USA > Maine > Pioneers on Maine rivers, with lists to 1651 > Part 29
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Before his departure from Monhegan the vessel, in which he had arrived from Plymouth, had sailed for England with all of the "mutineers," except one who had died there. He left no one at the island because he could not spare men to defend the place. Even Tisquantum, owing to the extinction of his tribe at Patuxet and the length of the southern journey, preferred to pass the winter with some of his "Savage friends at Sawahquatooke."}
On the trip south Dermer noted the entire extinction of native villages upon the coast and the miserable conditions of the sur- vivors. Near Cape Cod he rescued three shipwrecked French- men from Indian captors. After arrival at Jamestown in Novem- ber the whole party was taken sick.
Dermer remained in Virginia until spring and then turned
* Smith's Trav. & Works, 1-259.
+ Mass. Hist. Col., 8-228.
# Purchase, 19-131.
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northward once more. Eight months later his fate was made known to the colonists of New Plymouth by Samoset, who had lived in the East and learned to speak broken English "amongst the English men that came to fish at Monchiggon and knew by name the most of the Captaines, Commanders and Masters." He had met Dermer at Monhegan in the summer of 1620, whither that explorer and a companion had escaped after their conflict with the Nausites at Cape Cod. Dermer was then suffering with fourteen wounds from the effect of which he soon died.§
Smith assures us that the six or seven ships which visited New England that year went there "only to trade and fish; but nothing would bee done for a plantation, till about some hundred went to New Plimouth." The arrival of the Mayflower at Patuxet upon November 11, 1620, had founded the first perma- nent settlement in New England.
February 27, 1620-1, claims were made in Parliament that "The fishinge at Monhigen exceedeth New foundland fishinge caryed into Spayne. Intercepted by the merchants of France : to the valewe of 100,000 l. per annum now brought home in tobacco."
Two months later, in the same forum, it was reported that, "The English, as yet, little frequent this" (Monhegan district) "in respect of this prohibition" (to fish without a license from the council) ; "but the French and Dutch who come, and will fish there, notwithstanding the colony" of Plymouth .*
During 1621 Abraham Jennings and William Cross, known as Jennings and Company, sent the Eleanor from Orston to Vir- ginia with a cargo of passengers and provisions. Such action disclosed the broad scope of the business of that company, which was engaged at that time in extreme northern and southern com- merce with America .;
By September of that year English interest in the settlement of Maine had become so pronounced that a general plan of colo- nization was proposed by the Council of Plymouth. The reasons for this course were hopes of profit from sale of New England fishing licenses and fear of the public, which was insistent upon the rights of free fishery.
In the new scheme of settlement provision was to be made by
§ Mourt's Rel., 32.
Brit. Proc., 1-28, 35.
+ Min. of Va. Council. 58, 118 ; Hotten, 244.
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PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
every ship of sixty tons burden to transport "twoe Piggs, twoe Calves, twoe couple of Tame Rabbetts, two couple of Hens, and a cocke," which were to be delivered "at the Iland of Menethig- gen" (Monhegan) "to the hands of such" as might be "assigned to receive them, for the use of the Colony."
Each shipmaster was to be instructed to leave every fifth member of his crew with adequate fishing tackle and provisions "untill the retorne of the fleete." These men were "to followe their fishing courses" during the winter and "to make triall of all the seasons of the yeare" as well as "make provision for the lading of some shipps as soon as the next fleete or shipping" should arrive.
The plan of the council was submitted to the "Merchant Ven- turers," a society composed of prominent citizens of the cities of Bristol and Exeter and of the towns of Barnstable, Dartmouth, Plymouth and Weymouth.
Inside of two months Bristol merchants filed their objections to the colonization plan, because Newfoundland fishing had failed in "late yeeres" and there were some adventurers in Bristol who were anxious to "make triall of that new fishing." It was not strange that Newfoundland returns were unsatisfactory, since at least three hundred fishing ships obtained cargoes at the island that year.
