USA > Maine > Pioneers on Maine rivers, with lists to 1651 > Part 32
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35
The story is as follows: "This year their house at Penobscott was robed by ye French, and all their goods of any worth they carried away, to ye value of 400 or 500 li. as ye cost first peny worth; in beaver 300 li. waight; and ye rest in trading goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was in this maner.
"The mr. of ye house, and parte of ye company with him, were come with their vessell to ye westward to fetch a supply of goods which was brought over for them. In ye mean time comes a smale French ship into ye harbore (and amongst ye company was a false Scott) ; they pretended they were nuly come from ye sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her a shore and stop their leaks. And many French complements they used, and congees they made; and in ye ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, yt were servants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that ye maister & ye rest of ye company were gone from home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets, that lay upon racks by ye wall side, and tooke them downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged. And when they were possesst of them, one pre- sents a peece ready charged against ye servants, and another a pistoll; and bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver them their goods, and carries some of ye men aborde, & made ye other help to carry away ye goods."
"And when they had tooke what they pleased, they sett them at liberty, and wente their way, with this mocke, bidding them tell their mr. when he came, that some of ye Ile of Rey gentlemen had been ther."#
In the meantime, Thomas Willett, master of the house at Penobscot, had been wrecked at Pascataqua with Shurt, of Pema- quid, and Captain John Wright. Their vessel was Wright's shal- lop and the master was transporting to Massachusetts English merchandise which had been unladen at Penobscot for the ac- count of settlers living in "The Bay." Their disaster was re- ported at Boston June 14, 1632.
This casualty at Pascataqua was the first of its kind ever reported on the New England coast. A half-drunken sailor, ad- dicted to smoking, insisted upon lighting his pipe before a land-
Bradford, 2-189.
377
PENOBSCOT RIVER
ing had been made. While doing so a spark fell into an open powder cask and a terrific explosion ensued, in which the smoker was killed outright and the other passengers barely escaped with their lives. The boat and its contents were never recovered. There was no further mention of Wright in Maine affairs. Al- though his boat was destroyed, he still followed the sea. His later residence was at Ipswich, but he appears to have been lost in a gale off the coast in 1654, when his administrator filed claims against residents of the Isles of Shoals.
Governor Neal, of Pascataqua, had served in the British army during that famous expedition to the Isle of Ré, and his proxim- ity may have been known to the raiders. At any rate, as soon as he had been apprised of what had transpired at Penobscot, he provisioned his boat and sailed eastward. He was, no doubt, en- couraged to take action by the eastern settlers and, probably, Shurt and Willett returned with him.
July 23, 1632, Neal's boat was still detained to the east of Richmond Island, where Captain Thomas Cammock, who had been injured in an accident, was awaiting him. The only hint at the nature of the governor's business in this instance is contained in the expression "urgent occasions." Nothing was accomplished by the voyage.
Dixie Bull, whose shallop was captured by the French at Pe- nobscot, was a relative of Samuel Maverick, of Winnisimet. He was a merchant of London who had been named in the grant at Agamenticus that spring, in company with Maverick and Walter Norton, of Charlestown. Upon arrival in Massachusetts he had fixed his headquarters at Dorchester and, like Holman, Pyncheon and Way, proposed to engage in fur trading at the Eastward. Such a course was obnoxious to his neighbors who claimed a uni- versal monopoly on the coast.
Bradford did not mention Bull by name, but did refer to him in the activities of Allerton. The latter had "set forth" that spring from Bristol in the White Angel, "with a most wicked and drunken crue," and upon his arrival in the country had sold com- modities to anyone who would buy them. He not only accepted promises of payment from independent dealers, but he formed a company of traders and instructed them to dispose of his own goods at every point on the coast, or in the interior, where condi- tions favored.
men
yt ye fell ye hey re- r a heir elg
as ein
ees
m, of les ny
rt
tt ey
nem nem
eat ma- shal- glish ac- , re-
ever , ad- and-
as
378
PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
From what ensued it is evident that Bull had hired his shal- lop from Maverick and obtained his goods from Allerton upon credit. When he and his crew of three or four were conveyed to La Have by Razilly's scouts, they found a few Scotchmen in pos- session at Port Royal. Lower Canada, however, was still British territory, for it was not until July 13 that Quebec was restored to Emeric de Caen, and not until August 22, that Bouthellier, the French secretary of state, forwarded to Razilly the English man- dates, which had been issued the year before for the evacuation of the fort at Granville.
