History of Penobscot County, Maine; with illustrations and biographical sketches, Part 130

Author: Williams, Chase & Co., Cleveland (Ohio)
Publication date: 1882
Publisher: Cleveland, Williams, Chase & Co.
Number of Pages: 1100

USA > Maine > Penobscot County > History of Penobscot County, Maine; with illustrations and biographical sketches > Part 130

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CHAPTER II.

John Brewer-His Mill at Segeundedunk-New Worcester-Tract Lotted by Joseph Chadwick-The Revolution Prevents Obtaining a Grant-Elihu Hewes's Opinion of the Patriotism of the People- Anecdote of High Liberty Men-First Organization of a Military Band in 1776-Andrew Gilman, Lieutenant and Commander- Headquarters near Mount Hope-Heads of Families North of Bald Hill Cove in 1776-Benjamin Wheeler-Wheelerborough-The years 1777 and 1778-Penobscot, St. John, and Passamaquoddy Indians and Captain John Allan-They help drive Sir John Collier from Machias-British try to Gain Them-Allan's Influence Prevents -Orono and John Neptune-The Belts-The British at Castine -General McLean and Brewer-Saltonstall's Fleet-Brewer's In- terview with General Lovell and Saltonstall-Saltonstall's De- feat-Mowatt at Brewer's-His Conduct-McLean's Kindness to Prisoners-Brewer Leaves the River during British Occupa- tion-British Destroy Buildings of Settlers who will not submit Lunier and Other British Agents-Indians Continue Loyal during the War.

1770 to 1780. In September, 1770, John Brewer came from Worcester to the Penobscot, in pursuit of a place to establish himself. Arriving at the stream on the eastern side of the river, called by the Indians Segeunde- dunk, he examined it up to the ponds or source, as he did two or three other streams on the same side of the river; and afterwards the Condeskeag, for an eligible site for a mill-dam. He selected the Segeundedunk, and, after laying the foundation of his dam at its mouth, re- turned to Worcester. In April of the next year he re- turned with workmen and erected his mill, and, having got it in operation, leased it. He put up a house frame and boarded it. There were with him twenty-one others, and they formed themselves into a company and ran out a tract of territory extending from Buck's Ledge eight or nine miles below, twelve miles to the head of the tide, and back from the river six miles. This was called New Worcester.

In December Mr. Brewer again returned to Worcester and in April, 1772, brought with him his family, and set- tled in the place where he had built his house and mill.

The tract taken up by the company was lotted on the river by Joseph Chadwick, but unfortunately his field notes and plans were lost. The company petitioned the Massachusetts Government for a grant of the land, with the intention of applying to the King to confirm it, but in the excitement attending the rupture with Great Britain the petition was not attended to. Whereupon the com- pany applied directly to the Crown for the grant, through Dr. Calef, of Ipswich. The application was received favorably, and the business was within a day of being completed, when the news of the commencement of the hostilities in Massachusetts reached England, and noth- ing more was done there in regard to the grant.

The news of the affairs at Lexington and Bunker Hill, the burning of Falmouth, with the dismantling of Fort Pownall, caused great excitement among the settlers of Penobscot. The larger portion of them were poor, but most of them had the disposition, if not the means, to aid in freeing the country from British domination. Mr. Elihu Hewes," in his letter of June 9, 1775, to Joseph Warren, President of the Provincial Congress, said that he lived about twenty-three miles above Fort Pownall ;

that the settlement was new, the first man that pitched in his neighborhood not having been there more than five years, although Captain Jonathan Buck had been ten years at his place, which was not much more than eight miles above that Fort; that inhabitants were settled for more than twenty miles above him (Buck); that the peo- ple were firmly attached to the Constitution of the coun- try, and he was confident would support it to the last moment of their lives, "being willing in general to en- counter any difficulty rather than yield to that Band of Tyranny whose plodding pates had long been projecting methods to enslave" them.