The names of those who signed the Bristol protest belonged to four Newfoundland patentees of 1610. These were Richard Holworthy, Humphrey Hook, John Langton and William Jones. The other subscribers were Humphrey Brown, Andrew Carleton, Richard Long, William Pitt and Thomas Wright. The last three, with Hook, and Robert, son of Thomas Aldworth, another orig- inal Newfoundland patentee, were associated subsequently in the settlement of Pemaquid.#
Plymouth merchants, including Leonard Pomery and Nicholas Sherwill, who were later associated with David Thompson at Pascataqua, seconded the protest against taxing, or otherwise restricting, New England fishing vessels.
In November, 1621, the Virginia Company, in order to secure a part of the "rich trade in Furres" controlled by the Dutch and French, sent out the Discovery in command of Thomas Jones, who explored the coast from Jamestown to New Plymouth. He
# Am. Hist. Rev., 4-689, 693.
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PEMAQUID RIVER
undertook to emulate Waymouth and Hunt by capturing several Indians, who escaped later at Cape Cod where the vessel was beached during a severe storm.
Thirty-five vessels fished on the coast during the year. Abra- ham Jennings and William Cross applied for council member- ship during the summer and were admitted as partners in the mainland upon payment of £110.§
October 28, 1622, owing to opposition to the inauguration of its colonization plan, the council modified the requirements for fishing privileges. Each ship was enjoined to "carry a man to New England" who was to be "Imployed by the fishermen there." The proportion to be left by the larger ships was to be one man in ten, or two in seventeen, for each thirty tons of capacity. Every master was directed to certify how many calves, goats, pigs, conies and fowl he would transport for the benefit of "ye publike."
At that time the only plantation begun by the English in Maine was that of Gorges at Damariscove. The public plantation was to be established upon two great islands in Sagadahoc River, now known as Georgetown and Arrowsic, and in the interior, be- tween the Androscoggin and Kennebec rivers, was to be founded the seat of government for State County. William Pomfrett and George Dugdeale offered to become permanent colonists under the plan .*
During the fishing season there had been many fishing vessels stationed at Damariscove and Monhegan which did not recognize any council authority to exact license fees for local privileges and Francis West was appointed admiral with authority to compel their submission. January 28, 1622-3, a commission was issued to West to seize Monhegan, which most of the fishermen monop- olized as their American port. That spring over thirty vessels, besides those employed by Jennings and Company, fished in the vicinity of the island.
Early in the year a plantation was begun at Monhegan by William Vengham and fishermen from Plymouth. The project was sponsored by Abraham Jennings, of Plymouth, and William Cross and Ambrose Jennings, of London, exporters and importers .¡
Vengham was a master mariner of experience who, during
Am. Ant. Col., 1867-75.
Am. Ant. Col., 1867-76.
¡ Bradford, 2-107.
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the previous season, had been mentioned by Pory, at Damaris- cove, as an authority consulted by the Virginia Company in rela- tion to fishing conditions to the south of Cape Cod; he may have been a superior officer in the Eleanor, of Orston, which was sent to Virginia by Jennings and Company in 1621.
During its early period of settlement Monhegan was merely a fishing plantation. Colonists were transported thither on some of the company's ships and remained on the island throughout the winter. William Pomfrett, the distiller, who had volunteered to become a resident for the council the year before settlement and was living at Monhegan, the year after, may have been an original planter in 1623.
About the last of June Admiral West arrived at New Plym- outh from Monhegan in the Plantation. In the words of Gov- ernor Bradford, he had undertaken "to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without a licence from ye Counsell of New-England, for which they should pay a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found ye fisher men to be stuberne fellows."}
At that time, since he was unable to secure control of Mon- hegan, he had made his headquarters, during a brief sojourn, at Damariscove, where he discharged his crew and embarked for Massachusetts, as soon as he was satisfied that nothing could be accomplished.
Plymouth Colony was then on the verge of starvation and, influenced by reports of West that provisions were obtainable from the ships at the East, Myles Standish was dispatched to the Isles of Shoals, Damariscove and Monhegan for supplies. He returned in August with David Thompson, who had located his plantation at Pascataqua that spring.
