USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Lexington > History of the town of Lexington, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, from its first settlement to 1868, with a genealogical register of Lexington families > Part 28
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Salutes and minute guns were fired at intervals, during the morning, and flags raised in honor of the occasion, were waving at half mast until the close of the funeral services. At an early hour the village was filled with visitors to the number of several thousands, notwithstanding the unpropitious state of the weather. Public and private houses were thrown open and filled with visitors.
The procession was formed at 11 o'clock, near the Monument House, and moved under a military escort, consisting of the Lexington Artillery and a volunteer company of light infantry, commanded respectively by Capt. J. F. LeBarron and Capt. Billings Smith. The procession moved to the burying ground,
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FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867.
where they received the sarcophagus, the band performing appro- priate music during the ceremony. On arriving at the church, the military opened to the right and left, the sarcophagus was placed in the broad aisle, and the procession entered. The pulpit was occupied by the Chaplain and the Reverend Clergy. In front of the pulpit a platform had been raised for the orator ; and on each side of him on the platform were seated the sur- vivors of Capt. Parker's company, viz. : Dr. Joseph Fiske, Daniel Mason, Benjamin Locke, William Munroe, Jonathan Harrington, Ebenezer Simonds, Jonathan Loring, John Hos- mer, Isaac Durant, Josiah Reed. Solomon Brown and Ebenezer Parker were absent, one living at a great distance, and the other on account of the infirmities of age. The galleries were occu- pied exclusively by the ladies. Notwithstanding the unpromising state of the weather, the preceding evening and that morning, the church was filled to overflowing, as well as the platform which had been erected round the church, and the windows, were also filled with hearers.
After an appropriate prayer by Rev. James Walker, Hon. Edward Everett delivered an Address, which was listened to in breathless silence for two entire hours. We shall attempt no synopsis of this Address. Nothing short of the whole could give an adequate idea of its power and beauty. It is enough to say that it has been given to the public, and is one of the happiest efforts of that distinguished orator, whose words have electrified the country, and whose life even to the last, has been devoted to the great cause of American Independence.
We cannot, however, dismiss this masterly Address without saying that Mr. Everett gave a succinct statement of the causes of the American Revolution, passed a justly merited culogy upon John Hancock and Samuel Adams, commended the able and patriotic efforts of Rev. Jonas Clarke, noticed the preparations made in Lexington to meet the crisis ; and of the events which occurred on the Common on the 19th of April, 1775, said : " Another volley aimed with fatal precision, succeeds. Several dropped, killed and wounded. Capt. Parker now felt the ne- eessity of directing his men to disperse ; but it was not till several of them had returned the British fire, and some of them more than once, that this handful of brave men were driven from the field."
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After the close of the exercises at the church, the procession again formed, and moving around the inclosed battle ground to the Monument, the sarcophagus was placed within the iron railing in a tomb of stone masonry, prepared to receive it. Three vol- leys of musketry were then fired over the grave, and the proces- sion moved on to the pavillion erected near the Monument House, where a collation was prepared.
Elias Phinney, Esq., Chairman of the Committee of Arrange- ments, presided at the table. On each side of the President were the invited guests, including Lieutenant Governor Armstrong and Aids, Orator and Chaplains, Daniel Webster, Judge Story, President Quincy, Attorney General Austin, Adjutant General Dearborn, and others.
The sentiments given on the occasion were responded to by the distinguished guests, who passed the highest eulogiums upon Lexington and her brave minute-men.
Lexington had been blessed in her historic association, and in every department of her history. This had been particularly true of her parochial affairs. It is a lamentable fact that the spiritual concerns of a community, which should teach them forbearance and charity, have in many, very many instances, been the cause of more disputes and heart-burnings, and have produced more rancor and bitterness than almost anything else. Lexington, as we have seen, had been an exception to this too general rule for almost a century and a half.