In the autumn before this lettter was written, some "high Liberty men" at Condeskeag manifested their loy- alty to the country by trimming the largest of the many oaks that stood on the bank of the river between one and two hundred rods above the Point, of its lower branches, and threatening to hang one David Rogers, a sea-captain, upon it, if he would not take an oath to be true to the country. When he refused, they procured a rope to carry their threat into execution, but before proceeding fur- ther they indulged all around in much free rum. Rogers then took the oath.

A military band was organized in 1776, consisting of twenty white men and ten Indians. To gratify the In- dians, Andrew Gilman was given a lieutenant's commis- sion, and was also given the command; Joseph Mansell was made orderly sergeant; William Potter, sergeant, and Ebenezer McKenney and Samuel Low, corporals. This probably was the first military organization in the neigh- borhood of Conduskeag. A rough barrack in the angle at the intersection of the two diverging roads near Mount Hope Cemetery, through Veazie, was the headquarters. It was a partisan corps, and ranged all over the country until the British took possession of Machebiguataus (Bagaduce) in 1779.

The following are the names of the heads of the fami- lies on both banks of the Penobscot between Deadwater (Stillwater) and Bald Hill Cove in 1776, and the tax of each as adjusted June 1:

Stephen Rowell. I

7 Stephen Bussell 15

Patrick Mahany.

4 James Nichols 6

Robert Mann. 1

8 Jonas Neal 9

Charles Blagden 15 5 George Gardner. '3

John Mansell, Jr. 15 5 Michael McMahon I8

James Budge. 3

I Samuel Kidder 3

Emerson Orcutt. 18 6 Joseph Mansell. 9

John Mansell.

16 6 Solomon Harthorn, I

Kenneth Mckenzie. 15 5 Samuel Wilson

Caleb Goodwin. I

7 John Thoms I

Timothy Blake. 15

5 - Elvin 3

Simeon Johnson 9

3 Samuel Kenny I

Henry Kenny 9

3 John Emery.

Benjamin Higgins 9

3 Phineas Jones. 3

Josiah Brewer. 9

3 John Brewer. I

James Ginn I

8 John Carraway.

Phineas Rice

I Jonathan Pearce 3

James McCordy 3

I James Shirley 3

Jonathan Pendleton. 9

3 Abraham Preble 3

Peter Sangster 6

2 Joseph Arey 6

Eliphalet Nickerson I

7 Ephraim Downs.

Joshua Ayres I

9 Jeremiah Colburn I

Jedidiah Preble, Esq ... I

Archibald McPhetres. . I 7

Samuel Loro

6 2 Joseph Page I

523

HISTORY OF PENOBSCOT COUNTY, MAINE.

Silas Harthorn I

IO Samuel Runnels 9

Widow Rose I

6 Nathaniel Mayhew I IO IO

Thomas Howard I

7 Jacob.Bussell.

WidowElizabeth Smart I

8 John Holyoke.

John Smart

13 II James Dunning I

Andrew Webster I

8 Jacob Dennett

Simon Crosby 2

I Abner Crosby 6

Samuel Kilman

3 Gustavus Swan. 18

Andrew Patterson I

John Sully .

Benjamin Wheeler I

9 Andrew Grant.

Reuben Goodwin I

7 Joshua Walker

12.

Simeon Smith 3

I James Philbrook

Robert McCordy 12 4 Robert Treat.

The tax enables us to see the relative position as to means of each settler upon this territory, whose first in- habitant had been upon it less than seven years.

Benjamin Wheeler, whose name is found on the above list, settled near the Sowadabscook Stream, and doubt- less is the person referred to by Elihu Hewes as the "first man that pitched his tent in this neighborhood." This would fix his settlement in 1770 .* He built a grist-mill on the Sowadabscook in 1770, and the territory was called for several years Wheelerborough.

