USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > North Brookfield > History of North Brookfield, Massachusetts. Preceded by an account of old Quabaug, Indian and English occupation, 1647-1676; Brookfield records, 1686-1783 > Part 9
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82 | Part 83 | Part 84 | Part 85 | Part 86 | Part 87 | Part 88 | Part 89 | Part 90 | Part 91 | Part 92 | Part 93 | Part 94 | Part 95 | Part 96 | Part 97 | Part 98
" ... In my journey my chief endeavor was to inquire after the motions of the Indians. The first information which I had was that my house at Quan- sigamug was robbed : The Indians to confirm it showed me some of the goods. And also some other goods which was none of mine; they told me it was very dangerous for me to go into the woods, for that Mattoonas which they said was the leader of them that robbed my house was in company with fifty of Philip's complices ranging between Chabongonkamug and Quanteseck and Mendum and Warwick, and they might happen to meet me ; and if I missed them yet it was dangerous to meet or see the other Nipmug Indians which were gathered together, for they would be ready to shoot me as soon as they saw me. With this news those three Natick Indians which were with me as volunteers, were discouraged, and told me that if I did not provide more company, they were not willing to go with me. Hearing this, I repaired to the constable at Marlboro and to the military officers and told them my business; and they pressed two men with horses and arms to go along with me. And so as we passed the forementioned place [Hassan- ameset] we could not find any Indians neither in tents nor fields ; but after we passed Senecksik some miles into the woods westward we found an In- dian path newly made; there being with me a volunteer Indian that come from the Indians out of the wilderness but two or three days before, and he told me he would find them out: so in our travel we followed this track many miles. And found many tents built wherein I suppose they might keep the rendezvous for a day or two. And so we found three places where they had pitched, but found no Indians.1 And following still in pursuit of the track we came to the leadmines by Springfield old road [see ante, p. 25], where we saw new footing of Indians. And so looking out sharp, in about two miles riding we saw two Indians, which when we saw, I sent the Indian that went with me from Marlboro to speak with them : but so soon as they had discovered us, they ran away from us : but with fast riding and much calling two of our Indians stopped one of them, the other ran away. We asked this Indian where the other Indians were : he being surprised with fear could scarcely speak to us, but only told us that the Indians were but a little way from us : So I sent the Marlboro Indian before to tell them that the Governor of Massachusetts his messenger was coming with peaceable words ; but when he came to them they would not believe him ; he therefore came riding back and met us.
"These Indians have newly begun to settle themselves upon an Island containing about four acres of ground, being compassed round with a broad mirey swamp on the one side, and a muddy river with meadow on both sides of it on the other side, and but only one place that a horse could pos- .
I These new trails and temporary tents were the work of the war parties of Wabbaquassets, Ma- anexits and Nipnets, who were gathering for the fray, and making towards Menameset. And this account goes to confirm my inference that the Quabaugs removed to Menameset as early as July I.
77
CURTIS'S "RETURN AND RELATION."