But alas for human nature ! offences will come. As soon as Lexington became a parish, the people took measures to create a parsonage or ministerial fund, which should secure to them the means of supporting, or rather aid them in supporting the Gospel ministry. They purchased a quantity of land, and set it apart for that purpose. The original cost of the land was but about $67, which was raised by a tax upon the parish. This land, or the avails of it, have been cherished with great fondness, and managed with extreme care and fidelity. In 1817, an Act was obtained, incorporating certain persons as Trustees of the Ministerial Fund, whose accounts were audited annually by the town. This fund in 1830, amounted to the sum of $16,600, besides a quantity of land unsold.
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FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867.
So long as the people were of one heart and one mind, this fund proved a blessing to the parish-if indeed it be a blessing to any religious society to be relieved from all contributions for the support of religious institutions. It is a principle of our nature to value things somewhat in proportion to the labor and cost of obtaining them ; and this applies to institutions as well as to tangible things. There is generally a more healthy, active religious feeling in societies which sustain themselves by their annual contributions, than in those societies which lean upon funds for support. We are far from believing that parish funds, in all cases, are a curse. When societies are feeble, a parish fund would prove a blessing while it aids them to support the institutions of religion, without paralyzing their own efforts. It is with parishes as with individuals, those are the most prosperous which have made personal efforts, and cultivated the virtue of self-reliance.
In 1830 a portion of those who had worshiped at the church of the old parish, formed themselves into a Baptist society, and subsequently a second Congregational society and a Universalist society were formed in the East Village.
In 1833 an article was inserted in the Warrant for March meeting, which gave embodiment to the feeling which prevailed in the eastern section of the town. "To see if the town will move the old meeting-house, or build a new one in some eentral place, where there can be land procured to build out-buildings ; or build one in the eastern seetion of the town, and settle a min- ister as colleague with Mr. Briggs, to supply preaching in both houses." The same article was inserted in the Warrant for a meeting in August of that year ; and though these Articles were voted down by decided majorities, the opposition were not dis- couraged or disheartened. In October, 1834, they procured the insertion of an Article in the Warrant for a town meeting, - "To see whether the town will petition the Legislature, either to repeal the Aet incorporating the Trustees of the Ministerial Fund, or to so modify the same that the equal rights to aid from profits resulting therefrom, may be secured to all the inhab- itants of said town, agreeably to the intention of its ancient founders." This Article was voted down, 120 to 64.
At a meeting, June 1, 1835, an Article was inserted in the
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Warrant,-" To see if the town will authorize the Trustees of the Ministerial Fund to pay to a Committee chosen for that pur- pose, one half of the income of said fund towards the support of a Congregational minister to preach to that part of the First Congregational society who worship in the East Village." This Article discloses the fact that those worshiping in the East Vil- lage still claim to be members of the old society and vote in their meetings. The town refused to act upon the Article.
This contest went on for years, and town meeting after town meeting was called for the express purpose of obtaining a portion of this fund. Not only those who resided in the East Village, but the Baptists and Universalists, who had formed societies, claimed a share of the fund ; and in order to be more successful, they all retained their membership in the old parish.
From ill health, Rev. Mr. Briggs resigned his office as pastor, and Rev. Mr. Swett was invited to take his place. But this only gave a new opportunity for the disaffected to renew their demand for a portion of the fund. It would be' tiresome to go through all the details of this strife. But one thing is certain, viz. that the income of the fund was the prize sought. Like the eager heirs of a large estate, they were willing to sacrifice the harmony of the community and the very object of all preach- ing, in a scramble for the means to pay the preacher.
As was natural, the opposing parties, though they had no common sympathy for each other, would unite against the stronger party, and paralyze their efforts. The old society could not hold a meeting, or settle a minister, or transaet their ordi- nary parish business, without encountering the opposition of those who in a practical point of view, had no sympathy with the society, being alienated either by doctrinal sentiments or sectional feelings from the parish. In 1845 all parties became weary of the strife and came to a mutual understanding, by which the income of the fund should be divided between the dif- ferent religious societies on the basis of the taxable property held by the members of each society respectively.