During the years 1777 and 1778 nothing worthy of note occurred upon the Penobscot. The settlers were too far from the seat of war, and too feeble in point of numbers and importance, to attract the attention of the enemy, and they were left to struggle for a livelihood unmolested. The movements of the Indians doubtless excited some interest, for there was constant intercourse between the Penobscots and St. John and Passama- quoddy Indians, with whom Captain John Allan had acquired an influence that enabled him to make them of service to the American cause, and to keep them from the control of the English. f The Penobscots were in constant trouble about their supplies. In 1777 they were in a state of great excitement-they were irregularly fur- nished with goods by every one who chose to trade with them, and were inevitably cheated. The Government arrangements were very imperfect, and in November a party, accompanied by Lowder and Gilman, went to Machias in a small privateer, having about thirty soldiers on board, and had an interview with Colonel Allan in regard to their troubles; that gentleman being their re- sort for redress when dissatisfied. They showed him the letters from the General Court, and satisfied him that the promise therein had not been complied with, and that if that state of things continued they would go to Canada for their supplies. There was a British agent at the head of the river continually tempting them, whereupon Colonel Allan wrote to the Government that "diabolical proceedings had been carried on" on the Penobscot River, that there had been great embezzlements of public money as well as imposition upon the Indians; that the Indians daily sold property which they got from the truck house, and consequently were daily calling there for more; that the British used "art and insinuations" to bring them under their influence; that the prices of furs were high upon the continent of Europe, and that by

economy and care, and the putting a stop to the traffic with them by petty traders-which was no better than pilfering-and keeping the truck house properly fur- nished and managed, the profits which the Government would derive from the furs would answer the cost, and the Indians would be of great service to the public cause, and that he had promised them that the agree- ment of the Government should be performed; and he urged the Government to give to the subject their prompt attention .*

Prior to this, on the 12th of August, six deputies from the Penobscots arrived at Machias, and on the next morning Colonel Allan had a conference with them and chiefs of the St. John and Passamaquoddy tribes, and . interchanged strings of wampum "in token of lasting friendship between all parties." The conference ended in a feast, at which were present Colonel Jonathan Eddy, Major Stillman, Captain Smith, and many other officers of the army. "In the midst of the festal joy," says Colonel Allan's journal, "received the unwelcome news of the arrival of three ships, one brig, and one schooner." This proved to be the British expedition under Sir George Collier to take Machias. Colonel Allan, who, with his party, had arrived at Machias only five days before, with the Penobscots, joined the forces and made so good a defense that the ships were obliged to retreat with loss and the accomplishment of nothing. In this affair the Indians were of great service to the Americans. They "set up the Indian yell, which was followed by many at the different places, and no doubt caused the enemy to suppose there were some hundreds." Colonel Allan put into the hands of the Penobscots six guns, and they ac- quitted themselves so well that he made them presents, and after a renewal of pledges of friendship and love they departed well satisfied.

The communication between the different tribes was by the river and lakes and by the sea-shore. Between the heads of streams and lakes there were short portages, over which they conveyed their canoes. There is one of these carrying-places between Eel and North Lakes, on the boundary northerly of the Cheputnecook Lakes, which has been the Indian path from time immemorial, and where it passes over the flat granite rocks it is worn into them by the tread of moccasins to the depth of two or three inches. The path or trail is always the same narrow foot-way, from which there is no deviation.

In 1778, when Colonel Allan was watching the British of Nova Scotia, he was obliged to use all his skill to keep the Indians true to the Americans. . They were very fickle, but their attachment to him was so great that he almost always influenced them to do as he advised. On July 30, 1778, he had a grand conference with some from all the tribes, and "demanded of them to throw aside their indolence and lethargic spirit, and to rouse to be ready when called upon," and they all declared they would be ready on the shortest notice. He ordered Lieutenant Gilman with six or eight Indians to fall in about Medoctec (on the St. John, a little southeast of

*See ante.

