USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Lexington > History of the town of Lexington, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, from its first settlement to 1868, with a genealogical register of Lexington families > Part 25
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75
During the year 1777, the attention of the town was directed to the subject of raising its quotas of men for the different cam- paigns, and especially to the cost of the campaigns, and also to what was more difficult than raising men, viz., providing means to pay them. They also chose Deacon Jonas Stone, Represen- tative, and gave him full power to act in the formation of a State Constitution.
The Continental Congress, having formed Articles for the Confederation of the States, submitted them to the States, and the States to the people. At a meeting held January 5, 1778, a committee was chosen to consider and report upon the subject. At the adjourned meeting, held on the 12th of January, they reported that the Representative be instructed to vote for the ratification of those Articles ; at the same time they express a strong desire that there may be some amendment adopted by which alterations may be proposed to them by the people.
In the midst of the trials and sufferings which naturally fell upon the brave and patriotic men who were fighting the battles of their country, they had from time to time some testimonials, showing that they were not forgotten by their brethren who were at home. At a meeting of the inhabitants of the town, March 10, 1778, they passed the following vote : "That our brethren of this town in the Continental army be forthwith supplied, each of them, with one good pair of shoes, made of neat's leather, one good pair of stockings, and a good shirt made of cotton and linen, to be given to them free of charge, and paid for by the town."
We have already seen that an effort was being made to form a Constitution of Government, for the safety and well-being of the State; and that the people of Lexington had empowered their Representative to act on the subject. A Constitution was formed and submitted to the people. In Lexington the subject
262
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON
was referred to a committee of their most prominent citizens, - the result of which was to draw from the Rev. Mr. Clarke another of his valuable papers on the subject of civil govern- ment, which may be read with profit at the present day.
· " The freemen of the Town of Lexington, having upon mature consider- ation voted that they do not approve of the Constitution and form of gov- ernment, sent out by the late Honorable Convention, cannot look upon it as improper to suggest some reasons why they could not cheerfully accept of said Constitution and form of government, as calculated to answer the important ends proposed.
" Accordingly, it may be observed that it appears to us that in emerging from a state of nature into a state of well-regulated society, mankind give up some of their natural rights in order that others of greater importance to their well-being, safety and happiness, both as societies and individuals, might be the better enjoyed, secured and defended. That a civil Constitution or form of government is of the nature of a most sacred covenant or contract entered into by the individuals which form the society, for which such Constitution or form of government is intended, whereby they mutually and solemnly engage to support and defend each other in the enjoyment of those rights which they mean to retain. That the main and great end of establishing any Constitution or form of government among a people or in society, is to maintain, secure and defend those natural rights inviolate. And, consequently, that it is of the highest importance, both to the public peace and utility, and to the safety and security of individuals, that said rights intended to be retained, at least those that are fundamental to the well-being of society and the liberty and safety of individuals, should be in the most explicit terms declared. And that not only that Government and persons in authority might know their stated limits and bounds, but also that sub- jects and all members of such society might know when their rights and liberties are infringed or violated, and have some known and established standard, to which they might, with becoming confidence, appeal for the redress of grievances and oppressions, whether real or supposed ; and we most readily acknowledge that the total omission of a Declaration of Rights of this kind, is no small objection to the Constitution before us.
" Next to a Declaration of Rights, it is humbly conceived that equality of representation is of the greatest importance to the preservation of the liberties of the subject, and the peace and safety of society. But we cannot think that the provision made in this form of government is ade- quate to this purpose. And we are of opinion that it is not without ground to be feared that through the imperfections of mankind in some future times, small towns may become an easy prey to the corrupt influ- ence of designing men to the no small danger of the public tranquillity, as well as to the liberties of the people; as hath been frequently, and notori- ously the fact in England and many other states.