sibly pass, and there with a great deal of difficulty by reason of the mire and dirt. Before we came to the river there met us at least forty Indians at a little distance from the river, some with their guns in their hands ready cocked and primed. As we came near to the river most of them next to the river presented at us : all my acquaintance would not know me, although I saw near 20 of them together, and asked their welfare, knowing that many of them could speak good English. I spoke to many of them in the Governor's name which I called my Master the Great Sachem of the Mas- sachusetts English, requiring them to own the fidelity and engagement to the English, telling them that I came not to fight with them or to hurt them, but as a messenger from the Governor to put them in mind of their engagement to the English. I think some of them did believe me, but the most of them would not. There was a very great uproar amongst them ; some of them would have had me and my company presently killed, but many others, as I understood afterwards, were against it. I required their sachems to come over the river, but they refused, saying that I must come over to them. My company were something unwilling, for they thought themselves in very great danger where we were ; then they said, what shall we be when we come over the river amongst all the vile rout. I told them we had better never have seen them than not to speak with their sachems ; and if we ran from them in the time of this tumult, they would shoot after us, and kill some of us: So with much difficulty we got over the river and meadow to the Island where they stood to face us at our coming out of the mire: many Indians with their guns presented at us ready cocked and primed; so we rushed between them, and called for their sachem; they presently faced about and went to surround us, we rushed between them once or twice, and bid them stand in a body, and I would face them; but still the uproar continued with such noise that the air rang. I required them to lay down their arms, and they commanded us to put up our arms first and come off our horses, which I refused to do. Some of them which were inclinable to believe us or were our friends some laid down their arms, but the others continued the uproar for a while; and with much threatening and persuasion, at last the uproar ceased. Many of them said they would neither believe me nor my master, without he would send them two or three bushels of powder. At length I spoke with their sachems, which were five, and other grandees, which I think were about twelve more. Our Natick Indians seemed to be very industrious all this time to still the tumult and so persuade the Indians. And as soon as I came to speak with the sachems, we dismounted and put up our arms. I had a great deal of speech with them by an interpreter, being brought to their Court and sent out again three or four times. The names of the sachems are these - I. Muttaump, 2. Konkewasco, 3. Willymachen, 4. Upchattuck, 5. Keehood, 6. Noncatonsoo. Muttaump I perceive is chosen to be head over the other five, and was the chief speaker. Their com- pany in numbers I judge to be near two hundred of men. They would fain have had me to stay all night: I asked the reason of some that could speak English; they said that they had some messengers at Connectiqut and some southward, and that was the reason they would have me stay.
78
FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.
I asked them the reason of their rude behavior towards us. And they said they heard that the English had killed a man of theirs about Merrymak river, and that they had an intent to destroy them all. I left them well ap- peased when I came away. More might be added; but thus far this is a true relation.
Pr yr humble Servt
EPHM CURTIS
JULY 16, 1675.1
Of the Indian sachems above named, Muttaump was a Quabaug, the same whose name is written Mettawomppe in the Brookfield deed of 1665, and who without doubt was leader in the ambush of Capts. Hutch- inson and Wheeler, and the siege of Brookfield, and was one of the shrewdest and bravest plotters and warriors of the war; Konkewasco was also a Qaubaug sachem ; Upchattuck was a Nashaway chieftain, commonly known as Sagamore Sam; Keehood and Noncatonsoo were Wabbaquassets.
This "Return and Relation " evidently surprised and alarmed the Governor and Council. They were unprepared to learn of the wide- spread disaffection among the natives, and especially of the strong com- bination already formed by the western clans. And the full significance of Curtis' Relation is seen when we recall the fact that two days before (July 14) and at the very time when he was in conference with the Indians at Menameset, a war party had surprised the town of Mendon, only 30 miles from Boston, and killed five men who were at work in the field.
Immediately the authorities despatched Curtis on a second visit to Brookfield and Menameset, with a message to the Indians and letters to Major Pynchon. He returned to Boston July 24 and made this Report :
" .. . I proceeded according to your order in my journey to the Indians, and going through Brookfield, I delivered your letters directed to Maj. Pynchon to the constable of Brookfield. From this went directly to the Indians, and found them at the same place where they were before. We sent one Indian before us to give an account of our coming : at which they made a great shout. When we came to the river we called to have the Sachems come over to us. The reply was made to us that if we had any business to them we must come over to them ; and when we understood that they would not come to us we went to them. I first asked for the chief speaker Muttaump ; they told us he was at present gone from them, but might be spoken withal, it may be the next day. We then required to see the Sachems that were there. And these appeared, Keehood, Willymachen, John Apeckgonas and Samuel sachem of Washakim, with whom we treated. We had pretty good quarter with them. There was no abuse offered to us. I read your Honor's letter deliberately to them. They seemed to accept of it very well. They promised that Keehood and one more of their principal men would come to
I Mass. Archives, LXVII : 215.