+Kidder's Eastern Maine, note, 139, 147.

*Kidder's Eastern Maine, 151, 230, 235, 241, 244-

*Kidder's Eastern Maine, 126, 129, 205, 208.

9 Ebenezer Haynes 15

Robert Campbell I

Simeon Gorton. 9

3 Elihu Hewes. I

524

HISTORY OF PENOBSCOT COUNTY, MAINE.

Hodgdon), and sixteen of the Penobscots went, and by some manœuvering prevented the British agent, Franklin, and a Tory priest, Bailey, (who went from Kennebec) tam- pering with the St. John Indians. They executed the business well and caused them to leave the river. The English continued their machinations at Penobscot, and Allan was written to by Lowder in regard to the matter. Some of the St. John Indians had been seduced and were tampering with the Penobscots, and Allan expressed himself discouraged about the intricate situation of the latter, but that the tribe had sent Orono and French Mitchell, both very suitable persons, to the Gen- eral Court to have a permanent footing arranged for the Indian trade, which was so profitable as to be the occasion of perpetual quarrels and jars until it was done.

On April 30, 1779, John Neptune and Orono appeared at Mr. Preble's truck-house, having come by express with John Marsh from John Preble (a son of the General who was in the American service) with a message with wam- pum from Deputy Superintendent Smith, at Machias, notifying the whole tribe that Colonel Allan invited them to assemble at Machias on the 25th May to "receive the priest and bring their peltry with them." Neptune then exhibited three small strings of wampum, saying that they were sent to the tribe from Canada by two young men about three weeks before. He held up the first string and explained: "First string-We sent you this to open your eyes; second string-that you may see a great way; third string-that your ears may be opened to hear, and fix your hearts, that you may have a right under standing of what I am going to tell you."

Then, exhibiting a large belt of wampum, fifteen hun- dred white, he said that it was also sent to the tribe with a message, the substance of which was that they should have no connection with the Americans, that their pow- der and balls were treacherous, and the death of one of the tribe would make them sorry and angry; that the Americans did not know what they were about, fighting the "great King of England," who was determined to "whip them severely;" that they sent the great belt (which they wished to have immediately returned), that they might show it to the St. Johns and Micmacs, and inform them that the Indians were "coming across the woods as soon as the leaves are as big as our nails" to destroy the white people-three hundred on the Penobscot, three hun- dred on the Norridgewock River, and three hundred upon Cohos; that for the support of those Indians who were coming there were three hundred barrels of flour at Soccocon, and that they had provisions in Canada enough to last thirty years, if the war should last so long; that the belt was not sent for nothing, and they might depend that they sent them the truth; that there were then at and near Canada nine thousand Indians ready to exe- cute the orders of the British general, and finally that they were so rejoiced to get their wampum carried to the Penobscot that "they danced and drank three days and nights, and liquor was given them as free as water."

Colonel Allan held the conference. Ninety canoes were present from the different tribes. Franklin and the

priest, Bailey, had influenced some, but most submitted to Allan.

By the Transactions of the American Antiquarian So- ciety (Vol., II., pp. 31-32)it appears that the French adopted the names given by the Souriquois to the neigh- boring Indian tribes. The Etechemins or "Canoemen " embraced the tribes on the St. John River, called Ouy- gondy by Champlain, and of Passamaquoddy Bay; and the name extended thence westwardly along the seashore as far at least as Mt. Desert Island, De Monts Island, Boon Island. St. Croix River was always called River of the Etechemins by Champlain.

The Indians west of thé Kennebec River begin at Chacouet, and thence westwardly as far as Cape Cod were called Almouchequois by the Souriquois. Chacouet (probably Saco) is noticed by Champlain as the first place along the seashore where there was any cultivation. The Indians at the mouth of the Kennebec planted, and informed him that those who cultivate maize lived far inland or up the river. These inland cultivating Indians were the well-known Abenakis, consisting of several tribes, the principal of which were the Penobscots, the Norridge- wocs, and the Amoriscogyans. And it is not improbable that the In- dians at the mouth of both rivers, though confounded by Champlain with the Etechemins, belonged to the same nation.