" A Rotation in the members in the Supreme Council of a nation, and
263
TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION.
the Legislative Body of a State, even where such are elective, hath been frequently suggested and earnestly recommended by the best writers on polity and government, and is by practice and experience found to be a powerful check to the arts and schemes of ambitious and designing men, and as a means under Providence of prolonging the liberty, safety and tranquillity of such States and Commonwealths as have adopted it. Of this the Commonwealth of Rome was a striking instance, where no citizen could be legally elected to the Consulship, which was the office of the Supreme Magistrate, but once in ten years. And we could have wished that the example of the Honorable Congress in the Articles of Confedera- tion had been adopted in this matter ; and that no citizen of this State had been eligible to the office of Supreme Magistrate, or as a member of the General Court, more than two years in five, three years in seven, or at least for some limited time.
" We have complained of it in times past under the Charter, and still look upon it as of dangerous tendency, to have the Legislative and Execu- tive powers blended in the same persons. And the wise and judicious in all ages have spoken of it as a very great grievance to have in the Supreme Council or Legislative body of a State, placemen and pensioners, or which amounts to almost the same thing, persons who hold lucrative posts in the gift of the Court, or are dependent thereupon for their offices and salaries and perquisites annexed thereto. And we cannot persuade our- selves that the provision made in this Constitution would be an adequate remedy.
" Canvassing for elections, corrupt influence, and open bribery, have had their most baleful effects to the subversion of liberty, and the destruction of good government in free States, and that in all ages. And yet we can- not find anything in this Constitution to give the least check to practices of this kind.
"We could have wished that the inestimable right of trial by jury had been more explicitly defined.
" We do not find any sufficient provision for any alteration or amend- ment of this Constitution but by the General Court, or by instructions of our Representatives. Whereas it appears to us at least, of the highest importance that a door should be left open for the people to move in this matter, and a way explicitly pointed out, wherein they might legally and constitutionally propose such, and effect any such alterations or amend- ments, in any future time, as might appear to them advantageous or necessary ; and the rather, as this might give satisfaction to the people, and be a happy means under Providence of preventing popular commo- tions, mobs, bloodshed, and civil war, which too frequently have been the consequences of the want of such an opening, which they might have legally and constitutionally improved.
" These in general, are a sketch of the reasons that have induced us to withhold our approbation of the Constitution and form of government, transmitted to us by the late Honorable Convention.
" Wherefore as the late General Court have explicitly recommended to the several towns in this State to instruct their Representatives upon this
-
34
264
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON
subject ; the Representative of this town is accordingly hereby instructed and directed to lay the proceedings of said town hereupon, with these reasons why this Constitution was not approved, before the General Court. And in case the establishment of this Constitution and form of government should be acted upon in said General Court, to give his vote against it.
" If this form of Government should not be established, and we have some grounds to believe that it will not, and it should be proposed in Court to form another, we would say that notwithstanding this town instructed and empowered their Representative for this purpose last year, and notwithstanding we earnestly hope to have a good Constitution in due time established in the State, yet for various reasons which to us at least appear of weight, we could wish to have it waived for the present; not only because the form of government we are now under, as it hath done, so it may still answer all purposes of government; but also because it may interrupt the deliberations of the Court upon affairs of more immediate concernment to the well being, and perhaps to the very existence of the State, which may demand all their time and all their attention ; but espe- cially because our brethren absent in the war, and foremost in trials and danger in the great contest in which we are engaged, may think themselves not well treated in being deprived of having a voice in so interesting an affair.
" The Representative of this town is therefore, for these reasons and others, hereby further instructed to use his influence to have the matter waived at least for the present. But in case the Court should determine to have the matter further attempted at present, the Representative is further instructed to use his influence that it may be done by a Convention freely chosen by the people for that purpose and that only."
We give these papers in full, because they show the immediate relation which at that time existed between the representative and his constituents, and because we think that both represen- tatives and the people might profit by the just views expressed in these instructions, written by a sound divine and practical statesman at that day.
In 1778, the burdens of the war pressed more heavily upon the people than they had done before. The depreciation of the currency, and the corresponding increase of prices, augmented the embarrassment. Besides, soldiers who had served, returned home without pay. If the towns paid them, it must greatly increase their taxes, and so exhaust their means; and if they neglected to pay those who had served, it would discourage enlistments, and so render it difficult for towns to fill their quotas. Lexington like all other towns felt this embarrassment. But
265
TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION.
she resolved to be true to those who had been in the field. Accordingly, May, 1778, she appropriated £2,001 14s., to pay her troops up to that time. But more men were required, and in September of that year the town voted, " That the men who shall engage to march on the present alarm, shall be entitled to receive from the town £15 per month including the Court's pay."