Almost coincident with the admiral's arrival at New Plym- outh was the departure of Robert, son of Ferdinando Gorges, with relatives and friends, from Plymouth for the New World.
September 10, Edward Winslow was dispatched for England to confer with the London partners and the council for the specific purpose of procuring patent rights at Cape Ann.
Within a week after Winslow's departure Robert Gorges reached the Massachusetts coast and after some survey selected
# Bradford, 2-100.
-
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PEMAQUID RIVER
the premises abandoned by Weston's Colony as the site for his new plantation. He may have assumed that the fort and houses still standing at Wessaguscus were comprised within the bounds of his own grant, made the previous year on Massachusetts Bay.
It was, however, a clear example of the compensating conse- quences of human avarice that, while the new proprietor was appropriating the unpatented location of Weston at Wessaguscus, agents of Plymouth Colony were seeking part of his definite allotment at Cape Ann.
After unlading his cargo Gorges sailed for the Eastward in the vessel in which he had arrived. He had expected to find Thomas Weston at Damariscove and, under orders from the Council of Plymouth, to confiscate the Swan for the failure of its owner to adjust overdue license fees and for misrepresentations made to his father and other members of the council in former transactions.
However, he encountered a severe storm on the coast and sought New Plymouth in order to procure an experienced pilot. After about two weeks' delay, during which he met Weston in that harbor, he left the vessel at New Plymouth, where it was being fitted for Virginia, and returned to Wessaguscus by land.
After some legal controversy with Bradford, Gorges sent Captain Hanson, one of his lieutenants, to take possession of the Swan, while it was still within the jurisdiction of Bradford's Colony. By this order not only the ship was "arrested" but Weston himself and "a great many men" were taken into custody. The bark was confiscated late in the fall, during a very cold period, with supplies for only two weeks.
Gorges selected a crew, disposed of the remainder and set his sails for the Eastward. Twenty days later he was found by Christopher Levett at Pascataqua, in company with David Thompson and Governor Bradford. After organizing the Coun- cil for New England he proceeded along the Maine coast as far as Monhegan, where he notified some of the fishermen, who had agreed to remain in Maine with Levett during the winter, to proceed to Little Harbor with the sailing craft required by the latter to make an exploratory trip to the Eastward.
Levett had sojourned at Pascataqua about a month when his boats arrived. He encountered severe snowstorms while examin- ing the coast line as far as Cape Newagen, whence he returned
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PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
to Casco and built his fortified house on the island in Portland Harbor.
Gorges, however, returned to Massachusetts before spring and restored the Swan to Weston with compensation for its de- tention. With reference to the settlement at Wessaguscus Brad- ford said, "This was in effect ye end of a 2. plantation in that place"; some of the colonists returned to England with Gorges, by way of Virginia, some settled in the South and a few re- mained for a time at Wessaguscus, where they were supplied subsequently by the Southern Colony.
In the parliamentary debate relating to free fishery, southern planters argued that their colony could not survive without the exercise of that privilege within the limits of the Northern Colony. There was no fishing south of Cape Cod, and when all other resources failed the early shipmasters relied upon the "catch" at Monhegan to ensure a profitable western voyage.
Consequently, lists of ships sent to the Southern Colony in 1623 and 1624 include many that, either on the outward or return passage, or both, fished upon the Maine coast. In this way some of the thirty vessels, which were reported to have been harbored at or near Monhegan during the former year, may be accounted for.§
While Levett was living at Casco, in the early part of 1624, Pemaquid Harbor was occupied by John Witheridge from Barn- stable and Emanuel Altham from New Plymouth. Both were engaged in fishing and trading. During the same season other English fishermen were stationed at Sagadahoc, Cape Newagen and Damariscove.
At Monhegan a trading mart was maintained for the sale or exchange of commodities proffered by fishing masters. The dep- osition of Thomas Piddock, taken in an admiralty case, affords a glimpse of the nature and extent of the principal business at the island. The statement was made in 1628, when the witness was only twenty-seven years of age.
