USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > The memorial history of Boston : including Suffolk County, Massachusetts. 1630-1880, Vol. II > Part 32
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THE MEMORIAL HISTORY OF BOSTON.
understanding that he was to reside in Cambridge "one or two days and nights in a week, and to perform prayers and expositions in the Hall, and to bring forward the exercise of analyzing." But Mr. Willard had the title of vice-president. This title seems to have been retained to avoid the inconsistency of allowing the president to reside in Boston after the order that he should live in Cambridge, and after President Mather had retired because he could not comply with it. The order could be evaded by appointing a vice-president. The college could thus have a head, and the church retain its minister. This name alone, in the long catalogue of presidents, stands with the designation "Pro-Præses." As the Second Church is no longer called upon to share the service of its senior pastor with the college, and the college is no longer under his charge, let the testimony regarding him of the academic historian, who cannot be held partial towards Dr. Mather, be put on record here : -
" That he was well qualified for the office, and had conducted himself in it faith- fully and laboriously, is attested by the history of the College, the language of the legislature, and the acknowledgment of his contemporaries. It seems obvious, that it was honorable and useful to the institution to have for its head an individual who had taken so large a share in the political, religious, and literary controversies of the times, and had in consequence acquired both celebrity abroad and influence in his own country." 1
Turning back a little, we are next to consider an event of considerable significance in the religious history of Boston and the province. There were in the town three Congregational churches. At this time a fourth was founded, differing in some respects from those which had preceded it. It did not come from an increase of the population, which demanded increased accommodation for worship. Its origin was due in some measure to per- sonal causes, - to an unwillingness in some persons to be under the control of those who were largely ordering the religious affairs of the community. It was also a movement in favor of a more liberal policy in the worship and administration of the church.2 This church has now disappeared from public view, and no longer enters the doors of its elegant temple that it may worship God according to its judgment of that which is right and true. But some of the things for which it contended at the start have long had their place in the policy and practice of the Congregational churches. There were several questions involved in this movement. First, was the fundamental subject of baptism. This rite was originally con- nected with membership in the church. When received by an adult it was regarded as the seal of a new Christian life, and was associated with an open confession and a formal union with others of similar belief and character. The rights and benefits of this ordinance were extended to the
1 Quincy, History of Harvard University. the charter of William and Mary introduced into Massachusetts." - History of Harvard Univer- sity, i. 132 .- ED.]
2 [ "This church," says President Quincy, " was the first fruit of that religious liberty which
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households of those who were baptized. The language of the Boston Con- fession of 1680 is explicit: "Not only those that do actually profess faith in and obedience unto Christ, but also the infants of one or both believing parents are to be baptized, and those only." The framers of this Con- fession did not regard baptism as so essential that no person could be regenerated or saved without it; but they did have very high ideas of its importance, and held it a sin to neglect it. With their deep sense of its meaning, it was natural that they should limit its application, and should carefully guard the approach to the font. The definition of the ordinance and the limitation of its subjects were in keeping. But what if, for any reason, persons who had been baptized in their infancy did not become members of the church? Were their children to be denied the privilege of baptism? This would leave them to be classed with Indians, as " aliens from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the covenants of promise." The feeling was deep and the demand was loud. A council had met in Boston in 1657, and a synod was again convened in 1662, partly for the purpose of deciding the matter involved in the demand for a more open system of baptism. The result is known as the " Half-way Covenant." The declaration of the later assembly was substantially the same as that of the earlier, -
"That church members, who were admitted in minority, understanding the doctrine of faith, and publicly professing their assent thereunto, not scandalous in life, and solemnly owning the covenant before the church, wherein they give up themselves and children to the Lord, and subject themselves to the government of Christ in his church, their children are to be baptized."
Of course a controversy followed this deliverance. Out of this arose the Third Church in Boston. The concession was not likely to satisfy for any length of time those whom it sought to relieve. The way to the font was still narrow. The Half-way Covenant came into general use ; but the utter- ance of the synod of 1680 upon the subject of baptism has been already given. The fourth church was to be made a witness for more liberal things than even the new legislation proposed.