The attitudes of Razilly and La Tour were mutually hostile, each assuming an uncompromising position with relation to ter- ritorial boundaries and rights which were not even doubtful. With this critical situation it was but natural for the former to offer Bull the freedom of the seas if he would become his ally against the latter.
Bull acceded to the proposition and, joining with a few Scotch settlers at the fort and some Virginians in the vicinity, success- fully raided La Tour's premises at Saint John.
The failure of the English plantations to avenge his losses at Penobscot and the favorable outcome of his exploit against the French preyed upon Bull's mind. He chose to regard his coun- trymen as inimical because they did not come to the rescue. He should have realized the fact that Penobscot was helpless, Saint George, impotent, and Pemaquid, committed to neutrality, be- cause of an oral agreement with Razilly which guaranteed peace- ful relations between them.
With sixteen associates he decided to proceed westward in open boats. When they had advanced to Saint George, they com- mandeered the vessel of Anthony Dike and obtained passage to Pemaquid, where they seized "500 li. of beaver" and provisions belonging to the Bristol patentees and their partners.
One of the assailants was killed by a musket shot from Pema- quid shore and four or five were detained against their wills. The refugees, suddenly overcome with a sense of the enormity of their offence against their countrymen and fear of summary punishment by western planters, impressed Dike's vessel and im- portuned him to proceed with them to Virginia, where some of them had lived. The southern colony was regarded by them as a
379
PENOBSCOT RIVER
safe refuge. It was described by a contemporary writer as a "nest of rogues, whores, dissolute and rooking persons."§
The winds, however, continued unfavorable for their plan, and, like superstitious seamen of the period, they became irri- table by delay and fearful of the sounds of the tempests and the rattling of the cordage in their rigging at night. With such aid from the inauspicious elements Dike soon succeeded in convin- cing his captors that southern navigation was impossible on account of his unfamiliarity with that coast.
John Winter afterwards claimed that if conditions had favored, the pirates would have raided his plantation at Rich- mond Island and taken possession of one of his three employes, Andrew or Thomas Alger, or John Baddiver, who had offended them in some way. Roger Clap maintained that it had been Bull's intention to return to Massachusetts and discipline the magistrates at Dorchester, who had been severe in their treat- ment of the adherents of Gorges and Mason.
But fears of further invasion were groundless, for the fugi- tives from justice recanted during their retreat eastward and were content to purchase supplies from the fishermen and planters at market prices. They also made double restitution, in the form of another boat and its equivalent in beaver, for Maver- ick's vessel which had been taken from them that spring by the French at Penobscot.
About the time of Bull's arrival at Port Royal Razilly took possession at Granville. Fate had dealt harshly with Alexander's colony during its four years in Nova Scotia. Thirty had died in the first twelve months, some had deserted before the transfer and the residue "all fell victims to the savages or disease, one family only escaping."*
With prospects of foreign domination, the Merchant Adven- turers were anxious to recoup a part of their losses in New France and readily assented to French offers for their holdings in Acadia. The transfer of the fort was described by Winthrop as a sale, and that was what the transaction really amounted to. It had been agreed in the peace treaty of the two nations that the French Government should provision and equip a ship for the outward and return voyages and that all personal property at
Me. Hist. Gen. Rec., 1-59.
cost Murdoch's Nova Scotia, 1-78.
ma- ills. y of nary im- e of as a
1 in om- e to ions
s at the un- He aint be- ace-
tch ess-
ile, ter- ful to ally
hal- pon to JOS- ish
red the an- ion
380
PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
Port Royal should be paid for at English schedules of prices, "with thirty per cent of profit, in consideration of the risk of the sea and port charges."f
Aulnay asserted later that a bill of exchange was drawn upon a French merchant "for satisfaction of certain Indian corn, cattle and ordnance, which the said Scotts left with us."}
The piracy at Pemaquid was not reported at Boston till No- vember 21, 1632, when the governor obtained the information in a letter from Neal. At first consideration it was agreed to send twenty men to Pascataqua to join forces in an eastern drive, but subsequent inaction was excused on account of the inclemency of the weather. Neal and Hilton, however, were alive to the danger and dispatched all the forces they could muster. They made ex- peditious progress as far as Pemaquid Harbor, where they were wind-bound for about three weeks and temporarily abandoned their quest for the pirates.
