USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Lexington > History of the town of Lexington, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, from its first settlement to 1868, with a genealogical register of Lexington families > Part 32
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1 Mr. Clarke's publications are : -
1. A sermon preached to a religious society of young men in Lexington, 1761 - text, Prov. i. 9.
2. A sermon at the ordination of Rev. Josiah Bridge, in East Sudbury, 1761 - text, Luke x. 3 and 16.
3. A sermon at the Artillery Election, 1768 - text, 2d Chron. xvii. 16.
4. A sermon on the use and excellency of vocal music in public worship, 1770 - text, Ps. xlvii. 6, 7.
6. A sermon delivered April 19, 1776, with an Appendix containing a narra- tive of the events of April 19, 1775.
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His personal appearance was natuaally dignified and com- manding, and this was heightened in the desk by his clerical costume of gown, cassock, and bands, and a wig of immense dimensions and of snowy whiteness. He was also characterized by a neatness so extreme as to serve as a constant rebuke to the want of this graceful virtue in his people. His eloquence was of a commanding character. His voice was powerful and agree- able, and when excited by his subject, which was frequently the case, it extended beyond the bounds of the meeting-house, and could be distinctly heard by those in the immediate neighbor- hood.
But Mr. Clarke, though eminent as a divine, was something more than is usually implied in that designation. To his knowl- edge of the Scriptures and whatever else is generally supposed to appertain to the clerical profession, he added a knowledge of men, in their individual and in their associated capacity, and had broad and correct views of civil polity ; so that he might be denominated a statesman as well as a divine. But though he was distinguished in both these relations, he did not put these characters on and off at pleasure, assuming the one at one time, and the other at another. In him the divine and the statesman were coexistent - dwelling together in perfect harmany, prompt- ing at all times to deeds politically religious and religiously political. Consequently he did not sink the statesman when he acted the divine, nor the divine when he acted the statesman. His theology did not begin and end in certain abstract specula- tions upon the divine government in the narrow and restricted sense of that term. He knew that the Almighty Ruler of the universe, not only performed in his will in the armies of heaven, but among the inhabitants of the earth ; and that the great prin- ciples of the divine governments should be studied in their rela-
6. A sermon at the General Election, 1781 - text, Ps. xlvii. 8, 9.
7. A sermon on the death of Rev. Samuel Cooper, D.D., Brattle street, Boston, 1783.
8. A sermon at the ordination of Rev. Joseph Estabrook, at Athol, 1787 - text, Jer. iii. 15.
9. A sermon at the ordination of Rev. William Muzzy, in Sullivan, N. H., 1798 -text, 1st Thess. ii. 4.
In addition to his other labors, he wrote numerous state papers, of which we have spoken elsewhere.
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tions to civil society. He fully realized that man was created for society, and that many of his duties and obligations grew out of the relations which society imposed. Consequently, he viewed the study of human government as an important part of an enlightened theological education.
Entertaining these views, he never put off the character of the clergyman, but brought the solemn sanctions of religion to bear upon all purposes of state. With him, patriotism was not a blind attachment to one's own country, but a religious obliga- tion to the land in which we live. On this principle, he ani- mated our fathers to stand by the interests of the Colonies, as one of their highest duties. Regarding all true government as growing out of the great plan of the Almighty, and believing that form of government best, which approached nearest to the divine standard, he was one of the most ardent and active friends of liberty ; and did more perhaps than any clergyman in this vicinity to prepare the public mind for that sanguinary struggle which gave us a place among the nations of the earth. He was an intimate friend of Samuel Adams and John Hancock, and a fellow laborer with them in the cause of liberty. To his house they frequently repaired, where they always met with a most cordial welcome, and drew the fire of patriotism from the sacred altar of religion. His counsels are known to have had a great, and perhaps a controlling influence upon John Hancock, at a time when he was supposed to be in doubt relative to his duty.