It would seem from the face of the record, that ample pro- vision was made to pay for the past expenditures, and to provide for the future expenses of the war. But in Lexington, as in all other towns at that time, the people were ready to vote taxes, but were unable to pay them. The high price of all the neces- saries of life, and the ruinous state of the currency, rendered it almost impossible to obtain money on any consideration. They did all they could, and that was but little. There were but few who had money, and those who had, would not lend it, except at exorbitant rates ; and the raisers of produce partook of the same spirit. Prices were so fluctuating, and the currency was so deranged, that Congress suggested the propriety of some action on the subject ; and in Massachusetts a Convention assembled at Concord, for the purpose of considering the matter, and fixing a system of prices. Lexington participated in the movement, and chose Matthew Mead, Thaddeus Parker, and Joel Viles, as delegates. The Convention met in July, and fixed a scale of prices for goods, wares, and merchandise, and also for articles of produce and the wages of labor. The town expressed its hearty concurrence in the measures recommended by the Con- vention, and chose a committee to fix a scale of prices, and report the same to the town, at an adjourned meeting. These prices, being an important part of the history of the times, and showing the causes of the embarrassments of the people, we deem it a duty to insert.
West India rum, £6 9s. per gall .; New England rum, £4 16s. per gall .; Molasses, £4 15s. per gall .; Coffee, 18s. per lb .; Brown sugar, from 11s. to 14s. per lb .; Chocolate, 24s. per. Ib .; Bohea tea, £5 15s. per lb. ; Cotton wool, 37s. 6d. per lb .; German steel, 36s. per lb. ; Salt, best quality, £10 10s. per bush .; Indian corn, £4 4s. per bush .; Rye, £5 10s. per bush .; Wheat, £8 10s. per bush .; Beef from.3s. to 4s. 6d. per. lb .; Mutton, Lamb, and Veal, 4s .; Butter, 12s .; Cheese, 6s .; Milk, 1s.
266
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON
6d. per quart; English hay, 30s. per cwt. ; Barley and Malt, £4 per bush. ; Beans, 4s. 10d. per bush ; Cider, £5 10s. per bbl. ; Sheep's wool, 21s., and Flax 12s. per lb. ; Mugs, 30s. per doz. ; Milk pans, 12s. per doz .; Yard wide tow cloth, 24s. and cotton cloth, 36s. per yd .; Sole leather, 20s. per lb. ; Upper leather in the same proportion ; Men's shoes, £6, and women's £4 10s .; Making shoes and finding wax and thread, 48s ; Shoeing horse and steeled, 90s., plain, 66s. ; Setting a single shoe, 5s. ; New axe, £6, laying one, £3 12s .; Spinning a double skein linen, 4s. 6d .; Weaving tow cloth one yard wide, 4s., and cotton, 4s. 6d .; Woolen cloth, one ell wide, 6s .; Best felt hats, £4; Best saddles, £60, common do., £40; Good yarn hose for men, 66s. ; All wool cloth, common dye, £4 10s. per yard ; Teaming under 30 miles, 18s. per mile ; Carpen- ter's or mason's work, 60s. per day ; Common labor, 36s. to 48s. ; Oxen per day, 24s ; Horses per mile, 3s .; West India flip per mug, lõs., New England do., 12s .; Extra good dinner, 20s., and common, 12s .; Best supper and breakfast, 15s., and common, 12s .; Lodging, 4s.
The town voted to have the Committee of Safety proceed with all persons, according to the Resolve of the Convention, that should demand, take, or give more for any article than the rates set down in the schedule. These prices appear to be much higher than they really were, owing to the depreciated currency, which was at that time worth about one-sixth of the value of coin. But even with that allowance, men at the present day would hardly be willing to work in the summer season for thirty-five cents per day, and pay ninety-three cents per pound for Bohea tea.
The embarrassments felt by the people at that day, were of the most trying character, and when we consider that these trials grew out of their devotion to the cause of freedom, and that they suffered not for themselves alone, but for us their descend- ants, we should not only overlook any faults we may discover in the course they pursued, but should render a tribute to their memories for their zeal and devotion in the great work in which they were so nobly engaged.