Now that the contest is over, and the fund divided on a wise basis, and most of those who took the lead in that unfortunate struggle have passed off the stage, we can look upon this matter impartially, and hence learn wisdom from the foibles of those
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FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867.
who have gone before us. The character of the town has suffered by this bitter controversy, the effects of which have hardly yet passed away. And here Lexington does not stand alone. Almost every town which has had any considerable fund, has experienced a like contest and alienation of feeling growing out of it.
On the legal rights of the case there is no room for doubt. All such funds are the property, not of the town, but of the parish. The law of Massachusetts, as expounded by the Courts, is clear. Every original township was a parish, and the two organizations, the Municipal and the Parochial, co-existed. When a bequest was made to the town, or when the town cre- ated a fund for the support of the minister, the property vested in the parish - the town being nothing but Trustee for the parish. But the case of the Lexington Fund was still stronger. The land which formed the basis of this fund was bought and paid for by the parish, nearly twenty years before the town had a being. Consequently it belonged to the parish by as good a title as is known to the law. When, therefore, a person ceased to be a member of the parish, he ceased to be a joint owner of the fund. By leaving the parish he relinquished all right in and control over this parish property. While he remained in the parish he would have a right to vote ; but being a member of a corporation, he must submit to the voice of the majority. If, therefore, those people who had formed themselves into a Baptist Society, or a Universalist Society, or who worshiped at the East Village, had left the old parish, they could have no legal claim upon the fund. But if they still belonged to the old parish, they were legally bound by a vote of the majority. So that at no time during this controversy, were any of their legal rights infringed.
But they claimed that they had an equitable right to their share of the fund. This certainly deserves consideration. But on what was such a claim founded? On the original intent of those who created the fund? They designed it for the support of the ministry in their parish, and not in other rival societies which would tend to break down the parish for which they were providing. Did they base their claim in equity on the fact that they were members of the parish, and should have their share of
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the profits of the Fund? If they were members of the parish, they were bound in law and equity to abide by the voice of the majority. Did those at the East Village claim a portion of the fund on the ground that they lived at a great distance from the meeting-house ? It is a notorious fact that at the time the fund was created, and the meeting-house built on the Common, there was a greater proportion of the inhabitants at the extreme castern and other out-parts of the township, as compared with the centre, than there was when they were urging their plea.
Besides, all pleas of right imply corresponding obligations and duties. Suppose the parish had been in debt for their meeting- house, or for the past salaries of their ministers, would these dis- . contented persons have been willing to be taxed to pay that indebtedness ? I apprehend that under that state of things, they would have regarded it as an act of injustice to call upon them to help pay the old debt, contracted it may be, before they were born, and would have shown their unwillingness by leaving the society. And further, was it acting on principles of moral equity to retain their legal membership, that they might be able to vote themselves a portion of this fund, when in fact, they were mem- bers of other societies, which they were laboring to build up at the expense of the old parish? The facts in the case show that those who had formed rival societies, had no claim in law or equity to any portion of the fund.
At the same time the old parish were unwise in resisting the application as long as they did. A little sober reflection should have taught them that the peace and harmony of the town was worth more in a civil, social, and religious point of view, than a few hundred dollars of the Ministerial Fund. They should have seen earlier than they did, that a determined minority would be likely to succeed in the end; and that it was a safe and wise policy to soothe rather than exasperate an opposition ; and that it was wiser to bestow cheerfully than wait and be compelled to yield reluctantly. And had they not brooded over this fund so long, and cherished it with so much fondness, they might have scen that the tendency of a large fund was to paralyze rather than quicken religious feeling - the great object for which the Chris- tian ministry was instituted. They acted discreetly at last in
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FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867.
consenting to a division, and the only pity is, that it was not done at an earlier day.