Mr. Clarke's character for patriotism was so well understood, that all the ardent friends of liberty used to frequent his house ; and they never left uninstructed, or unwarned with truly reli- gious, patriotic ardor. His patriotism being engrafted upon the holy principles of his religion, it was modest and unobtrusive, but as firm and as abiding as the source whence it drew its nour- ishment. However dark the dispensation, or gloomy the pros- pect, he was always cheered with the hope - nay, animated with the conviction, that if we were faithful to the trust committed to our care, we should ultimately triumph. And though he was a man of peace, and would sacrifice everything but principle to preserve a filial regard for the mother country, when he witnessed her wanton encroachments upon our just rights, and her deter- mination to reduce us to a state of vassalage, he believed that it
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was our religious duty to raise the standard of revolt, and resist the attacks of the oppressor.
That Mr. Clarke had just and enlightened views of the science of human government, and an ardent devotion to the great cause of justice and equal rights, will be seen by the fol- lowing extracts from his Election sermon, preached before His Excellency Governor Hancock and the Honorable Legislature, in 1781.
" Were there no eivil government, laws, or magistracy, for the preser- vation of peace, the guard of liberty, the protection of property and the defence of life, it is easy to see, and without the spirit of propheey to pre- dict, what the event must be ; that anarchy, confusion and blood, slaugh- ter, waste and destruction would soon take place in the earth. The weak would be devoured by the strong, the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an easy prey to the vicious, abandoned, and ambitious ; and tlie longest sword must quickly determine the fate of mankind. Hence it appears, I had almost said to demonstration, that under God the supreme ruler, this wise institution of eivil government, this richest of temporal blessings to mankind, takes its rise from necessity.
" It is true common reason teaches the propriety, convenience points out the advantages, and all the social affeetions concur to urge the importance of eivil government. But they would be at least a feeble safeguard to the peace and order of society, and would never have availed to establish gov- ernment over the lawless lusts of vicious, aspiring, or bloodthirsty men. It is necessity - necessity alone which combines men in society, and gives rise to eivil government. This necessity, in a great measure at least, is founded in, and takes rise from the lust, corruptions, and vices of man- kind.
" 'Tis not indeed pretended that any one man or number of men have any natural right of superiority, or inherent claim of dominion or govern- mental authority over any other man or body of men. All men by nature are free and equal, and independent in this matter. It is in compaet, and in compact alone, that all just government is founded. The first steps in entering into society, and towards the establishment of civil government among a people, is the forming, agreeing to, and ratifying an original compaet for the regulation of the state - describing and determining the mode, departments, and powers of the government, and the rights, priv- ileges and duties of the subjects. This must be done by the whole body of the people, or by leaders, or delegates of their choice. This right of the people, whether emerging from a state of nature, or the yoke of oppression, is an unalienable right. It cannot be disposed of or given up by a people, even though ever so much inclined to sell or sacrifice their birthright in this matter.
" While the social compact exists, the whole state and its members are
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bound by it; and a sacred regard ought to be paid to it. No man, party, order, or body of men in the state have any right, power, or authority to alter, change, or violate the social compact. Nor can any change, amend- ment, or alteration be introduced but by common consent. It remains, however, with the community, state or nation, as a public, political body, at any time, at pleasure, to change, alter, or totally dissolve the constitu- tion, and return to a state of nature, or to form a new government as to them may seem meet. These principles being admitted, it is evident that no man or body of men, however great or good - no nation, kingdom or power on earth, hath any right to make or impose a constitution of gov- ernment upon a free people.
" Equality and independence are the just claim - the indefeasible birth- right of men. In a state of nature, as individuals, in society, as states or nations, nothing short of these ever did or ever will satisfy a man or a people truly free - truly brave. When opportunity offers, and power is given, it is beyond dispute the duty of the subjected nation to assert its native liberty, to shake off the foreign yoke, and maintain its equality and independence among the nations.
" The principles of reason, the laws of nature, and the rules of justice and equity, give men a right to select their form of government. Even God himself, the supreme ruler of the world, whose government is abso- lute and uncontrollable, hath ever paid a sacred attention to this important right - hath ever patronized this interesting claim in the sons of men. The only constitution of civil government that can plead its origin as direct from heaven, is the theocracy of the Hebrews; but even this form of gov- ernment, though dictated by infinite wisdom, and written by the finger of God, was laid before the people for their consideration, and was ratified, introduced, and established by common consent.