79
CURTIS'S SECOND REPORT.
the Massachusetts Bay within four or five days, and speak our Great Sachem. Many questions they asked of us to which we answered ; but in the close of all we told them that if they were not satisfied, if Muttaump and Keehood, or some of their principal men would come to the Bay, our Great Sachem would use them kindly, and well fill their bellies, and answer all their questions. We asked them why they were so abusive the last time. They said that Black James the constable of Chabonagonkamug had told them that the English would kill them all without any exception, because they were not Praying Indians. - When we were come back about 12 miles, one of our Indians told us that there was one man there which had been with Philip, and was come there three days before us, and had brought English goods with him which they thought he had robbed the English of. We asked him why he had not told us of it while we were there. He said he did not know of it while we were come over the river, but we rather judge he concealed it through fear that we would make a disturbance for that man's sake. This is the substance of what I have to acquaint your Honors withal. JULY 24, 1675 I EPH. CURTIS.
The sachems at Menameset promised to go to Boston "within four or five days," and speak with the Great Sachem of the English. But without waiting the expiration of this stipulated time, the Governor and Council met July 26, and passed an order "to send for Capt. Thomas Wheeler of Concord and 20 of his Troop to be here at Boston with the Governor and Council at 10 in the morning." And on his prompt arrival, the following commission was issued :
" BOSTON, July 27, 1675.
The Council beeing informed yt the Narraganset Indians are come downe with about 100 Armed men into the Nipmuck Country, Do Order you Capt. Edward Hutchinson, 2 to take with you Capt. Thomas Wheeler 3 & his party of horse with Ephraim Curtis for a guide and a sufficient inter- preter, & forthwith to repair into those parts, and there labour to get a right understanding of the motions of the Narraganset Indians & of the Indians of Nipmuck : and for that end to demand of the leaders of ye Nar- raganset Indians an acc'ot of ye grounds of their marching into yt country, & require to understand the orders of their Sachems. And also to demand an Account of the Nipmuck Indians why they have not sent downe their Sagamore according to their promise unto or messenger Ephraim Curtis -
I Mass. Archives, LXVII : 223.
2 Capt. E. Hutchinson was the eldest son of William and Ann, and came to America in Sept. 1633. He owned a large farm in the Indian country, and had employed the natives to work on his lands, and consequently was personally known to many of them. He appears to have been popular with the Indians, was experienced in military matters, trusted by the colonial authorities, had been sent several times to treat with different tribes, and was but lately returned from negotiating a treaty with the Narragansets.
3 Thomas Wheeler belonged to Concord; was admitted freeman 1642; at the organization of the company of Horse in 1669, composed of men from C. and adjoining towns, he was chosen captain, and with his company was often in the public service. He died Dec. 10, 1676. His wife was Ruth Wood, daughter of William. His son Thomas, who saved his father's life at the ambuscade, died Jan. 17, 1676-7.
80
FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.
And further let ym know yt wee are informed that there are some among them yt have actually joyned with our enemies in the murder & spoyle made upon the English by Philip, And that Mattoonas & his Complices who have Robbed & murdered our people about Mendon are now among ym. And yt wee require them to deliver up to you or forthwith bring in to us those our enemies, otherwise wee must looke at them to bee no friends to us, but ayders and abettors -and unto all these things you shall require their expresse answer : & as soon as you have dispatched the affayre, you are to returne home & give us an acct., So desiring the Lord's presence with you & in prosecution of this affayre if you should meet with any Indians that stand in opposition to you or declare ymselves to be yor enemies then you are ordered to ingage with them if you see reason for it, & endeavr to reduce ym by force of Arms." 1
The course and final result of this expedition, sent forth with a con- fidence approaching to boastfulness, is best told in the plain narrative of Capt. Wheeler, written in the fall of that year (1675) and published soon after.
CAPT. THOMAS WHEELER'S NARRATIVE.
A True Narrative Of the Lord's Providences in various dispensations to- wards Captain Edward Hutchinson of Boston and my self, and those that went with us into the Nipmuck Country, and also to Quabaug, alias Brookfield. The said Captain Hutchinson having a Commission from the Honoured Council of this Colony to Treat with several Sachems in those parts, in order to the publick peace and my self being also ordered by the said Council to accompany him with part of my Troop for Security from any danger that might be from the Indians : and to Assist him in the Transaction of matters committed to him.