In 1779, the people were called upon to elect a delegate to a Convention to form a Constitution, and the inhabitants of Lex- ington, with great wisdom and propriety, selected the Rev. Mr. Clarke, who, though modest and unpretending, had a good share of influence in that body. He was on several important com- mittecs, where his good sense and ripened wisdom were of great service.
267
TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION.
The delegates thus elected, framed a Constitution, and sub- mitted it to the people for their ratification or rejection. The inhabitants of Lexington voted to adopt most of its provisions ; they however qualified their approval by proposing sundry amendments, all of which showed how jealous they were of their rights, and how careful they were to secure the great prin- ciples of popular equality, and to recognize religion as the basis of all good government.
We will give one of the amendments proposed, with the reasons for the same, as set forth by the committee appointed to consider the subject. In the frame of Government they proposed to add the word " Protestant" to the term " Christian Religion" in the oath of office, and supported that amendment as follows :
" As to the word Protestant, we conceive it to be a word which took its rise from the pious, noble, and truly heroic stand which Luther and the first Reformers, with the reformed Churches in Europe, made against the Errors, Superstition and Hierarchy of the Pope and Church of Rome, and the Oppression, Persecution and Tyranny of Charles the Fifth, Em- peror of Germany in the beginning of the 15th century ; and more imme- diately from the Solemn Protest made and entered into by the Electors and Deputies of nineteen States and imperial Cities of Germany, against the unjust and impious Decrees of the Diet of the Empire, for suppressing the glorious Reformation on the 19th of April, 1529. On that account they were distinguished by the name of Protestants. A Term by which the reformed Churches of all Denominations in Europe and America, if not throughout the world, have ever since been known. A Term which our venerable Ancestors brought with them, when they came into this country, and held in a manner sacred, as expressive of their Characters as profes- sors of the pure Religion of Jesus Christ, in opposition to the blasphe- mous Absurdities of the Church of Rome; and a Term which by long use hath been, and still is technically expressive of the true Religion of the Gospel, as justly distinguished from Popery. We therefore wish to have the expressive word inserted in the Constitution in those places we have pointed out, - to guard against introducing persons into offices of trust and places of power in the government of this State, whose Religion itself leads them to hold principles, and avow practices inimical to Liberty, sub- versive of Government, and dangerous to the State."
The town proposed several other amendments, all of which looked to the protection of the subject, and showed how jealous the people were of their rights.
268
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON
The limited means of the people, the depreciation of paper money, and the numerous calls upon the town to furnish men and supply beef for the army, rendered the case exceedingly embarrassing. The town meetings which were very frequently held, show the great difficulty under which the inhabitants labored. To indicate the depreciation of money, and the con- sequent loss which must have been realized by the holders of the paper issued, it is only necessary to state the fact that in 1781, the town instructed their collectors to receive of those who were in arrears for their taxes one dollar of the new emission for forty of the old. And on the year following the selectmen settled with Benjamin Wellington, allowing him eighty for one, as the difference between silver and paper money.
Such a depreciation in the circulating medium would at any time produce great derangement in business, destroy confidence, and bring about a state of confusion in the transactions of life. And when we consider that this took place in the midst of the exhausting war of the Revolution, we are surprised that our fathers sustained themselves as well as they did.
As this element of depreciation in the paper currency at that day was interwoven with almost every transaction, public and private, it becomes important that we should understand the origin of these paper issues, and the cause of their depreciation. As this subject of the currency affected very materially the enlistment of soldiers in this and other towns, we take the lib- erty of making an extract from the history of Marlborough, where the subject was treated with some detail.1
" The unsuccessful expedition against Canada in 1690, in- volved the Province in a heavy debt. To meet this demand bills of credit were issued for one year. These were punctually re- deemed till 1704, when the expenses of calamitous wars induced the General Court to defer the payment, first for two years, and afterwards for a longer term. About 1714, the subject of the currency attracted considerable attention. Some were for re- turning to a specie currency ; others were for a land bank ; and others were for the Province loaning its credit to the towns, and thence in small sums to the inhabitants on interest. This latter
1 See Hudson's History of Marlborough, pp. 181-185.
269
TO THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION.
scheme prevailed, and £50,000 were issued, and passed over to the towns in proportion to their share of the public tax. The sums thus apportioned to the towns, were committed to trus- tees appointed by them, to be loaned out in small sums to indi- viduals, who were to repay it at stated times with interest, and this interest was to be appropriated to defray the public expenses.