The vocabulary of the Abenakis is from Father Rasle, recently published in Boston, under care of Mr. Pickering. The Penobscot tribe, consisting of about three hundred souls, still exists on that river. The vocabulary of their language from two manuscripts, one taken by General Treat and obtained from Governor Lincoln, the other in Mr. Inponceau's collection, taken by Mr. Gardner of Maine. The dialects of those three Eastern nations, the Micmacs, the Etchemens, and the Abenakis, have great affinity with each other, but though evidently be- longing to the same stock, differ widely from the Algonquin language.

The dividing line between the Algonquin and New England Indians is somewhere between Kennebec and Piscataqua.

They were all early converted by the Jesuits and were firmly attached to the French until the conquest of Canada, were in perpetual hostility with the British colonists. In 1754 all the Abenakis except the Pe- nobscots withdrew to Canada, and that tribe was considered by the others as deserters from the common cause. They, the Passama- quoddys, and St. Johns, united in the War of Independence.

Rev. M. C. O'Brien, pastor of St. Mary's (Roman Catholic) church, Bangor, who has given considerable at- tention to the language of the Indians, says: "Abena- quis, as pronounced in French, or Abenaki in English, expresses only the country or territory. The Indian word for its inhabitants is Wanbanakuoi -ak in the singular. Wanbanakiui, - the i being always pronounced like ee in English.

Mr. O'Brien says in relation to Penobscot: "In In- dian (as in Rasle's Dictionary) Panawanbskek signifies a wide-spreading place - a 'broad expanse; a wide val- ley. It is not the name of the river in that form, which is called Panawanbske-witegwock, or teguk. Pentagoet is a corruption of Pemtegwek, a river, from pemi, a particle signifying flying continuity, and tegu, a wave, whence teguk, called "the Cook."

It was deemed important by the British to have a mil- litary station at Muchebiguataus (Bagaduce, now Cas- tine) to protect their shipping in the eastern waters, and to overawe the people upon and eastward of the Penob- scot, who were known to be generally friendly to the cause of the patriots. Accordingly, on the 12th of June, 1779, General Francis McLean was sent thither with 650 soldiers in His Majesty's ships Blonde, Nautilus, and

HISTORY OF PENOBSCOT COUNTY, MAINE.

525

North, and transports, and landed on the 16th. He im- mediately commenced the erection of a fort upon the right of the peninsula, overlooking the harbor on the east and the Buck Cove on the west.

This invasion of Penobscot was at a season of the year when the inhabitants were almost destitute of provisions, and, being very poorly supplied with arms and ammuni- tion, there was great terror among them, especially among the women and children. Several of the principal offi- cers met the people and consulted whether it was best to make defense or to submit on such terms as they might be able to obtain. The result was that Colonel Brewer and Colonel Smith, of Marsh Bay (formerly of Salem), should call upon General McLean and ascertain his dis- position in regard to them. They returned with the very gratifying information that, if they would be peaceable and attend only to their own affairs, they should not be disturbed.