The said Captain Hutchinson, and myself, with about twenty men or more marched from Cambridge to Sudbury, July 28, 1675 ; and from thence into the Nipmuck Country, and finding that the Indians had deserted their towns, and we having gone until we came within two miles of New Norwich, on July 31, (only we saw two Indians having an horse with them, whom we would have spoke with, but they fled from us and left their horse, which we took,) we then thought it not expedient to march any further that way, but set our march for Brookfield, whither we came on the Lord's day about noon. From thence the same day, (being August 1,) we understanding that the Indians were about ten miles north west from us, we sent out four men to acquaint the Indians that we were not come to harm them, but our busi- ness was only to deliver a Message from our Honored Governor and Coun- cil to them, and to receive their answer, we desiring to come to a Treaty of Peace with them, (though they had for several days fled from us,) they hav- ing before professed friendship, and promised fidelity to the English. When the messengers came to them they made an alarm, and gathered together about an hundred and fifty fighting men as near as they could judge. The
I Mass. Archives, LXVII : 228.
81
CAPT. WHEELER'S NARRATIVE.
young men amongst them were stout in their speeches, and surly in their carriage. But at length some of the chief Sachems promised to meet us on the next morning about 8 of the clock upon a plain within three miles of Brookfield, with which answer the messengers returned to us. Whereupon, though their speeches and carriage did much discourage divers of our com- pany, yet we conceived that we had a clear call to go to meet them at the place whither they had promised to come. Accordingly we with our men accompanied with three of the principal inhabitants of that town marched to the plain appointed; but the treacherous heathen intending mischief, (if they could have opportunity,) came not to the said place, and so failed our hopes of speaking with them there. Whereupon the said Captain Hutchin- son and myself, with the rest of our Company, considered what was best to be done, whether we should go any further towards them or return, divers of us apprehending much danger in case we did proceed, because the Indians kept not promise there with us. But the three men who belonged to Brookfield were so strongly persuaded of their freedom from any ill intentions towards us, (as upon other grounds, so especially because the greatest part of those Indians belonged to David, one of their chief Sachems, who was taken to be a great friend to the English :) that the said Captain Hutchinson who was principally intrusted with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby encouraged to proceed and march forward towards a Swamp where the Indians then were. When we came near the said Swamp, the way was so very bad that we could march only in a single file, there being a very rocky hill on the right hand, and a thick swamp on the left, in which there were many of those cruel blood-thirsty heathen, who there way laid us, waiting an opportunity to cut us off ; there being also much brush on the side of the said hill, where they lay in ambush to surprize us. When we had marched there about sixty or seventy rods, the said perfidious Indians sent out their shot upon us as a shower of hail, they being, (as was supposed,) about two hundred men or more. We seeing ourselves so beset, and not having room to fight, endeavored to fly for the safety of our lives. In which flight we were in no small danger to be all cut off, there being a very miry swamp before us, into which we could not enter with our horses to go for- wards, and there being no safety in retreating the way we came, because many of their company, who lay behind the bushes, and had let us pass by them quietly ; when others had shot, they came out, and stopt our way back, so that we were forced as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill ; but the greater our danger was, the greater was God's mercy in the preservation of so many of us from sudden destruction. Myself being gone up part of the hill without any hurt, and perceiving some of my men to be fallen by the enemies' shot, I wheeled about upon the Indians, not calling on my men who were left to accompany me, which they in all probability would have done had they known of my return upon the enemy. They fired violently out of the swamp, and from behind the bushes on the hill side wounded me sorely, and shot my horse under me, so that he faultering and falling, I was forced to leave him, divers of the Indians being then but a few rods distant from me. My son Thomas Wheeler flying with the rest of the company missed me amongst them, and fearing that I was either slain or much en-
82
FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1660-1676.