While at the Eastward, they learned from a note, signed by Fortune le Garde, a French accomplice, that Bull and his men, who had reformed, had made amends in some cases and promised not to molest English plantations further, if left alone, but that they did not propose to be taken alive.
It was ascertained later that Bull had "gone to the French" and so "got into England," where, according to Clap, "God de- stroyed this wretched man," but not before he had had an oppor- tunity to appear before the Council of Plymouth in an attempt to repeal the Massachusetts charter.§
Bull had not resided in New England a full year. The iden- tity of some of his lawless confederates, who were described by Bradford in uncomplimentary terms, is apparent from subse- quent allusions by contemporary writers. Most of them seem to have been connected with the eastern operations of Allerton, Maverick and Oldham.
Some of the outlaws remained in Nova Scotia under protec- tion of the French, and "Bay magistrates," while in conferences with agents of Governor Aulnay over reparations, complained that that official had "entertained our servants which ran from us, and refuseth to return them, being demanded."
Others, however, went back to the colony of their own accord
¡ Me. Doc. Hist., 7-177.
# 3 Mass. Hist. Col., 7-94.
§ Young's Mass. Chron., 362; Winthrop, 1-96, 98, 104.
381
PENOBSCOT RIVER
after public excitement had subsided somewhat at the close of the year. Even Winthrop admitted that "Three of the pirates' com- pany ran from them and came home" to Boston-a statement which clearly indicated the port from which they had hailed.
Although former employes of Massachusetts planters, the refugees are known to have been in general disfavor in all of the eastern plantations, except at Saco, where Vines, and possibly Oldham, then had supervision. They seem to have had no alter- native course but to enter the service of Allerton and Vines at the Eastward, where they were engaged in trade with the fisher- men and Indians.
Allerton himself, after dismissal from the position of man- ager at New Plymouth, had been forced to seek new business alliances in Maine, where he was accused by his colony of com- bining with other "consorts" and procuring "a company of base fellows" to disrupt its Indian commerce at Kennebec and Penob- scot, where, as if by irony of fate, Bull's vessel had been captured by the French.
In his account, relating to 1633, Bradford complained that Allerton had not only interfered with the colony's trade on the Kennebec, but had endeavored to establish a post farther east, beyond Castine, in order that he might intercept eastern com- merce with the natives. Vines was one of the "consorts" and had some of the Massachusetts renegades in his vessel when he en- countered La Tour about the Bay of Fundy, during that year. In consequence of the meeting, the former members of Bull's crew were arrested by the French commander, who charged that they had abused his men and damaged his property at Saint John the previous summer.
At the urgent intercession of Vines the culprits were released and set their course westward with the clear understanding that they would not trespass again upon French premises. Neverthe- less, the English landed their unsold merchandise at Machias and fortified a wigwam near the shore as their trading post. Vines returned to Saco with their vessel and a few days later the French ship appeared in the offing.
La Tour's account of what transpired appears authentic. He stated that "coming to the house, and finding some of his own goods, (though of no great value,) which had a little before been
cord
otec- nces ined rom
den- 1 by bse- m to ton,
ich" de- por- mpt
1 by nen, ised that
upon attle
No- n in send but y of nger ex- vere oned
ices, the
382
PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
taken out of his fort at St. Johns by the Scotch and some English of Virginia, (when they plundered all his goods to a great value and abused his men,) he seized the three men and the goods and sent them into France according to his commission, where the men were discharged, but the goods adjudged lawful prize."*
The greater part, if not all, of the property taken by the French at Machias belonged to Allerton. As Bradford explained the situation, although some of his associates would have been partners, he was obliged to trust them for their shares. This mishap proved so disastrous for Allerton and Vines that they de- cided to dissolve all business connections at that time and with- draw from eastern trade. Subsequently, Allerton was accused of an attempt to recoup this and other private losses from the public funds of New Plymouth.