Another matter which was related to this was the practice of requiring from candidates for admission to full membership in the church a public relation of their religious experience before the whole congregation. The reasons for this are obvious, and are based upon the common principle that any society shall be a judge upon the qualifications of those who would join it. But how could there be an intelligent judgment unless the candidate revealed his religious history so far that others could decide whether he was a regenerate person? For full membership in one of these churches implied more than an intellectual assent to the truth and a virtuous life. The method of admission was quite in keeping with the meaning of membership. Still, men and women would shrink from laying their hearts bare before their neighbors, even if they were able to describe the changes in their spiritual
-
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condition. Nor can we wonder if they refused to subject themselves to the comments of others, however friendly the spirit of such remarks might be. Many would refuse to comply with the requisition who were fitted for full communion, and the churches would suffer with them in this mutual depri- vation. The new church would take a more liberal course.
Under the prevailing system, the parish government was vested in the members of the church as distinct from the congregation. In choosing a pastor, or regulating ecclesiastical affairs, the church ruled. It was so in the State, while the franchise was confined to the members of the churches. But this distinction had passed away in civil matters. Should it be retained in spiritual affairs? As the numbers of those who were not in church member- ship increased, there came to be more and more reason why the distinction should be removed ; especially since the duty of supporting the church and its ministry paid no respect to it. Those who were to bear a part of the expense claimed a right to a voice in deciding for what and to whom their money should be given. From the point of view of these outside support- ers this was but fair. This right had in some cases been conceded before. Some things could be said on the other side: that the church was first; that it was divine, and the appointed custodian of the truth, responsible for its purity, for its maintenance, and for its diffusion. The church was qualified by its character and bound by its vows to be "the pillar and ground of the truth," and to give it to the community and the world. If any would have the privileges of the church, let them assume its duties. The door into the church was open; and more imperative than the right of voting for a minister was the duty of confessing Christ. The reply was ready : We do not choose, or we are not able, to join you in full commu- nion ; but we are sufficiently intelligent, and virtuous, and interested to have a voice where you have our money, and to have a part in deciding who shall be the teachers of our children. The new church had regard to this natural demand.
One other point concerned the public worship. The founders of New England had come out from the English Church. Disapproving of many of its methods, and sufferers at its hands, they turned far from its forms even of worship. In the English service there was much reading of the Scriptures. The Puritans would have no Scripture without comment in their public services. "Dumb reading" they would not have. The English Church had many prayers and made very frequent use of the Lord's Prayer. From this custom the Puritans dissented. The Lord's Prayer should not be used in the churches, and for the rest one prayer was sufficient, so that it be sufficiently long and broad. One praying, one singing, one preaching, constituted the customary elements of their simple worship. There were those who thought the time had come for more variety and freedom, and for what they deemed a more excellent way. In the new church these views would have a practical expression.
It will be seen, therefore, that the new church was not to differ from
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those which preceded it in matters of doctrine or of general administration. But it was to be governed by a more liberal policy and to do its part of the common work upon a broader plan. Those who were associated in the enterprise were men of high standing in the community. They had wealth, position, influence, and all that was needed to secure for their endeavor a dignified and promising beginning. The first steps in this movement appear to have been taken in 1697. In January, 1698, a piece of land called " Brattle Close " was conveyed by deed from Thomas Brattle to the per- sons who were to form the new society. In 1699 a meeting-house of wood was erected. It was a simple structure, not painted on the inside or outside, and had its tower and bell on the west side, and the entrance on the south side. The pews were square, and there were two galleries. The window- frames were iron. It was a simple house, but its erection marked an advance in freedom of opinion, and especially in the practical expression of opinion.