Now that the whole thing is past, and the effects are known, no doubt all parties can see the errors into which they were be- trayed ; and are now ready to admit that the peace of the com- munity is of more true worth, and the reputation of the town is more valuable, than the income of any ordinary fund, though it may be denominated Ministerial. Experience must have taught all parties, that a large fund to support the ministry will not increase the interest and religious engagedness of a society, and that any portion of such a fund, obtained by strifc, will not insure permanency to the societies which receive it.
We would gladly have passed over this unfortunate page in the history of this otherwise peaceful town. But the impartial historian should record the unpleasant events which occur, as well as those which are more agreeable. It is from this presentation of light and shade that the spirit of the age may be seen, and the true character of individuals or communities may be known.
The Act of the Legislature, in 1845, providing for a distribu- tion of the income of the Ministerial fund, was accepted by the town by a unanimous vote, March 31, 1845. Thus an end was put to that unpleasant and unprofitable controversy, and at the same time the subject was removed from the consideration of the town, and delivered over to the parishes.
When that remarkable man, Louis Kossuth, former Governor of Hungary, fled from his country to escape the barbarity of Austria, and visited the United States, he was invited by the Governor of Massachusetts, at the request of the Legislature, to visit our Capital and become the guest of the State. He com- plied with the invitation, and during his sojourn in the State, visited most of the principal cities and towns, where he was received and welcomed by thousands of the inhabitants. Being an exile from his native land, and an ardent lover of free institu- tions, he would naturally desire to visit the birth-place of Amer- ican Liberty. He was invited to Lexington. On the 11th of May, 1852, he left Boston, and taking West Cambridge in his
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route, he was escorted by the horsemen of that and the neighbor- ing towns, to the boundary of Lexington, where he was received by the Lexington Committee and a large cavalcade. The pro- cession then moved to Lexington Common, where a rostrum had been erected near the Monument, and appropriately decorated. All sides of the Common were hung with flags, tastefully arranged ; at the entrance was the inscription - " WELCOME TO THE BIRTHI-PLACE OF AMERICAN LIBERTY." A large con- course of people had assembled at the Green, and the school children were arranged along the walk, who greeted Kossuth as he passed.
On reaching the platform, Kossuth was introduced by Col. Isaac H. Wright to Hon. Charles Hudson, Chairman of the Lexington Committee, who addressed him as follows :
" GOVERNOR KOSSUTHI, - As the organ of the citizens of Lexington, I bid you a cordial welcome to this quiet and peaceful village. We are assembled here this morning to pay our honors and to tender our sympathy to one who in other lands, has so nobly vindicated the rights of man against the encroachments of arbitrary and despotic power. Your advocacy of human rights, your devotion to the best interests of your beloved country, your labors for her welfare, and your suffering in her behalf, justly com- mend you to the friends of free institutions throughout the world. We rejoice in this opportunity of tendering to you our unfeigned regard, and to your bleeding country onr kindest sympathy.
" We welcome you to this consecrated spot, on which was shed the first blood in that glorious struggle which made us a free and prosperous peo- ple, and gave us a name among the nations of the earth. But these bless- ings were dearly bought. This Green has been trampled by a foreign foe. Ilere our fathers met their oppressors, and this unpretending stone tells the sad story of their fate. In yonder humble dwelling,1 our domestic exiles, the proscribed Hancock and Adams, sought a retreat, and, like the heroes in Grecian story, consulted the patriot priest on the safety of the Commonwealth.
"But a brighter day has dawned upon our country ; and some of the sainted patriots who passed through those struggles, through that wilder- ness of dangers, and that Red sea of blood, are here to-day to partake of the blessings of this Canaan of rest.
" So may it be with your beloved country! Though a dark cloud over- shadows her, its gilded margin betokens a brighter sky, and points to the bow of promise. Your country must ultimately be free. Austria and Russia may combine against her, but their efforts cannot prosper. Let
1 The Clarke House, on Hancock street.
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FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867.
these tyrants rely upon their fortresses and their armies - let their legions come up like the locusts of Egypt; but their trust is vain.
'Jove shakes the feeble props of human trust, And towers and armies levels with the dust.'