Tranquillity reigned at Machabitticus until 1635. That year, said the narrator, "they sustained an other great loss from ye French. Monsier de Aulnay coming into ye harbore of Penob- scote, and having before gott some of ye cheefe yt belonged to ye house abord his vessell, by sutlty coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to pilote him in; and after getting ye rest into his power, he tooke possession of ye house in ye name of ye king of France; and partly by threatening, & other wise, made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of ye sale of ye goods their unto him, of which he sett ye price him selfe in effecte, and made an inventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but made no paymente for them; but tould them in convenient time he would doe it if they came for it. For ye house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor accounte any thing, saing that they which build on another mans ground doe forfite ye same. So thus turning them out of all, (with a great deale of complemente, and many fine words,) he let them have their shalop and some victualls to bring them home."t
The house at Machabitticus had been garrisoned a greater part of the time with only seven men. Mather, previously quoted, who with other passengers was bound for Massachusetts, as- serted that after a delay of a few days at Richmond Island their ship, which was the James from Bristol, proceeded westward accompanied by the shallop of the refugees from Penobscot. He
* Winthrop, 2-111, 126.
Bradford, 2-207.
383
PENOBSCOT RIVER
described the party, which was returning to New Plymouth, as "Mr. Willett, of New Plymouth, and other three men with him, having been turned out of all their havings at Penobscot about a fortnight before." Willett was afterwards mayor of New York. All of his associates in the eastern trade resumed their residences in Massachusetts, where they were concerned later with the affairs of the colony.
Persons who would not otherwise be known as employes in the East may be identified through land grants from the colony soon after their terms of service had expired. Thomas Willett, overseer of Penobscot trading post, testified that he had often seen the indenture of William Phipps who, in 1636, was described in a twenty-five acre grant as "the late servt of the partners." That tract, as sold by him, comprised all of the land "due unto him by his service of apprenticship" which had then expired. The partners were lessees of the trading privileges at Cushnoc and Castine. Another early employe in Maine was John Rich- ards. He was not the person who, born in 1625, married the widow of Adam Winthrop, but an older colonist who, in 1638, was assigned land "due him by Indenture for his service" for the colony.#
Thomas Richards, who died at Penobscot before 1631, may have been a relative of John. At any rate, the latter was living at Arrowsic in 1649, when he bought the island of Robinhood. In 1656, he was styled "Old Richards" by his companions at Kenne- bec, who regarded him as a sort of captain. In a controversy, which then took place over the confiscated property of Joshua Teed, Richards was asked if he had an authorization from New Plymouth to make the seizure. It was evident that he had none and expressed unusual concern when it was intimated that he might be held accountable.
New Plymouth proprietors were much perturbed at the loss of their post at Penobscot and were apprehensive of similar treatment at Kennebec River. Consequently, with the approval of the authorities "in ye Bay," they engaged Captain Richard Girling with the Hope, an armed vessel of three hundred tons then lying in Boston Harbor, to dislodge the trespassers and "deliver them ye house." The remuneration for the successful performance of this service was to have been "700 li. of beaver."
# Plymouth Col. Rec., 1-92, 175.
ter ed, as- eir ard He
ar, ye ob- ye leir est ye ade ods and but me on ney So te, me
the ned een This de- th- sed the
lish blue and the
384
PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
In due time Captain Myles Standish with twenty men piloted Girling's ship eastward and with their bark "brought him safe into ye harbor."
The narrator stated that "he was so rash & heady as he would take no advice, nor would suffer Captaine Standish to have time to summone them, (who had a commission & order so to doe,) neither would doe it him selfe; the which, it was like, if it had been done, & they come to affaire parley, seeing their force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe execution, but begane to shoot at dis- tance like a madd man, and did them no hurte at all; the which when those of ye plantation saw, they were much greeved, and went to him & tould him he would doe no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for she might lye within pistoll shott of ye house ) ."
