- position. Suspicious, malignant, blood-thirsty, rule was sweet, and war was a necessity to him ; it was his field of glory ; the scalps in his belt were the emblems of his greatness, and the tokens of renown for his children to boast of. And this was his country. The Indian was owner and sovereign here by right of inheritance, or conquest and possession. He did not invite the English adventurers. They were intruders. [For certain adventitious reasons, already considered, he received them not unwillingly.] And when he sold them the fee in his lands, neither party understood that the native relinquished the right to occupy his old villages, and plant his old fields, and hunt and fish in the woods and streams. Neither by deed nor by treaty did he intentionally con- sent to part with his personal freedom and political independence, and become subject to the white man's will or the white man's statutes ; he held fast to "the inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." That he did not comprehend the full force of the written obligations which he signed, is probably true. The Englishman wrote the deeds and treaties, and understood their technical and legal mean- ing ; and in the end he chose to interpret the terms used in said documents to his own advantage. He chose to exercise the right of might, as owner and sovereign.

And the peculiar shape and intensity of this antagonism - how the white man used his might - was determined largely by the preconceived opinion he entertained of the red man. What that opinion was, is indi- cated by the term applied to him by King James in the Plymouth Char- ter of 1620: "The Savages and brutish People." And the average Pilgrim Father looked upon the Indians as " heathens," who were to be treated as the Amorites and Canaanites were treated by the children of

FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.

Israel, either " destroyed," or " driven out," or made " to serve under tribute." Roger Williams, and the apostle Eliot, and the Mayhews, and Richard Bourne, and Daniel Gookin, and the promoters of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in New England, were honorable exceptions to this spirit, and notable examples of a true Christian philanthropy. But they did not represent the prevalent temper of the time ; and were always in conflict with the military arm of the government. Roger Wil- liams mentions, "a sinful opinion amongst many, that Christians have right to heathens' lands."

But the fact which shows in the clearest manner the estimate put upon the natives by the colonists, is that in the early war with the Pequots (1637), and the later war with Philip (1675), captives - warriors, women and children - even those who voluntarily surrendered - were either condemned to death, or sold into slavery ! '

Those early declarations by the Indian Sachems of fealty to his majesty the King of England, and of subjection to the laws of the Colony, were formal acts, which to the signers meant only "friendship and reci- procity." And Bradford and Brewster were guileless of deceit in the premises, for they meant only " friendship and reciprocity ; " and Massa- soit signed the compact of a free will ; and during their several lives the covenant was neither violated nor much strained. But the opinion that this land was "the Lord's heritage," from which the "powowing hea- then " was to be " driven out," was still the shaping force of political measures. The feeble Pilgrim of 1620-40 became the strong landlord and astute diplomat of 1660-75 ; and Philip the son succeeded Massa- soit the father, and his young counsellors and braves had forgotten the lessons of the Pequot War; and both parties gave their own definition to the terms of " friendship" and the obligations of "reciprocity." And as the Indian became more sensible of his humiliation and restive under restraint and surveillance, the English drew the restraining cords the tighter, and made his humiliation the more galling. For some supposed, and some real violations of the written compact, which he signed under compulsion, Philip was summoned before the Plymouth Council, and required to make confession of guilt, pay fines, and deliver up his guns, which he had bought and paid for at English prices.

Mr. Bancroft in his History, has tersely and truly described the situa- tion of things at this juncture. "Churches of 'praying Indians ' were gathered ; at Cambridge, an Indian became a bachelor of arts. Yet Christianity hardly spread beyond the Indians on Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard, and Nantucket, and the seven feeble villages round Boston.

I " The remnant of the Pequots were hunted to death. About 200, who surrendered in their despair, were enslaved, and given to the Narragansets to compensate them for their services, and fifteen of the boys and two women were exported by Massachusetts to Providence Isle." - Bancroft.

PLANS OF PHILIP.

The Narragansets, hemmed in between Connecticut and Plymouth, rest- less and jealous, retained their old belief; and Philip of Pokanoket, at the head of 700 warriors, professed with pride the faith of his fathers.