" But these bills were constantly undergoing a depreciation. In 1702, an ounce of silver would buy of these bills 68. 10d. ; in 1705, 78 .; in 1713, 8s .; in 1716, 9s. 3d .; in 1717, 12s .; in 1722, 14s .; in 1728, 18s .; in 1730, 20s .; in 1737, 26s .; in 1741, 288. ; and in 1749, 60s.
" Another scheme was projected to support a paper currency by silver coin, viz .- A loan of £60,000 to be deposited with the towns as in the other case, but to be repaid in specie. To extin- guish this paper currency, which had become exceedingly oppres- sive, the home government interposed, and Parliament, knowing that this paper had been issued to carry on the wars of Great Britain against the French and Indians, passed an Act for reim- bursing the Colonies in specie. The General Court provided by law for the rate at which these bills of credit should be redeemed ; and fixed it at about one-fifth less than their lowest current value ; that is, at fifty shillings for an ounce of silver which was valued at 6s. 8d., or an English crown. This was the origin of the Old Tenor' reckoning - fifty shillings of paper equal to an ounce of silver, or 6s. 8d.
" As the design of this law was the abolition of the paper cur- reney, and as the grant of Parliament was insufficient to redeem the whole mass of paper that the Province had issued, the re- mainder was liquidated by a tax of £75,000, payable in bills, at the above rate of fifty shillings in bills for 6s. 8d. in specie. All future debts after March 31, 1750, it was enacted, should be understood to be contracted on the specie basis of 6s. 8d. per ounce of silver. This was the origin of what has been known as 'Lawful Money ;' three ounces of silver being equal to £1, or 20s.
" This restored the currency to a metallic basis, and to a uniform permanent value. Having passed this crisis of depreciation, the people enjoyed a sound and uniform circulating medium for more than twenty years. But the breaking out of hostilities
270
HISTORY OF LEXINGTON
with the mother country, imposed a new obligation upon the Province. War had commenced ; and means must be supplied to carry it on. Consequently the Provincial Congress in May, 1775, empowered the Treasurer to borrow one hundred thousand pounds lawful money, secured by notes of the Province at six per cent, and made payable June 1, 1777. They also desired the other Colonies to give currency to such securities. At the same time, they commended this subject to the consideration of the Continental Congress.
" The Treasurer was required to issue no notes of a less denomi- nation than £4; but it was found necessary to meet the wants of the army to have notes of a less denomination ; and the Pro- visional Congress empowered the Treasurer to issue notes of six, nine, ten, twelve, fourteen, fifteen, sixteen, eighteen and twenty shillings - this emission not to exceed £26,000. Almost simul- taneously with these issues by the State, Continental bills were issued by the General Government. For the first year these bills circulated freely, and were readily exchanged for cash.
" But the continued issue of such bills by the State and the nation, and the fact that they had no specie to redeem them ; the dubious prospect of the result of the war, and the general exhaustion of the community, tended to depreciate their value. Add to this the British officers, and the adherents of the royal cause in the midst of us, took every opportunity, and had re- course to every means, to impair the value of this paper. They represented, and with too much truth, that the Continental Con- gress had no means by which to redeem their bills ; and with great injustice, asserted that they never intended to provide for their redemption. Under the influence of these causes, this paper money gradually depreciated in value, till it required about seventy-five pounds in paper to procure one in specie. Such a reduction in the value of the circulating medium, wrought great injustice, especially to those who subsisted on a salary, or labored for stated pay fixed beforehand. Many clergymen found by sad experience, that the salary which at their settlement was deemed sufficient, would hardly save them from starvation ; and the poor soldiers who enlisted at government pay for three years, found their wages hardly worth receiving, as will be seen by the fol- lowing scale of depreciation.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.