"At last, when he saw his owne folly, he was perswaded, and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe some good, his powder was goone; for though he had * *
peece of ordnance, it did now appeare he had but a barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could doe no good, but was faine to draw of againe; by which means ye enterprise was made frustrate, and ye French incouraged; for all ye while that he shot so unadvisedly, they lay close under a worke of earth, & let him consume him selfe. He advised with ye Captaine how he might be supplyed with powder, for he had not to carie him home; so he tould him he would goe to ye next plantation, and doe his indeour to procure him some, and so did; but understanding, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on ye barke, & surprise ye beaver, he sent him the powder, and brought ye barke & beaver home. But Girling never assaulted ye place more, (seeing him selfe disapoyented,) but went his way ; and this was ye end of this bussines."§
That naval bombardment of the house at Machabitticus, now known as Castine, was the first of the kind recorded in the annals of the state, and if its object had been attained might have advanced the English development along the northern coast and changed the whole history of Maine. It is apparent that the post was not fortified with cannon, because the English vessel could "lye within pistoll shott" without dangerous exposure. There
§ Bradford, 2-208.
385
PENOBSCOT RIVER
were but eighteen defenders and the only additional defences erected by them were earthworks.
It had transpired that during the summer before Penobscot was taken by the French, Sir Richard Saltonstall and his English partners, who were interested in the development of 1600 acres at the mouth of the Connecticut River, sent thither William Gibbins with twenty pioneers. For diplomatic reasons John, son of Governor Winthrop, had been selected by the patentees as chief executive for the new plantation.
After these colonists had been delayed for more than a week in Boston Harbor, where they had sought the services of an experienced pilot, they proceeded to their destination. Upon landing at Connecticut they were opposed by immigrants from New Dorchester, who had preceded them and taken unwarranted possession of their patrons' location and buildings.
As a consequence the discouraged settlers reembarked for England. Following the northern coast line near the Isle of Sable, they encountered a severe equinoctial storm which wrecked their pinnace and cast them ashore wholly destitute. From that island they made their escape to La Have on the mainland, where they had been entertained by the French, but turned towards Massa- chusetts as the only alternative. By coincidence they reached Penobscot during its bombardment and were detained until the conclusion of the siege .*
In spite of the fact that Pemaquid had furnished additional powder for Girling, Bradford did not hesitate to arraign that plantation in specific terms in his chronicles for that year. He claimed that Pemaquid supplied the French with provisions as well as kept them informed about the movements of the English. The writer, on account of personal interest, may have been preju- diced because the Bristol establishment could have been expected to profit by the elimination of competition at Castine.
According to the anonymous "Relation," written late in 1635, the patent of Penobscot was the largest in extent of all that had been granted by the Council of Plymouth in the Maine district, "comprehendinge (as is pretended) nere 40 leagues in length yett it is planted but wth one house, And is now possessed by the ffrench."¡
* Winthrop, 1-161. 171.
+ N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg .. 40-72.
uld ans ed: der ith had ext id; on and ted ay;
hals ave and post ould here
ild ne ad ey nis is- ch nd lay of
ed fe
nd But vas
386
PIONEERS ON MAINE RIVERS
Although New Plymouth was anxious to resume trade at Cas- tine and the eastern settlements were interviewed and invited to participate in the conquest, no subsequent attempt was made by that colony to recover its post.
Pemaquid, however, was vitally concerned in the issue, and correspondence of Shurt described the feeling of insecurity that was agitating his community. His letter to Winthrop, dated June 28, 1636, contained the following pertinent information on the subject : "Richard Foxwill, cominge from the French at Pennob- scott, spake with a boate of ours (draylinge for mackrell) & tould them that Wm. Hart had him comended unto me, & that I should looke to my selfe, for that the French were gone to the Eastwards to fetch more helpe to take this plantation & others, & that they had left but five men at Pen: & withall that he had an English heart although he were with them: wishinge his freedom from them; & that he knowes a meanes to take Pennob- scott with five men without losse of bloud."
"Here comes natives from thence & sayes that they will re- move to some other parts, they are soe abused by them. Me seemes they should not leave such a small crew at home, neyther blason their intents. It is lamentable that a handfull should in- sult over a multitude. We must feare the worst, & strive our best to withstand them. They wrote unto me of desired freind- ship & amitye, with mutuall correspondence: & they pretended the same at their beinge here: A Franciscan ffryar insinuatinge unto me that Mr. Comander & Mr. Donye desired nothinge but fayre passages betwixt us, & that he was sent purposely to sig- nifie so much unto me."
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.