" But he and the tribes that owned his influence were now shut in by the gathering plantations of the English, and were the first to forebode the danger of extermination. True, the inhabitants of New England had never, except in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land without first obtaining a title from the Indians. But the unlettered savage, who repented the alienation of vast tracts by affixing a shapeless mark to a bond, might deem the English tenure defeasible. Again, by repeated treaties, the red man had acknowledged the jurisdic- tion of the English, who claimed a guardianship over him, and really endeavored in their courts, with scrupulous justice, and even with favor, to protect him from fraud and to avenge his wrongs. But the wild inhabitants of the woods or the seashore could not understand the duty of allegiance to an unknown sovereign, or acknowledge the binding force of a political compact ; crowded by hated neighbors, losing fields and hunting-grounds, and frequently summoned to Boston or Plymouth to reply to an accusation or to explain their purposes, they sighed for the forest freedom which was their immemorial birthright."

The antagonism of race and religion was radical ; and the conflict of right and might was inevitable. Either the Indian must yield and be- corne the degraded vassal to the English conqueror ; or he must vindi- cate his manhood, and establish his rights by war.

Human nature and Indian nature combined to force the issue.

And the time had come.

Philip as the successor of Massasoit, and acknowledged chief of the Eastern Massachusetts Indians, was regarded by the English as the man to be humbled : and Philip, as the successor of Massasoit, and acknowl- edged chief of the Wamponoags, esteemed himself as the man to lead the tribes to the conflict, and humble the pride of his imperious neighbors, the English.

His first forecast of the situation was a broad and correct one. He laid his plans artfully and his first steps were wise. He took means to arouse the war spirit among his own tribe, and enlist all the dependent clans, and conciliate his allies. The English had got possession of most of his guns, and this proved his vital weakness, as he had not the means to procure a new supply. Probably he enlisted about 400 or 500 warriors of his own. He then opened negotiations with the Narragansets, who were supposed - probably an over-estimate - to be able to raise 1,000 fight- ing men. For reasons of good policy, Roger Williams had early brought the Narragansets into a league of friendship with Massasoit, which old alliance now greatly favored the schemes of Philip. And there is no

FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.

doubt that Philip's emissaries visited all the Nipnet clans, the Quabaugs, and the tribes on the Connecticut river, and received assurances of aid.

The plan, thus formed and partially matured, was a comprehensive and wise one. The want of guns for his men, and the diverse interests to be combined, forced a postponement ; the betrayal of his secrets by Sassamon and Waban disconcerted and weakened him, while it provoked him to do a vast act of revenge ; the impetuous zeal of his young braves in the premature attack on Swansey June 24th, exposed his plans, and gave the alarm ; and the sudden appearance of Capt. Moseley with his troop and his dogs, only four days after the butchery at Swansey - all combined to nip in the bud what had great promise of abundant fruits. The unity of design on which the strength of the movement depended, had been frustrated by treachery ; and the moral effect which should have attended a general simultaneous uprising of the tribes and clans, was lost.

The defeat of Philip's men by Moseley June 29th, the killing of two of his chief captains July Ist, forced him to act on the defensive ; and the opportune coming of Oneko [who in 1661 had led the assault on Quabaug, as see ante, p. 42] and his Mohegans, and a strong war party of Naticks, who in a sharp encounter killed Nimrod, a great captain and chief counsellor of Philip, and fourteen more of his principal men, besides many common warriors - effectually checked his career, discour- aged his own followers, alienated some of his trusted allies, and broke his power. The war of 1675-6 is known in history as King Philip's War ; and so it was in its inception and plan. But from the day of his flight from Pocasset 'swamp, Philip was not the commander-in-chief, nor the leading spirit ; nor is there evidence that he took part in any assault or battle. He abated nothing of haughtiness, and malice, and artful designs, and intrigue : but the wise in counsel and the leaders in battle, were the Quabaugs, the Nashaways and the Nipnets. "The fear of the colonists, indeed, made Philip the omnipresent arch-fiend who planned each cunning ambush, ordered each bloody massacre, and directed every incendiary torch ; the foremost in every attack, the most daring of his race. But the evidence of history fails to sustain these assumptions." - Hon. Geo. Sheldon.