The testimony in these cases consists of questions and an- swers, but in the case of Piddock, who hailed from London, the statement has been reduced to the following abstract:
"In June and July, 1624, he and Edmund Dockett and William Pomfrett being then at Menhegen in New England as factors of
§ Rec. Va. Co., 2-496.
347
PEMAQUID RIVER
Abraham Jennings of Plymouth and Ambrose Jennings and William Crosse of London, merchants, did lade at Mendhegen, in the ship called the Jacob of (Nore) kham in Freezeland, whereof one Thomas Neeson was then master, from the ship Prosperous, Robert Bennett, master, 39,600 of dry fish containing 615 quin- talls, from the Golden Catt, Mr. John Corben (master) 51,800 of the like fish weighing 893 quintalls, and from one William Ven- gam, who was planted upon that island, 82,300 of the like fish containing 1534 quintalls, which makes in all 173,700 weighing 3042 quintalls ; one third of which fish did belong to the company of fishermen, for which one third the said Edmund Dockett gave the said Robert Bennett, John Corbyn and William Vangham bills of exchange on the said Abraham Jennings & Company ; which fish when it was laden was all dry and well conditioned, and was consigned by the said Edmund Dockett to George Back- lar then a merchant at Bordeaux."
More than half of the 150 tons of freight furnished for the lading of the Jacob was provided by Vengham who had been fishing on the island during the preceding winter. The name of Dockett, who later was interested in Virginia and made subse- quent voyages with Vengham, was spelled "Doggett" in other connections. *
The disastrous sequel to this season's toil and hardships was disclosed by the same witness. He said that "after he came to England he met the steersman of the ship Jacob at Plymouth who told him that a Turkes man of war meeting with that ship about 30 leagues from the Polehead of Bordeaux, boarded and took that ship and the fish in her which they carried to the 'barr of Sally,' but the ship being of such draught that she could not go over that bar then the said Turkes took out of her what fish they pleased and gave the rest to the skipper for his freight."+
Salli is a seaport of Morrocco. At Bordeaux the cargo of the Jacob would have sold for more than $10,000.
In 1627, Jennings and Company who had acquired title to Monhegan, probably from the Earl of Arundel, sold the island and their entire stock in trade. The premises were bought by Abraham Shurt for Aldworth and Elbridge, all merchants of Bristol. Since funds were not available in this country to meet
* Putnam's Gen. Mag., 3-142.
៛ Putnam's Gen. Mag., Vol. 4, No. 1, 4.
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the consideration, a bill of exchange was drawn upon Aldworth, to be paid in England.
The paltry price received for the island indicated the absence of valuable improvements. While some sort of shelter had existed there as early as the first visit of Rocraft in 1618, at the time of the sale to Shurt, according to Samuel Maverick, all of the building construction upon the coast of New England, except his own houses in Boston Harbor and a few dwellings at New Plym- outh, would not have exceeded £200 in value. The fishing stages were built for convenience rather than comfort.
The price paid for the island was fifty pounds. The mer- chandise was also sold at the same time. The part of Plymouth Colony in the transaction was described at length as follows :
"Wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen, & belonged to some marchants of Plim- oth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gover and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who" (had) "lived at Pascataway, understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiveing their joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates ; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, & devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede & occasion, and tooke corne for them of ye people, which gave them good con- tent. Their moyety of ye goods came to above 400 li. starling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Sacada- hock, in wch were many Biscaie ruggs & other comodities, which were falen into these mens hands, & some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500 li. This they made shift to pay for, for ye most part, with ye beaver & comodities they had gott ye winter before, & what they had gathered up yt somer. Mr. Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and ye marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid ye next year. They
349
PEMAQUID RIVER
were both willing, so they became ingaged for them & tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade."}
From this account, written in 1648, and from a deposition of Shurt, taken in 1662, it would appear that he was the Bristol merchant who arranged the terms of settlement between New Plymouth and Jennings and Company. That the deponent did not return to Bristol for several years may be inferred from his statement that his information relating to payment of the Ald- worth draft was obtained from the drawee through correspond- ence. The will of Aldworth, made in 1634, implied a protracted absence for his "servant," and if Shurt's first residence in New England were continuous, as appeared to have been the case, the testator never saw him again. As it was, Elbridge as surviving partner settled the old company account and entered into a new engagement with him upon his return to Bristol the next year.§
Aldworth and Elbridge made no settlement at Monhegan until 1628, when the White Angel which belonged to the patentees was on the Maine coast and returned to her home port with four hogsheads of furs which had been consigned by Edward Winslow to the London partners, to be sold for the account of Plymouth Colony.