The first minister of the proposed church was Benjamin Colman. He was a Boston boy, born in 1673; a pupil of Ezekiel Cheever, a graduate of Harvard College in 1692, under the Presidency of Mr. Mather, who in the same year received the first degree of Doctor of Divinity which the college conferred. He was a member of the Second Church in Boston. He preached for a short time in Medford, and afterwards continued his theological studies at Cambridge. In 1695 he went to England, where he was kindly received and enjoyed the friendship of some of the most emi- nent of the dissenting clergy. He preached in London, Cambridge, and Ipswich for about two years, and then was appointed minister of the dis- senting congregation in Bath. When the new project was formed in Boston, its friends thought that he was the proper man to be placed at its head, and he was invited to return and assume the care of the church. His friends urged his acceptance of the call, and he complied. Inasmuch as the new church differed in some respects from the three which preceded it, it was thought there might be some embarrassment in procuring his ordination at the hands of their ministers, and it was suggested to him that he should obtain his ordination from "some nonconformist ministers in England, the more eminent they are the better it may be," although no reason was given to him for advising this course. He was ordained in London, by the Presbytery, Aug. 4, 1699, and soon after sailed for Boston with good testi- monials from his English friends. He arrived on the Ist of November, and began almost at once to preach in the "pleasant new-built church."
There was no church organization as yet. But those who were to con- stitute it published a declaration of their principles, that it might be clearly known what they proposed and what they did not propose. The title to their paper 1 gave a name to the church. It was as follows : -
1 It is not known who was the actual author manifesto can be found in S. K. Lothrop's of the paper ; but it is supposed, with good rea- History of the Church in Brattle Street, p. 20. son, that it was prepared by Mr. Colman. [The -ED.]
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" A MANIFESTO or Declaration, set forth by the Undertakers of the New Church, Now Erected in Boston in New England, Nov. 17, 1699." "We think it Conve- nient," so it runs in the preamble, " for preventing all Misapprehensions and Jealousies, to publish our Aims and Designs herein, together with those Principles and Rules we- intend by GOD's grace to adhere unto." There was no change of doctrine from that which had been held and taught from the beginning. "First of all, We approve and subscribe the Confession of Faith put forth by the Assembly of Divines at Westmin- ster." They wished to preserve close and friendly relations with the other churches. " It is our sincere desire and intention to hold Communion with the Churches here as true Churches ; and we openly protest against all Suspicion and Jealousie to the con- trary, as most Injurious to us. And although in some Circumstances we may vary from many of them, yet we joyntly profess to maintain such Order and Rules of Dis- cipline as may preserve, as far as in us lies, Evangelical Purity and Holiness in our Communion." They stated clearly their points of divergence from the accustomed ways of the churches. They would " conform to the ordinary practice of the churches of Christ in this Country" in the other parts of divine worship. But "we judge it therefore most suitable and convenient, that in our Publick Worship some part of the Holy Scripture be read by the Minister at his discretion." Nothing is said of prayer ; but it is the trustworthy tradition that the Lord's Prayer was to be once repeated by the minister in the service of every Sabbath. In regard to baptism they affirmed : " We allow of Baptism to those only who profess their Faith in Christ and Obedience to him, and to the Children of such ; yet we dare not refuse it to any Child offered to us. by any professed Christian, upon his engagement to see it educated, if God give life and ability, in the Christian Religion." They thought that such " Professions and Engagements " should be received by the pastor. They still further said : "We assume not to ourselves to impose upon any a Publick Relation of their experience ; how- - ever, if any one thinks himself bound in Conscience to make such a Relation, let him do it. For we conceive it sufficient if the Pastor publickly declare himself satisfied in the person offered to our Communion, and seasonably propound him." There was one other point of difference. " Finally, We cannot confine the right of chusing a Minister to the Male Communicants alone, but we think that every Baptized Adult Per- son who contributes to the Maintenance should have a Vote in Electing. Yet it seems but just that persons of the greatest Piety, Gravity, Wisdom, Authority, or other Endowments should be leading and Influential to the Society in that Affair."