After receiving information through Waban of Natick of Philip's war- like intentions, the Massachusetts authorities sent June 13, 1675, an embassy to the Nipnets and Quabaugs, to discover their leanings and prevent an alliance with the Wampanoag sachem. These messengers visited the Indian towns of Hassanamesit, Manchage, Chabonokong- komun, Quantisset, Wabaquasset, Maanexit, Pakachooge, with the ruler of each of which a satisfactory treaty was made - they "ingaging them- selves not to assist Philip, but to hold subjection to the English of Mas-

SUBSCRIPTION OF RULER OF QUABAUG.

sachusetts." The messengers then proceeded to Quabaug, and obtained this "Subscription : "

" The Ruler of Quabage being examined by us, where his men were; he said that they were at home. Then we asked him whether there were none of them gone to help King Philip to fight against the English of Plymouth ; he said No ; and neither would he help him, for he has been false to him already, and therefore I will not help him : but I will still continue our sub- jection unto the English of the Massachusetts Colony ; neither will I suffer any of my men to go to help him ; and in confirmation of the same I do set my hand, 25. 4. 75.

CONKCASKOGAU alias CONKGANASCO." [JUNE 25, 1675.]

This subscription doubtless indicated the real sentiments of the older sachems of the several tribes ; but the engagement was probably a mat- ter of policy rather than of purpose, and was made in opposition to the intentions of the young warriors. And at least four of these Rulers, viz., Black James of Chabonokongkomun, Keehood of Wabaquasset, John of Pakachooge and Conkganasco of Quabaug were found among the enemy at Menameset, the middle of July. Nor is evidence wanting that an emissary of Philip had anticipated the English messengers, and that an alliance, offensive and defensive, had been formed with our tribes early in the spring.

But the Quabaugs had planted their cornfields, as usual ; and nothing had occurred in their villages to attract outside notice and excite sus- picion of a hostile intent. By looking at the date of the last paper, it will be seen that the war was actually opened, by the assault of Philip's men on Swansey, the day before said date, viz., June 24. The news would reach Quabaug in two days ; and probably our young warriors im- mediately (but secretly) left the Indian hill, Wekabaug, and Quabaug pond settlements, and concentrated at the Menameset towns, leaving be- hind the old men, women and children, and thus masking their pur- poses from the Brookfield men, as well as from the spies sent from Boston two weeks later.

Not being quite satisfied, it would appear, with the pledges made by the Indian Rulers June 25 (though in ignorance of what had actually happened here), the Massachusetts Governor and Council sent Ephraim Curtis1 of Sudbury, a brave and trusted guide and messenger, with in- structions " to make a perfect discovery of the motions of the Nipmug or Western Indians." His "Return and Relation" is dated July 16, · 1675. It has value as an accurate picture of the condition of things

1 Ephraim Curtis was son of Henry of Sudbury, 33 years old, a carpenter by trade; was noted for his intimate knowledge of the country; his quickness of comprehension, and cool courage; and his large acquaintance with the Indians, whose language he spoke fluently.

FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.

hereabouts, proving that the war spirit had pervaded all our interior tribes, and giving an insight into the purposes of the Quabaugs, and a prophecy of what was in store for the Brookfield settlers, and conse- quently is a material part of our history.

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History of North Brookfield, Massachusetts. Preceded by an account of old Quabaug, Indian and English occupation, 1647-1676; Brookfield records, 1686-1783, Part 8

Author: Temple, J. H. (Josiah Howard), 1815-1893; Adams, Charles, 1810-1886 Publication date: 1887 Publisher: North Brookfield : Pub. by the town [Boston, printed] Number of Pages: 884

Author: Temple, J. H. (Josiah Howard), 1815-1893; Adams, Charles, 1810-1886
Publication date: 1887
Publisher: North Brookfield : Pub. by the town [Boston, printed]
Number of Pages: 884