USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Lexington > History of the town of Lexington, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, from its first settlement to 1868, with a genealogical register of Lexington families > Part 22
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Ramsay, the justly distinguished American historian, tells us that after Pitcairn ordered the Americans to disperse, "They con- tinued in a body, on which he advanced nearer, discharged his pistol, and ordered his soldiers to fire. Individuals finding they were fired upon, though dispersing, returned the fire."- History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 14. Hannah Adams, in her " History of New England," gives the same account. Holmes, in his "American Annals," gives us a similar account. " The firing," says he, " continued after the dispersion, and the fugitives stopped and returned the fire." In the " Encyclopedia Ameri- cana," we have this testimony : " The English commander having commanded the Americans to disperse, ordered his men to fire. Several Americans were killed and wounded, and the company dispersed, several of the militia discharging their muskets as they retreated." Lossing says, "As the patriots did not instantly obey the command to lay down their arms, Pitcairn wheeled his horse, and waving his sword, gave orders to press forward and surround the militia. Pitcairn then drew his pistol and discharged it, at the same moment giving the word Fire. A general dis- charge of musketry ensued. Four of the patriots were killed and the remainder dispersed. Finding themselves fired upon, while retreating, several of them halted and returned the shots, and then secured themselves behind stone walls and buildings. Three British soldiers and Pitcairn's horse were wounded."- Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, p. 524.
But it has frequently been said that there was no "organized opposition " at Lexington. I am rather at a loss to understand what is meant by organized opposition. That Captain Parker's
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company was an organized company, as much as any in the field that day, adinits of no doubt. His men were called together by his command, paraded under his order, and were expressly for- bidden to leave the field without his order. It is abundantly proved that he ordered them to load their guns with powder and ball, and to form in warlike array in the very face of the British troops, and they refused to throw down their arms and disperse, when commanded so to do by the rash leader of the king's de- tachment. This of itself was organized opposition to the king's authority, and such opposition as would have been regarded as treason by the British Government at that day. The very writers who deny that there was any organized resistance at Lexington in the morning, furnish evidence that Parker's company came upon parade, armed and prepared for resistance, if it should become necessary. Sylvanus Wood testifies that as he was about to form his men on the field, "Parker says to them, 'Every man of you who is equipped follow me, and those of you who are not equipped, go into the meeting-house, and furnish your- selves from the magazine, and immediately join the company.'" Robert Douglas testifies that he formed with Captain Parker's company on the Common, near the road that leads to Bedford ; " There we were commanded to load our guns. Some of the company observed, 'There were so few of us, it would be folly to stand here.' Captain Parker replied, 'The first man who offers to run shall be shot down.'" 1 This certainly looks like organi- zation and strict discipline.
It is readily admitted that Captain Parker when he ordered his men to load their guns, gave order " not to fire, unless they were first fired upon," 2 and this was the same order which Colonel Barrett gave at the North bridge at Concord, several hours after, though it was known at that time that the British had commenced the attack at Lexington, and had killed several men.3 This command in both cases was prudent and wise under the circum- stances ; and especially so in the morning, before any blood had been shed. But in both cases the command not to " fire unless they were first fired upon" implied a permission, if not a com- mand, to fire in case they were attacked. Another thing going
' Ripley's History.
2 Nathan Munroe's Deposition.
3 Depositions of Colonel Barrett, and Captain Barrett, and others.
.
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to show that there was organized resistance at Lexington in the morning, is the fact that several prisoners were taken in Lexing- ton, before the British had reached Concord. There might have been no express command to return the fire at Lexington. But as the members of this company were citizens as well as soldiers, and as the whole subject had long been discussed in every circle, they all felt at perfect liberty to act on the defensive : so that the firing of the king's troops removed all restraint, and was a sort of command to every man to defend himself as best he might. It was on this principle that the Americans acted during the retreat from Concord to Charlestown ; but no one will assert that there was no military resistance in the afternoon, because the Provincials fired in most cases without any express orders, and performed many deeds of noble daring on their own responsi- bility, without being led to the attack by a commanding officer.
Nor is it true that the first British blood was shed at Concord. The evidence is conclusive that one if not two British soldiers were wounded at Lexington in the morning. It is true that no one was killed ; and even at the North Bridge at Concord, which has been claimed as the first battle-field of the Revolution, only one man was killed by the return fire, the other being killed with a hatchet after he was wounded, and left on the field by the British in their hasty retreat. It would be unsafe to infer that there could have been no resistance at Lexington in the morning, because no one was killed. Many a man goes through a succes- sion of desperate battles unhurt. The number of killed in any encounter of arms depends in a great degree upon the doctrine of chances ; and none have greater need of pleading this doctrine of chances than those who maintain that Concord was the place where the first resistance was made to the king's troops. All accounts agree that no one belonging to Concord was killed on that day, though their population and militia were double those of Lexington, and according to their own statements, not more than four or five were wounded.1 It would be rather ungenerous to infer that no citizen of Concord occupied a post of danger during that day, because no one happened to be slain.