" A series of oppressive measures and lawless claims of arbitrary power, adopted and pursued by the Court of Great Britain in open violation of the most sacred chartered rights, aroused the spirit of liberty in the free- born sons of America to the highest pitch. And no other alternative being left them but the sword or slavery, these Colonies hesitated not a moment, but unitedly declared their choice of the former - greatly dared to be free ! The important die was cast - and the glorious era of liberty commenced. To Heaven the appeal was made ; and by Heaven the claim was sustained. That God who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, the Governor among the nations, the patron of the injured and oppressed, hath pleaded our cause and maintained our right to freedom, equality, and independence ; and given us a name among the nations of the earth.
"To rouse our attention, and to give a spring to the noblest exertion, may we not realize the greatness of the cause, and attend to the voice of our brethren's blood, who have nobly fought and bled in its defence ? O, my fathers and brethren, all, all is yet at stake. All may yet be lost, if we rise not as one man to the noble cause. How inglorious must it be to fail at the last ! Where then the pleasing scenes of liberty and independence ! where the glorious foundations of safety and freedom which our civil con-
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stitution has laid! They vanish - they are gone - they are lost, lost for- ever.
" But can this be the event ? Shall this be the fatal end, the shameful issue of all the glorious exertions that have been made, of all the bitter sufferings that have been endured, of all the precious blood that hath been shed ? Is this possible ? Can it be? Forbid it, righteous Heaven! For- bid it, O my country ! America rises indignant at the slavish thought. Her free-born sons are not so lost to the sentiments of liberty, the love of country, or the feelings of humanity, as to breathe the most distant idea of such a disgraceful end of this glorious contest. Nor can they ever be so debased as to retain a wish to survive the loss of liberty, or their country's independence. Much less to stand the tame spectators of the sacrifices that (in such a case) must and will be made of the noble patriots, wise counsellors, faithful rulers, brave commanders and illustrious heroes - and in fine of the best friends and the best blood of America, by the axe or halter, to satiate the rage, and glut the vengeance of a British conqueror! Or perhaps, that which is still more affecting and degrading, to be doomed to waste away the remains of a wretched life in poverty, chains, slavery, or a cruel imprisonment."
These extracts from a discourse delivered while the war of the Revolution was still raging-extracts, " which those who look at, will think too long, but those who read, will think too short "_ clearly show that Mr. Clarke fully understood the nature of human government, and rightly appreciated the prerogatives of rulers, and the rights and duties of the people. He was also fully aware that these rights and privileges must be guarded with care and watchfulness ; that freemen must not only know their rights, but must be ready at all times to assert and maintain them, if necessary, even by the sword. Instead therefore of con- demning war in all cases, and under all circumstances, he would rather sanctify it, and bring all military operations under the control of high religious principle. He had no sympathy for the display of mere brute force, but knew the worth of that true valor which struck for human rights - for liberty - for God.
In a discourse delivered before the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, in 1768, he presents his views with great clearness and force.
" Valor, or true fortitude, is that virtue by which men are enabled to preserve presence of mind, to possess themselves fully, think clearly, judge wisely, and act with calmness, firmness and resolution in times of great confusion and tumult, in the midst of the most pressing dangers and per-
ยท
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plexing distresses. A virtue which excites to the noblest actions, stimu- lates to the boldest enterprises which reason dietates, judgment directs, or duty calls them to engage in. True valor is, therefore, to be considered as a moral virtue, having reason for its foundation, and religion for its encouragement and support. And where courage, valor, or fortitude has reason for its basis, and is encouraged, cultivated and supported by the principles of religion, it becomes a virtue of the highest rank, and prompts to the most heroic undertakings. And when properly employed in a cause worthy of attention, it enables men with a calmness and composure of mind to face the greatest dangers, to stand the severest shocks, to meet undaunted and serene the charge of the most formidable enemy, and all the horrors of war. The want of fortitude is always attended with disgrace and reproach, frequently with shameful defeat, and sometimes with total destruction. But inspired with this virtne, a man may engage the boldest rival in arms, and perform the most glorious exploits."