" I again welcome you to the birth-place of American liberty, and to all the hallowed associations which eluster around this place. I welcome you to the hearts of this people."
Kossuth in his reply, speaking of those who fell on Lexington Common, on the 19th of April, 1775, said :
" It is their sacrificed blood with which is written the preface of your nation's history. Their death was and ever will be the first bloody revela- tion of America's destiny, and Lexington the opening seene of a revolution, that is destined to change the character of human governments, and the condition of the human race." 1
After Kossuth had finished his remarks, he was introduced to Jonathan Harrington and Amariah Preston, both soldiers of the Revolution, and each of them ninety-four years of age, and to many others of our citizens, when he visited the old Clarke house, and moved on to Concord, where he had another public recep- tion, made a speech, and returned to Boston the same day.
On the 26th of March, 1834, Jonathan Harrington, the last survivor of the battle of Lexington, closed his earthly career, aged 95 years, 8 months, and 18 days. At his funeral a large concourse of people assembled, a military procession was formed, and the greatest respect was shown to the memory of one, who in his early youth had sounded the shrill notes of liberty in the
1 Louis Kossuth was truly a wonderful man. A stranger in our country, and only self-taught in our language, and consequently unacquainted with our his- tory, - he passed from place to place, speaking almost daily to large assemblies, in different localities, and displaying a knowledge of the local history of each place, which would actually be instructive to the permanent inhabitants. The readiness with which he acquired a knowledge of our history, general and local, was surprising. He was, in fact, a man of remarkable talents. And when we consider the persecution he had suffered in his own country, the perseverance with which he pursued his efforts for her independence, we can easily excuse any extravagant theories into which he may have fallen, and any impatience he may have manifested, at what he regarded the backwardness of this country in entering into his visionary scheme of delivering Hungary from the yoke of Austria.
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ears of foreign oppressors, and had lived to witness the happy fruits of that Revolution, in the opening scene of which he had participated.1
As we are to enter upon that part of our history which con- nects us with a mighty struggle to sustain our institutions, it is due the truth of history to state the cause of this gigantic rebel- lion. It is well known that immediately after the Revolution, the subject of African slavery was agitated in the country ; and though our high-minded and patriotic statesmen, North and South, regarded the institution as corrupt and degrading to our national character, they fondly believed that the odious system would soon cease in the Republic. And having dedicated all the territory owned by the United States to freedom by the ordi- nance of 1787, our fathers adopted our Constitution recognizing slavery as an existing fact. Such, however, was their aversion to the system, that they would not suffer the word slave or slavery to be inserted in the Constitution - declaring that they believed that in a short time slavery would cease ; and they would not suffer the great charter of our Liberty to be polluted by a term which might render it the scoff of the nations of the earth.
But the acquisition of Louisiana, and the culture of cotton which sprang up, changed the whole aspect of this question. The States of Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, which had regarded slavery as a pecuniary burden, now found that breed- ing slaves for the Southern market, became profitable ; and instead of following up their oft declared resolution of blotting out the foul stain from their escutcheon, they became wedded to an institution which filled their coffers, and joined with the Gulf States in attempting to extend slavery. As that corrupt system impeded their growth in wealth and population, the South saw that they should lose that control over the destiny of the nation, which they had been able to exert from the foundation of the Government ; and to counteract this tendency, they, by the aid of their northern allies, annexed Texas to increase the slave- holding territory ; and for the same object, they involved the country in an unnecessary war with Mexico. And after obtain- ing the ill-fated compromises of 1850, they, aided by their
' See Genealogy of the Harrington Family.
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FROM THE YEAR 1830 TO 1867.
northern followers, succeded in repealing the Missouri Compro- ' mise, that slavery might be extended into Kansas, Nebraska, and the whole north-western territory. These measures all de- signed, not only to sustain, but to extend slavery, opened the eyes of the free States, and gave rise to the Republican party, and so increased their strength that they were enabled to elect their President.
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