I will not revive the controversy which has unhappily existed between citizens of the different towns along the line traversed
1 Ripley states the number at three, and Shattuck at four.
30
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by the British troops on that memorable day. There was some- thing peculiar in each case, and as the people were called upon to act at once and without premeditation, it is remarkable that they acted as wisely as they did. If war had actually existed, it would have been imprudent in Captain Parker to have drawn up his men in open field in front of a force ten times as great as his own. But at that time war had not been declared, and General Gage had assured the people at sundry times, that they should not be molested by his troops, so long as they refrained from acts of violence. Captain Parker therefore could not have anticipated the attack which was made upon his company. The state of the times fully justified him in calling his men together ; and as a precautionary measure, he ordered them to load their pieces, so as to be prepared to defend themselves in case they were attacked. Being upon the field and being fired on as they were, common pru- dence, and even true courage required that he should immediately retire from before such a superior force. If he had led them off in order, they would have been much more exposed to the enemy's fire, than they were by fleeing in every direction. The order to disperse was, under the circumstances, the wisest and the best that could have been given. The firing of his men was spontaneous ; and just what would naturally occur among men of true courage and patriotism, unused to strict discipline, and exasperated by the unprovoked slaughter of their brethren. . No citizen of Lexington - no intelligent patriot could, under the circumstances, have desired a different course of action on the part of Captain Parker and the brave men under his command.
But when the British arrived at Concord, the Americans were much better prepared to receive them. They had heard of the slaughter of their countrymen in the morning, and hence the embarrassment arising from commencing the attack, was in some degree removed. Their force was also much greater, and hence they were better qualified to defend themselves. The stay of the British was much longer, and hence the people could act with more deliberation. But on the other hand, there was a new source of embarrassment. Detachments of troops had been sent to different sections of the town, and were in the act of entering honses in search of military stores, and were demanding refresh- ments of the families. To attack the British troops under these
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circumstances, might expose their homes and families to destruc- tion. If, therefore, we find the Concord minute-men and militia less ready for an attack upon the king's troops, less zealous in the field, and more disposed to leave the ranks than the men from the other towns, who had come to Concord that morning, we can easily account for it, without distrusting their courage or impugn- ing their patriotism. The deposition of Dr. Timothy Minott, jr., reveals a state of feeling which must have existed at Concord to a considerable extent. He says, " After I had heard of the regular troops' firing upon the Lexington men, and fearing that hostilities might be commenced at Concord, I thought it my incumbent duty to secure my family." This duty occupied him so long that he arrived at the North bridge only in season to be spectator of the firing there. Nothing is more natural, under the circumstances, than for the father and the husband to over-ride the soldier, and make the wife and the children the first object of his care. This, undoubtedly, was the case in some degree at Concord on the morning of the 19th of April; and if some may think that it detracts from the merits of the soldier, others with reasons satis- factory to themselves, may think that it adds to the worth of the man.
The bravery and self-devotion of Captain Davis and his gallant Acton company, warmly commend themselves to every true and noble heart. But at the same time it is but just to say, that his command was better situated, than were the companies of Concord, for bold and efficient action in the field. The wives and children of the former were remote from the scene of action, and could be best defended by meeting and repulsing the enemy there and then. But an attack and even a repulse of the enemy at the North bridge, might, to the citizens of Concord, be but the prelude to the firing of their dwellings, and the destruction of their families. The honors of the 19th of April are too great to be engrossed by any one individual, or to be monopolized by a single town. As the cause was one, so are the honors to be distributed among all who acted together that day. When Concord talks of her old North bridge, she should remember that the spot is conse- crated by the blood of Davis and Hosmer shed under the guidance of Barrett and Buttrick; and when Arlington points to the field where patriots struggled and where heroes fell, she must
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remember that the victims of Danvers were offered upon her altar. And if Lexington in the twilight of the morning was doomed to " tread the wine-press alone," it was only because the attack was so sudden that others could not arrive to share the glories with her. Concord, and Lincoln, and Lexington, and Cambridge, and Charlestown - towns through which the British passed that day-must be content to divide their honors with Acton, and Stow, and Sudbury, and Framingham, and Billerica, and Chelmsford, and Bedford, and Reading, and Woburn, and Medford, and Watertown, and Dedham, and Roxbury, and Needham, and Brookline, and Newton, and Beverly, and Salem, and Danvers, and Lynn, and even with other towns, whose gal- lant minute-men promptly rushed toward the scene of action, and were prevented only by distance from sharing in the dangers of the day.