These were the conspicuous points in the constitution of the " Manifesto Church." The association of "Undertakers," as the movers in this enter- prise named themselves, had been working for nearly two years. On the 12th of December, 1699, a church was organized, and fourteen persons de- clared "their consent and agreement to walk together in all the ordinances of our Lord Jesus Christ." At the same meeting in which the church was formed it was voted "that Mr. Colman present the desires of the Society to the ministers of the town to keep a day with us." The reply of two of the ministers is preserved. It is addressed simply to " Mr. Colman," and signed by Increase Mather and James Allen, and is in the handwriting of the former of the signers. It alludes to an insinuation given once and again that if the Undertakers would lay aside their Manifesto and promise to abide by the Heads of Agreement of the United Brethren in London, they could have
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the fellowship and assistance of the ministers whom they had addressed. That had not been done. If now they would give proper satisfaction for their disorderly proceedings, their desire could be gratified. Otherwise they could not receive such countenance as would make the ministers of the other churches partakers of the guilt of the irregularities which had justly given offence. This reply is dated Dec. 28, 1699. Following this letter came one of greater length from John Higginson and Nicholas Noyes, ministers of Salem, dated Dec. 30, 1699. It has been styled "a letter of admonition and rebuke," and characterized as "severe, without being unkind or disrespectful." Its general drift was in the same direction with the previous letter. Early in January, 1700, Dr. Increase Mather published a controversial tract suggested by the new movement, entitled The Order of the Gospel. Its character can be easily conjectured from the name of the author and the title of the publication. A few months later another tract was put forth, claiming to come from "sundry Ministers of the Gospel in New England." It is thought to have been chiefly Mr. Colman's work, and that he was assisted by Rev. Mr. Bradstreet, of Charlestown, and Rev. Mr. Woodbridge, of Hartford. Similar publications continued to appear for two or three years. The new movement and the principles involved in it were thus considered in the best light of the time. But without waiting for this discussion the ministers of Boston had consented to recognize the new church. By what means this result was effected we are not told. Very likely mutual explanations had brought the two parties nearer together. The mediation of gentlemen of influence, who were in a position to advise both parties, probably had much to do with the peaceable settlement of the affairs of the conflicting churches. Such good and kind endeavors are ac- knowledged by Mr. Colman in the records of his church. The diary of Judge Sewall preserves the account of such efforts at accommodation. The result is best told in Judge Sewall's own words. It was in the year 1700.
"January 31. Fast at New Church. Mr. Colman reads the Writing agreed on. Mr. Allin Prays, Mr. Colman preaches, prays, blesses. p. m. Mr. Willard prays, Mr. I. Mather preaches, Mr. Cotton Mather prays ; sing the 67 Psalm without reading. Mr. Brattle sets Oxford Tune. Mr. Mather gives the Blessing. His Text was, ' Fol- low peace with all men and Holiness,' - Doct., Must follow peace so far as it consists with Holiness (Heb. xii. 14). Mr. Colman's Text was Rom. xv. 29. ... Mr. Wil- lard pray'd God to pardon all the frailties and follies of Ministers and people, and that they might give that Respect to the other churches that was due to them though they were not just of their Constitution. Mr. Mather in's Sermon and Mr. Cotton Mather in 's prayer to the same purpose. Mr. Willard and C. Mather pray'd excel- lently and pathetically for Mr. Colman and his Flock. 'Twas a close dark day."
It could not be expected that all feeling of variance should pass away at once. It would take time for the Manifesto Church and its minister to be fully established in intimate relations with their neighbors. But they gained their place. Except in the matter of Baptism, the position which VOL. 11 .- 27.