The various resolutions and instructions given to the Repre- sentatives of the town from time to time, which are found upon the town records, and of which mention has been made, are all the handy work of Rev. Jonas Clarke.
The faithful historian will always delight to do justice to modest, retiring merit, and to bring before the public a name which has slept in the musty records of the past. Considering his education in a profession somewhat removed from politics, his early settlement in a small country village, the scarcity of books at that period, and his habitual devotion to his parochial, and even domestic duties, it is remarkable that he should be so thoroughly versed in everything relating to affairs of state, and the rights and duties of men under what was then scarcely known to the world, a representative, constitutional government. When we reflect upon this in all its bearings, and find him, even when a young man, so ripe in the wisdom of statesmanship, we can say of him as Canterbury said of his new sovereign : -
" Never was such a sudden scholar made ; Nor never youthful inexperience So soon did loose its seat, as in this man. Hear him but reason in divinity, And, all admiring, with an inward wish You would desire this man were made a prelate. Hear him debate of Commonwealth affairs, And you would say - it hath been all his study. Turn him to any course of policy, The Gordian knot of it, he will unloose Familiar as his gaiter."
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As Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke were both distinguished in their profession, and each of them labored in the vineyard of their Lord half a century, with eminent success, and each died greatly lamented by the people of the place ; and as the charac- ters of these eminent divines are not sufficiently known by the people of this generation, it is thought that some light may be cast upon the character of each by drawing a parallel between them. But, in the first place, we should clearly understand in what points they agree. No two clergymen out of Boston filled a larger space in the public mind, in their respective generations, than Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke. They were both men of distinguished talents, and ardent piety ; of great industry and method in business,1 and being well acquainted with the wants of their people, they were eminently successful in their calling.
In theology, their sentiments were very similar, each taking a practical view of the religion they taught. They knew that the Gospel, though a scheme of salvation into which the angels desire to look, was adapted to the wants of men, and that the earth was the field in which to train men for the skies. Know- ing that religion was designed to fit men to dwell together har- moniously in heaven, they both strove to induce them to live peaceably on earth, as the best preparation for their ultimate abode. But while they both labored to make their people benev- olent, kind and peaceable as men and as citizens, they were not insensible to the higher aspirations and the immortal destiny of the human soul. Hence they labored to raise men above mere earthly things. In one word, though they taught a pure moral- ity, they did not rest in morality alone; but added thereto an active, ardent piety. Another leading characteristic in both of these servants of the Lord, was that of independence. Though kind and conciliatory, they were both open and frank in the declaration of their views, and their preaching was characterized by a boldness which plainly indicated that they preached not the
? They fortunately lived before the days of clerical effeminacy, when many of our young ministers seem to claim the right
" To have a vacation of six weeks or more, To visit Mount Washington's peak; To lounge at the Glen House, or bathe at the shore, And preach but one sermou a week." 44
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pleasing words of man's wisdom, but the sublime truths of the Gospel which God had committed to them, and which they would proclaim, whether men would hear or forbear.
Agreeing in so many particulars, and conforming so exactly to each other, and to the divine standard of a Christian minister, we can find few traits of character on which to institute a parallel. But yet it is believed that there are some points on which they differed, and the exact character of cach will be best shown by the contrast. Though remarkable for their social qualities, in their intercourse with their fellow-men, Mr. Hancock had more pleasantry, and Mr. Clarke more dignity ; and while the former would more frequently unbend himself and indulge in playful wit or humor, the latter would always come down to familiar companionship, but would never put off the character of the clergyman. This difference arose probably more from the tem- perament of the two men, than from any real differences of senti- ment. Of Mr. Hancock, it may be said that he had more art - more of what may be called management, than Mr. Clarke ; though in him it never degenerated into low cunning or craft. He was minutely acquainted with all the temporal affairs of his people, and here he exerted his influence to a very great extent, and generally, it is believed, for their best good. Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke were well acquainted with men and things ; but the former knew more of men in their individual character, and the latter in their associated condition. And hence the one was the best calculated to rear up a feeble parish in a new settlement, and the other to guide a rising State. Of intellectual power,-that creative energy of mind which originates and combines, which meets present emergencies and provides for future contingencies, the preference must be given to Mr. Clarke. If Mr. Hancock's vision was more microscopic, Mr. Clarke's extended over a broader field ; so that the exact observation of the one, was more than compensated by the broader survey of the other. Mr. Hancock could meet the wants of the present, Mr. Clarke could anticipate those of the future.