The events of the 19th of April are far too momentous to be confined to a township, limited to a colony, or circumscribed by a continent. They are an important link in a vast chain of causes whose effects have been and are still being felt in the remotest part of the civilized world. They grew out of a system of oppression, and were but the natural upheaving of the human breast in its sighs for freedom. They were the beginning of a revolution founded in human nature ; and the work they com- menced must go on. Kings may denounce, and courts may condemn it; but the cause itself must prosper. Liberty will rise and reign when thrones shall have crumbled to dust.
CHAPTER VIII.
EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON.
The Idea of Independence of Slow Growth - Was entertained by the Leading Statesmen in 1774 - The Movement at Lexington and Concord in Obedience to the Policy of the Committee of Safety - Its Effect upon the Colonies - Intelligence sent to Great Britain - Its Effects there.
WE have seen the gradual developments of the oppressive policy of Great Britain which led to the American Revolution, and the measures adopted by the Colonies to resist those usurpa- tions. We recur to this subject only for the purpose of inquiring into the intent of the Colonies in their opposition, and whether they actually aimed at independence. Every proficient in the philosophy of the human mind, and every attentive reader of history will readily admit, that a fixed and permanent public opinion is of slow growth ; and when this sentiment is directly repugnant to the sentiment which has before prevailed, it fre- quently has its origin in some startling event, or crying evil. And how great soever the evil may be, the first effort generally is, not to eradicate but to reform it, regarding it only as an abuse of something intrinsically valuable. But to oppose the evil with success, to awaken the public to its enormity, the strongest ground is taken in opposition ; and principles are laid down, which when fully carried out, will not only reform the abuse, but eradicate the thing abused.
This principle may be seen in the controversy between the Colonies and the mother country. Our patriot fathers had ir the first instance no idea of a separation from the British empire. They had established governments here, which were comparatively free, and while the royal governors and officers appointed by the crown, conformed substantially to their wishes, the Colonists were perfectly content to remain subject to Great Britain. Ab- solute independence was not at first aspired at or hardly dreamed
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of. But when Great Britain boldly asserted the right of Parlia- ment to legislate for the Colonies "in all cases whatsoever," and this right was firmly denied by the Colonists, an issue was made, which if carried to a final decision, must end in the utter subju- gation, or the absolute independence of the Colonies. This must have been seen by the intelligent men on both sides ; but mutually hoping and believing that the other would yield some- thing, they both flattered themselves that the controversy would be settled, without being carried to extremes.
The absolute independence of the Colonies was undoubtedly an idea of slow growth, especially in some minds. The pro- verbial loyalty of Britons, their attachment to British institutions, contributed to drive from their minds the thought of an entire separation from the parent country, and led them to appeal to the justice and humanity of Great Britain. But when their repeated petitions were answered only by repeated injuries, they began to balance in their minds the painful and uncertain struggle of a revolution, and the disgraceful submission to unconstitutional and arbitrary exactions. That men of different temperaments should come to different conclusions was to be expected ; and that those who saw that resistance must come, should differ as to the time and manner of making the demonstration, is much more natural.
But in this they were all agreed - that persuasion and suppli- cation should first be tried, and that resistance to the laws should not be resorted to till all milder means had failed. Before the breaking out of hostilities, the intelligent men of the country must have seen to what things were tending, and that a collision of arms was inevitable ; and that a war once begun must end in our independence or subjugation.
The master minds in Massachusetts, from their intimate acquaintance with public affairs, must have perceived, after the action of Parliament, in May, 1774, that a reconciliation was out of the question. The Regulating Act, as it was generally denominated, and the " Act for the more impartial administration of justice in the Province," which virtually repealed the Charter of Massachusetts, and established a despotism ; connected as they were with the shutting up of the Port of Boston, and taking mili- tary possession of the town, presented the alternative of submitting to unlawful and oppressive measures, or defending their rights at
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the point of the bayonet. The stern principles of the Puritans, developed, tried, and purified as they had been, by ten years' controversy with the British Ministry, in defence of what they held most dear, led them at once to decide this question. Un- conditional submission was not to be tolerated, and resistance became a mere question of manner and of time.
Samuel Adams and Joseph Hawley, the controlling minds in Eastern and Western Massachusetts, foresaw the result, and em- ployed all their powers to prepare the people for the crisis. Their zeal, however, was strictly according to knowledge. Being sen- sible that Massachusetts could not contend single-handed and alone with the gigantic power of Great Britain, their great object was to enlist the other Colonies in the cause. Knowing that any hasty. or premature step on the part of this Colony might repel their distant brethren who felt less keenly the iron heel of op- presion, they counselled moderation and forbearance ; but at the same time they labored to the utmost to put the Colony in the best state of defence, that it might be prepared for the crisis which they foresaw was approaching.