dangered, returned towards the swamp again, though he had then received a dangerous wound in the reins, where he saw me in the danger aforesaid. Whereupon, he endeavored to rescue me, shewing himself therein a loving and dutiful son, he adventuring himself into great peril of his life to help me in that distress, there being many of the enemies about me, my son set me on his own horse, and so escaped a while on foot himself, until he caught an horse whose rider was slain, on which he mounted, and so through God's great mercy we both escaped. But in this attempt for my deliverance he received another dangerous wound by their shot in his left arm. There were then slain to our great grief eight men, viz. - Zechariah Phillips of Boston, Timothy Farlow, of Billericay, Edward Coleborn, of Chelmsford, Samuel Smedly, of Concord, Sydrach Hapgood, of Sudbury, Serjeant Eyres, Serjeant Prichard, and Corporal Coy, the inhabitants of Brookfield, aforesaid. It being the good pleasure of God, that they should all there fall by their hands, of whose good intentions they were so confident, and whom they so little mistrusted. There were also then five persons wounded, viz. - Captain Hutchinson, myself, and my son Thomas, as aforesaid, Corporal French, of Billericay, who having killed an Indian, was (as he was taking up his gun) shot, and part of one of his thumbs taken off, and also dangerously wounded through the body near the shoulder; the fifth was John Waldoe, of Chelms- ford, who was not so dangerously wounded as the rest. They also then killed five of our horses, and wounded some more, which soon died after they came to Brookfield. Upon this sudden and unexpected blow given us, (wherein we desire to look higher than man the instrument,) we returned to the town as fast as the badness of the way, and the weakness of our wounded men would permit, we being then ten miles from it. All the while we were going, we durst not stay to stanch the bleeding of our wounded men, for fear the enemy should have surprized us again, which they attempted to do, and had in probability done, but that we perceiving which way they went, wheeled off to the other hand, and so by God's good providence towards us, they missed us, and we all came readily upon, and safely to the town, though none of us knew the way to it, those of the place being slain, as aforesaid, and we avoiding any thick woods and riding in open places to prevent dan- ger by them. Being got to the town, we speedily betook ourselves to one of the largest and strongest houses therein, where we fortified ourselves in the best manner we could in such straits of time, and there resolved to keep garrison, though we were but few, and meanly fitted to make resistance against so furious enemies. The news of the Indians' treacherous dealing with us, and the loss of so many of our company thereby, did so amaze the inhabitants of the town, that they being informed thereof by us, presently left their houses, divers of them carrying very little away with them, they being afraid of the Indians sudden coming upon them ; and so came to the house we were entered into, very meanly provided of cloathing or furnished with provisions.
I perceiving myself to be disenabled for the discharge of the duties of my place by reason of the wound I had received, and apprehending that the enemy would soon come to spoil the town and assault us in the house, I appointed Simon Davis, of Concord, James Richardson, and John Fiske of
83
CAPT. WHEELER'S NARRATIVE.
Chelmsford, to manage affairs for our safety with those few men whom God hath left us, and were fit for any service, and the inhabitants of the said town ; who did well and commendably perform the duties of the trust com- mitted to them with much courage and resolution through the assistance of our gracious God, who did not leave us in our low and distressed state, but did mercifully appear for us in our greatest need, as in the sequel will clearly be manifested. Within two hours after our coming to the said house, or less, the said Captain Hutchinson and myself posted away Ephraim Curtis, of Sudbury, and Henry Young, of Concord, to go to the Honored Council at Boston, to give them an account of the Lord's dealing with us, and our present condition. When they came to the further end of the town they saw the enemy rifling of houses which the inhabitants had forsaken. The post fired upon them, and immediately returned to us again, they discerning no safety in going forward and being desirous to inform us of the enemies' actings, that we might the more prepare for a sudden assault by them. Which indeed presently followed, for as soon as the said post was come back to us, the barbarous heathen pressed upon us in the house with great vio- lence, sending in their shot amongst us like hail, through the walls, and shouting as if they would have swallowed us up alive ; but our good God wrought wonderfully for us, so that there was but one man wounded within the house, viz. - the said Henry Young, who, looking out of the garret win- dow that evening, was mortally wounded by a shot, of which wound he died within two days after. There was the same day another man slain, but not in the house; a son of Serjeant Pritchard's adventuring out of the house wherein we were, to his father's house not far from it, to fetch more goods out of it, was caught by these cruel enemies as they were coming towards us, who cut off his head, kicking it about like a foot-ball, and then putting it upon a pole, they set it up before the door of his father's house in our sight.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.