Colonel Brewer and others kept a bark canoe plying between his place and Camden, and every few days were able to communicate to the inhabitants in their neighbor- hood intelligence of what was transpiring in the outer world, and at length received information that Commo- dore Richard Saltonstall and General Solomon Lovell were coming from Massachusetts with a fleet and army to drive out the British. About a month after Brewer and Smith first visited McLean they were sent again to him by the people on some business which they accomplished to their satisfaction, and, being observant while upon the peninsula, they took note of the works of the British and of their situation generally. From a rapid movement of the troops the Colonel felt that something important was about to take place, and judged that it would be for his interest to hasten away, and, informing his companion, they proceeded rapidly to their boat. They had hardly put off from the shore when the "grand rounds" were beaten for no person to leave. Having reached the head of the peninsula, they stood out with a light breeze up the river, and, casting their eyes down the bay, espied a large fleet, which they felt quite certain was the Massa- chusetts expedition, and were so overjoyed with the sight and with the anticipation of the early expulsion of the British, that they could hardly sleep during the night. They stopped all night, after having sailed up the river about six miles, and the next morning made some effort to discover the fleet, which was enveloped in fog ; but not succeeding, they proceeded to Old Fort Point and walked about half a mile, when the fog lifted and they "had a full view of all the fleet, which had just got under way, and, with a small breeze, was standing up in line of bat- tle discharging their cannon at the British shipping as they passed by." It was an imposing sight and must have impressed the enemy, from the number of trans- ports, that the force was very formidable.

While admiring this beautiful spectacle, they were startled by the noise of oars, and looking in another di- rection saw below them, close under the cliff, several whale-boats full of armed men, upon which they ran to their boat, which was on the northerly side of the point, and were just hoisting the sail when the whale-boats came

round the Point upon them, and they were ordered to stand. To Colonel Brewer's astonishment, the order came from his brother Josiah, who had been dispatched with a company of soldiers as an advance guard to be stationed at the Narrows at Buckstown (Bucksport), to stop com- munication. Jumping on board the boat of Brewer and Smith, Josiah led the flotilla to its destination, and, hav- ing accomplished his object, returned with his friends in their boat to the fleet; which, owing to the dense fog, they were not able to reach until the next morning. They were very politely received by General Lovell on board his ship, and he, on being informed that Colonel Brewer and Captain Smith had left the fort only about thirty- seven hours before, sent for Commodore Saltonstall to come on board, which he did. Being assured by Josiah Brewer that he might rely upon the communications that his brother and Captain Smith might make, the Commo- dore and General went with them into the cabin, and re- ceived from Colonel Brewer a detailed statement of the state of the fort and the British forces; that the fort, on the northerly side, overlooking the Cove, was about four feet high ; that the easterly and westerly ends were simi- lar to a stone wall, falling off gradually from the back side of the fort to the front, where the ground was not broken and but one log was laid ; that on the back side of the fort the ditch was about three feet in depth, and "the ends were tapering according to the height of the walls ;" that not a platform had been laid or a gun carried into the fort ; that a part of the troops were stationed at the upper end on the heath ; that there was no appear- ance of any artillery there ; that on a point there was a six-gun battery, and that was all they would have to en- counter on the land ; that a small battery had been be- gun on Cape Rozier Point ; that Captain Mowatt's ship, mounting twenty guns, and one other, mounting ten guns, he thought were all that lay opposite the fort. General Lovell appeared to be very much pleased with the in- formation ; but when Colonel Brewer told Commodore Saltonstall that that was all the force he would have to meet, and that, "as soon as the wind breezed up, he might go right in with his shipping, silence the two small ships and the six-gun battery, land his troops under the cover of his guns, and in half an hour make everything his own," that dignitary "threw up his long chin, and says : 'You seem to be damned knowing about the mat- ter. I am not going to risk my shipping in that damned hole.'" Brewer then thought that "his head would make a pretty button for a halter," and wished it, too. After this Brewer and Smith returned home, but Brewer was ordered by his brother, who was then his Colonel, to bring half of his company back, which he did. After remaining a while, and doing nothing except break up a fishing party of the British, he again returned home, where he remained.

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History of Penobscot County, Maine; with illustrations and biographical sketches, Part 130

Author: Williams, Chase & Co., Cleveland (Ohio) Publication date: 1882 Publisher: Cleveland, Williams, Chase & Co. Number of Pages: 1100

Author: Williams, Chase & Co., Cleveland (Ohio)
Publication date: 1882
Publisher: Cleveland, Williams, Chase & Co.
Number of Pages: 1100