Some persons appear to have regarded the events of April 19, 1775, as merely accidental, producing an open rupture, which a little prudence might have avoided ; and to suppose that up to that time, the controversy might have been settled, as our fathers had not aspired at independence. Our own distinguished historian seems to be of this opinion. Speaking of the people as late as May, 1774, he says, "They were rushing towards revolution, and they knew it not."1 Again speaking of the Suffolk Con- vention of that day, he says, "Thus far, they had not discovered that independence was really the desire of their own hearts." 2 Such ignorance of the real state of affairs at that period, might perhaps be ascribed to some men in the community, but could not with any propriety be attributed to Samuel Adams and Dr. Warren-the very men who got up and guided that Convention. As evidence that the people of the Colonies did not aspire at
1 Baneroft's History of United States, vol. vii. p. 22.
? Ibid. p. 36. Mr. Bancroft seems to delight in surprising his readers by the sudden transition from one extreme to the other; and while in this way he is able to produce a striking stage effect, we are satisfied that the writer who follows nature and events just as they are developed, is a safer guide, though his page may be less dramatic. Lightning from a clear sky is a rare phenomenon.
-
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independence as late as October, 1774, our historian reverts to the fact that the Continental Congress in their Address to the king, say, "We ask but for peace, liberty and safety. Your royal authority over us, and our connection with Great Britain, we shall always support and maintain." He then adds, " But the best evidence of their sincerity is found in the measure (non- importation) which they recommended. Had independence been their object, they would have strained every nerve to increase their exports, and fill the country in return with manufactures and munitions which they required." 1
We admit that Congress in true diplomatic style, speak of their attachment to the person of the king, and devotion to the parent country ; but this was in an address in which they recount all their grievances, which they declare to be " too severe to be any longer tolerable," and which they entreat the crown to re- move. Nor can we see any evidence that they did not desire independence in their recommendation of non-intercourse, because a free importation such as is suggested, would subject them to those very impost duties, which were the primary cause of their dissatisfaction. Nor was this address to the king adopted until after they had resolved " That this Congress approve of the oppo- sition of the inhabitants of Massachusetts-Bay to the execution of the late Acts of Parliament; and if the same shall be at- tempted to be carried into execution by force, in such a case, all America ought to support them in their opposition."
The same Congress in their Declaration of Rights, laid down principles which, if adhered to, must of necessity bring them into collision with Great Britain, unless she retraced her steps by repealing her obnoxious Acts, and withdrawing her troops from the Colonies. Resolutions passed unanimously declared in sub- stance that taxes could not be imposed upon them, or troops quartered among them without their consent; that they held their rights by the English Constitution and their Charters, and that America cannot submit to an invasion of her rights.
The leading men, especially in Massachusetts, where the de- velopment of tyranny was the most perfect, were fully sensible during the year 1774, that an open rupture would ensue ; though, from prudential considerations, they did not make this public
1 Bancroft's History of United States, vol. vii. p. 150.
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avowal. They knew that the first collision in arms would be the signal for a war, which must eventuate in the absolute indepen- dence, or the utter subjugation of the Colonies. Knowing that Massachusetts was marked as the first vietim, and that this Colony, unaided and alone, could not hope for success in a con- test with one of the mightiest powers of the earth, their first effort was to enlist the other Colonies in the cause. Consequently they bore and forbore, knowing that the other Colonies which had in a less degree felt the weight of British oppression, were not equally prepared with themselves to make an appeal to the God of battles. Their great object was to impress their brethren in the other Colonies with the important fact, that Massachusetts was suffering in the cause of American freedom, and that the blow aimed at the patriotic town of Boston, was, in truth, aimed at Massachusetts, and through her at the other Colonies ; and they assured their brethren elsewhere, that this Colony would act with prudence and moderation, so that the other Colonies which had the same interest at stake with themselves, should not be involved in any new difficulties through their rashness.
This policy is manifest from the correspondence of that day. When the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to the greatest distress by the operation of the Boston Port Bill, and the people at a distance with a liberal hand contributed to their necessities, the voice which went out from Boston in grateful acknowledg- ments, breathed this wise, cautious and patriotic spirit : 'We are greatly distressed ; but we rejoice that we are suffering in a com- mon cause ; and while we are thus sustained by your sympathy and munificence, we are resolved to stand firm in defence of those rights which are the common inheritance of all the Amer- ican Colonies.' But in the midst of these assurances, the idea is frequently presented, that war must ultimately ensue, unless their grievances were redressed.
Writing to the Committee of Preston, Conn., under date of August 24, 1774, Dr. Warren says, "If non-intercourse with Great Britain should fail, and we should be obliged to seek redress in the way you hint (by arms), we flatter ourselves that we shall act like men, and merit the approbation of all America." On the 27th, to the Committee of Norwich, he says, "If this should fail, we must have recourse to the last resort."
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