The training of Mr. Hancock's powers was on a scale more limited than that of Mr. Clarke's. The former circumscribed his powers to the wants of his parish, and the interests of the churches around him, where he exerted an almost unbounded
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sway ; while the latter entered upon a broader field, and brought his energies to bear upon the affairs of states and the destinies of nations ; and if his influence was not as controlling in his partie- ular sphere as his predecessor's was in his, it was only because the field was broader, and the rivals more numerous and distin- guished. Mr. Hancock's sphere of labor being more circum- scribed, and the themes of his contemplation being more common, his reputation will be less lasting than that of Mr. Clarke, who has left his impress upon subjects which will ever engage the popular mind.
But it is unprofitable to pursue this parallel, and point out differences discoverable in these great and good men ; each of whom filled with fidelity the sphere in which he was placed. And as they were perhaps equally successful in the common field, that of the Christian minister, it may be true that if their circum- stances had been reversed, we should see as many of the charac- teristics of a statesman in Mr. Hancock, as were so eminently displayed by his distinguished successor.
The remains of Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke, with their wives and several members of their families, were deposited in the same tomb in the Lexington graveyard, and one common stone marks their resting place.
CHAPTER XIV.
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS.
From the Death of Mr. Clarke to the Present Day. - Mr. Williams invited to become the Pastor, and accepts - His Dismissal - Settlement and Dis- missal of Rev. Mr. Briggs - Ministry of Rev. Mr. Swett - Settlement and Death of Rev. Mr. Whitman - Ministry of Rev. Mr. Barrett - Ministry of Rev. Mr. Staples - Ministry of Rev. Mr. Livermore - Settlement of Rev. Mr. Westcott - Second Congregational Society - Labors and Death of Dr. Follen - Ministry of Rev. Mr. Dorr - Ministry of Rev. Mr. Bridge - The Union Society - Settlement of Rev. Mr. Stowe - The Baptist Society and its Clergymen - The Universalist Society and its Clergymen - The Roman Catholic Church - The Orthodox Meeting House.
AFTER the death of Mr. Clarke, and before the settlement of his successor, a period of about two years, the church records are quite meagre. In August, 1807, Mr. Avery Williams was first heard as a candidate, and on the 8th of October, he received a unanimous invitation to become their pastor. He accepted the call, and was ordained December 30, 1807. Rev. Dr. Kendall, of Weston, preached the sermon ; Rev. Mr. Marrett, of Bur- lington, made the consecrating prayer, and Rev. Dr. Cushing, of Waltham, gave the charge.
His health failing him, by the advice of his physician Mr. Williams spent a winter at the South, but obtained no permanent relief. The parish supplied the pulpit during his absence and inability to preach. But when it became apparent that his pas- toral labors were at an end, by an arrangement with the parish, his connection with them terminated in September, 1815.1 His ministry was a successful one.
On the 31st of March, 1813, Mr. Williams preached a century sermon, which was published. This discourse is well written, and does credit to the author. It is a succinct and well
1 For a notice of his family, sce Genealogy.
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digested sketch of the early settlement of the place. He pays a just tribute to the memories of his predecessors in the ministry, Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke. The sermon shows careful re- search, sound judgment, and good taste, and reflects great credit upon Mr. Williams as a gentleman of accuracy and talents. Such discourses are a valuable contribution to history.
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