From the proceeds of the sale Elbridge, part owner with Ald- worth in the White Angel, received, besides freight to Bristol, "125£. taken up at 50£. p. c." interest, computed for the year then elapsed. This loan must have represented the unpaid bal- ance for the goods purchased at Monhegan in the spring of 1627. The colony's quick assets applicable to immediate payment, after it had assumed Thompson's full share of the French merchandise, disclosed a deficiency of some more than one hundred pounds.
The rate of interest paid was not usurious, even for that period, since it only reflected an extremely speculative condition of exchange at Monhegan. In 1625, Bradford complained that trading goods were bought at "deare rates, for they put 40. in ye hundred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward bound; and because of ye vnture of ye paiment homeward, they would have 30. in ye 100. more, which was in all 70. pr. cent."*
While Bradford assigned the year 1626 as the date of the sale at Monhegan, it must have occurred during the last month, ac-
# Bradford, 2-141.
++ ***
Aspinwall, 30.
Bradford, 2-137.
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PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
cording to the ancient style of reckoning. The island was sold in March, 1626-7, according to Sylvanus Davis .¡
The master of the White Angel was Christopher Burkett, who afterwards made many voyages to the Eastern Country in the same vessel. Since the date of the first settlement on the premises was fixed in the patent of Pemaquid at 1628, or three years be- fore its issuance to Aldworth and Elbridge, it is obvious that Burkett brought the first colonists to Monhegan, whence they were transferred later to the mainland.
In the summer of 1630 the Swift, which belonged to Thomas Wright, another Bristol merchant associated with the Aldworths, delivered passengers and provisions at Saco and Casco and with- drew to Damariscove and Monhegan islands. Reekes, as master of this vessel, had been instructed by the owner to relade on the coast with fish and train oil and to dispose of ship and cargo to the Portuguese at the West Indies.
The transaction had been prearranged in England but, as that country was then in a state of hostility with Spain and Portugal and the latter was a formidable rival of Great Britain on the sea, such act would have amounted to treason.
However, it happened that Reekes, in a moment of drunken fervor, disclosed his secret orders to a chance acquaintance and they were transmitted to Captain Thomas Witherly, who had arrived at Pascataqua in the Warwick. Acting by authority con- ferred upon him in English letters of marque, Witherly seized the ship at Monhegan and dispatched the crew to London as prisoners of war.
In the fall of 1631 Shurt had removed from Monhegan to the mainland, and the island had resumed its early status as a sum- mer fishing station. According to the account of Winthrop, Pem- aquid was on amicable terms with the savage Tarratines beyond Penobscot.
August 8, 1635, Monhegan had assumed so little importance that Richard Mather, who passed it on his way from England to Massachusetts, made only the following comment: "About eight of the clock we all had a clear and comfortable sight of America, and made land again at an island called Menhiggin, an island without inhabitants, about thirty-nine leagues northward or northeast short of Cape Ann."}
¡ Sullivan, 392.
# Young's Mass. Chron., 470.
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PEMAQUID RIVER
In January, 1642, eight men from Pascataqua, who had set their course for Pemaquid and were kept at sea for two weeks by adverse winds, "recovered" Monhegan where half of them died from exposure. The survivors "were discovered by a fisherman a good time after, and so brought off the island." There were then no inhabitants at that place. §
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