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they assumed is substantially that upon which the larger part of the Congregational churches of the land has for a long time been standing. It has been a natural development, a part of the change in the spirit and practice of the times with the advance of the times. The first religious service of the new society was held soon after Mr. Colman's arrival, when a day of thanksgiving to God was kept for " the many smiles of His provi- dence on our undertaking." Mr. Colman preached from I Chron. xxix. 13, 14. The Lord's Supper was administered to the new church for the first time on Feb. 14, 1700. The church and society were soon in a flourishing condition. They increased in numbers and in influence. At the end of the first year a considerable addition was made to Mr. Colman's salary. Before the close of the second year it was thought advisable that the pastor should have a permanent assistant, and Mr. Eliphalet Adams, of the class of 1694 at Harvard, was engaged. He was ordained as col- league pastor, but was appointed from year to year. On Nov. 30, 1701, Judge Sewall went to the Manifesto Church to hear Mr. Adams. He prayed very well, and "gave us a very good sermon from Gal. iv. 18, - Doct., It is just and commendable, etc. Mr. Adams gave the Blessing." In the afternoon he made a short prayer, and read the Scriptures; and " Mr. Coleman made a very good sermon from Jer. xxxi. 33, -' and will be their God, and they shall be my people.'" But this connection was not to be of long duration. Dissension arose, although the cause of it is not known. There were "divisions and angers," and in 1703 Mr. Adams departed. He was afterward settled in New London, Conn., where he was highly esteemed. He was a trustee of Yale College, and was at one time chosen to be its Rector, but declined. He was very useful to other churches, and in religious work for the Indians. He died in 1753, in his seventy-seventh year.
Mr. Colman remained for the twelve years after the departure of his assistant in the sole charge of his large parish. For several years there were no church meetings, as the last which had been held were very un- comfortable. In October, 1711, the meeting-house of the First Church was burned. A public fast was held on account of this calamity, for the fire was very extensive, and a collection was taken in each of the churches for the benefit of the sufferers. Both the Brattle Street and the South churches offered their houses for the use of the homeless congrega- tion, and both offers were accepted. The ministers shared the services, and the people divided their attendance. The South Church, at least, agreed to make the same allowance to the ministers of the First Church as to their own pastor. When the First Church had provided a new house for its own use, the congregations separated with great good feeling.
In 1713 Mr. Thomas Brattle died, and left as a legacy to the Brattle- Street Church " a pair of organs, which he dedicated and devoted to the praise and glory of God with us, if we would accept thereof, and within the year after his decease procure a sober person skilful to play thereon."
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The Church, with all possible respect to the memory of "our devoted friend and benefactor," "Voted, That they did not think it proper to use the same in the public worship of God."
It was thought at length that it was advisable to have an associate pastor, and a public meeting of the whole congregation was called to con- sider the question. It was decided to keep a day of prayer for the Divine guidance in the choice of a minister. A fortnight after the day of prayer and fasting another public meeting was held. After prayer and a suitable discourse, the brethren put their written votes into a box on the table before the minister, and it was found that Mr. William Cooper had been chosen as associate to the pastor. That was in 1715. Mr. Cooper was a Boston boy ; the son of " the woman that one would have wished to be born of." He graduated at Cambridge in 1712, with a high reputation as a young man of diligence, devotion, and consistent piety. When he was honored with the invitation to the Brattle-Street Church, he was inclined to accept it, yet he was fearful that he was not well prepared for so high an office. He therefore asked that his ordination should be deferred, and that meantime he should be required to preach but once in two weeks. His wishes were respected. He was ordained May 23, 1716. At this service the usual methods of ordination were departed from in two points. The spirit of the church which had made changes at the beginning of its history was not averse to further deviation toward what seemed a more excellent way. It had been the custom for the candidate himself to preach upon the occasion of his ordination. Many of the young ministers complained of this usage as an impropriety. On this occasion Mr. Colman preached from 2 Timothy ii. I. Between the sermon and the ordaining prayer Mr. Cooper read a paper in answer to four questions propounded by Mr. Colman regarding the candidate's views of Christian doctrine and of the duties of the minis- terial office. This was, in Mr. Colman's view, the " more proper part and service " for the young man.1 The Manifesto Church was fortunate in its variations from established usage. It has long been the recognized custom in Congregational churches that the sermon at an ordination shall be preached by some other person than the man to be ordained, while the statement of his views of truth and duty is made by him in an open meet- ing, when he is questioned by the elders and messengers of the churches.
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