USA > Maine > The beginnings of colonial Maine, 1602-1658 > Part 16
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37
When the Pilgrims at Leyden decided to leave the old world for the new, it was their purpose to make their settlement within the limits of the South Virginia company, "at some place about Hud- son's river". Accordingly a patent in their interest, but in the name of John Wincob, was secured from that company February 2, 1619. On approaching the American coast, the Mayflower, having made her landfall at Cape Cod, stood southward in order to proceed to her destination ; but the vessel falling "amongst dan- gerous shoals and roaring breakers and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the cape", and came to anchor on the following day in the Cape harbor.2 Making their settlement at length at Plymouth, within the limits of the territory of the council for New England, their patent became void, and on the return of the Mayflower to Eng- land, at their request, a new patent in their interest, and with Gorges' assistance as already stated, was issued June 1, 1621,3 by the council for New England, to John Pierce of London and his
1 Good News from New England, Mass. Hist. Society's Coll., VIII, 245, 246.
2 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 93.
3 The patent is given in full in the Farnham Papers, I, 45-53. It was written on parchment of considerable size, but in some way disappeared, and was found in 1741 among some old papers in the land office in Boston. In 1853, it was deposited in Pilgrim Hall in Plymouth. It is believed to be the oldest state document in the United States.
163
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
associates, and the new patent was brought over in the ship For- tune, which arrived at Plymouth, November 11, 1621. It made no mention of territorial limits ; but gave to each of the colonists and those who should join them, together with their heirs and assignees, one hundred acres of land in any place or places "not already inhabited by any English". So far as is known, this was the first grant of land made by the council for New England under its charter of 1620. On April 20, 1622, without the knowl- edge of the Plymouth colonists, Pierce obtained another patent, superseding that of June 1, 1621. When this action on Pierce's part came to the knowledge of the Pilgrims, they were indignant with Pierce and carried their case to the council for New Eng- land. Claiming that they had been deceived by Mr. Pierce, they asked the council's assistance in obtaining redress, and May 18, 1623, the patent was yielded to them on the payment of five hun- dred pounds, the council passing an order, that the associates "are left free to hold the privileges by the said former grant of the first of June [1621], as if the latter had never been. And they, the said associates, to receive and enjoy all that they do or may pos- sess by virtue thereof, and the surplus that is to remain over and above by reason of the later grant, the said Pierce to enjoy, and to make his best benefit of, as to him shall seem good".1
On the ground of this relation of John Pierce to the Pilgrim grant, the claim of an early Pierce settlement at Broad bay, within the limits of ancient Pemaquid, has been advanced. It has been shown conclusively, however, that this claim cannot be made to rest upon any such foundation. "No evidence has been found that Pierce ever intimated an intention to make such a use of the patent of June 1, 1621; and more important still, so far as we know, his son Richard, during his life-time here, never put for- ward any claim based upon the provisions of that charter."2 This
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, Mass. Hist. Soc., Ed. 1913, I, 306.
2 Professor John Johnston's History of Bristol and Bremen, 53. Prof. Johnston was a native of Bristol, and devoted many years to the preparation of his valuable work.
164
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
is the statement of a most careful writer of early Maine history, who says the claim is that of the Pierce heirs of a late generation, indeed as late as 1734, and he adds; "probably we shall best regard it as an after-thought, adopted by them to strengthen their supposed claim to a proprietary interest here, by virtue of the irregular transactions of their ancestors." 1
At this time, however, we get a glimpse of the beginnings of the ownership of Monhegan. At a meeting of the council for New England held July 24, 1622, the matter of a division of the land held by the council under the patent of November 3, 1620, was under consideration, and it was ordered that the earl of Arundell should have for his "devident" from "the middle of Sagadahoc and to go northeast so much on his side as Mr. Secre- tary [Calvert] goes on the other side upon the coast [i. e., west of the Kennebec] and to reach -2 miles backward into the main and three leagues into the sea ; and to have further into his devi- dent the island called Menehigan".3 At this meeting two other divisions were made, one to the lord duke of Lenox and one to Secretary Calvert. The division of the former was to extend from "the middle of Sawahquatock", that is, from the middle of the Saco river, half way to the Sagadahoc, and back into the country thirty miles; while Secretary Calvert's division was to comprise the territory between the division assigned to the duke of Lenox and that assigned to the earl of Arundell ; also the island of Seguin. This is known as the first division of the great patent for New England.
At a meeting of the council held twelve days earlier (July 12, 1622), William Cross and Abraham Jennings,4 merchants (who
1 , History of Bristol and Bremen, 51.
2 The blank was not filled, but the distance was probably thirty miles, as in the "devident" of the duke of Lenox made on the same date.
3 Farnham Papers, I, 62.
4 Although Abraham Jennings was a prominent merchant in Plymouth, little is known concerning him. So far as the writer is aware, there is no memorial of him in Plymouth of any kind. The first volume of the records of the parish of St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth, goes back to 1581. Abra-
165
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
apparently were present) were invited "to enter the great pat- ent", that is to become members of the council for New England. Jennings was a prominent merchant of Plymouth, and had large fishing interests on the coast of Maine. Both of the men requested time for the consideration of membership. Jennings
ham Jennings was born about that time. The record of his baptism is not found in the early years of this record. It may be that he was born before 1581, or that he was not born in Plymouth. In 1605, he paid for his freedom (Black Book, city clerk's office, Plymouth, 307, verso), and on May 22, 1608, he married Judith, a daughter of Nicholas Cheere, of Plymouth. The record of her baptism, which occurred November 6, 1586, the writer found in the first volume of the parish records of St. Andrew's Church, Ply- mouth, under that date. From the city records of Plymouth, little can be gleaned concerning Abraham Jennings. He was alive in 1641, when an assessment for a poll tax was made by Parliament upon the inhabitants of Ventre Ward. The assessment of the mayor, William Byrch, was five pounds, that of Abraham Jennings seven pounds. Robert Trelawny's assess- ment was ten pounds. A reference toJ ennings' business interests appears in the fact that a question as to the title of "Jennings' Key" (quay) Plymouth, came up in 1675. The quay was then in possession of Jennings and Warren, Jennings being Abraham Jennings' son William, and in the inquiry then made concerning the title it was stated that this quay, known as Jennings' Key, was part of an ancient quay called Hawkins' Key, which by lease passed to William Stalling and from Stalling to Abraham Jennings, "by assignment sixty seven years since". As this statement was made in 1675, the quay came into Abraham Jennings' possession in 1608. It is further stated that "about fifty three years since" (and accordingly about 1622) Abraham Jennings purchased of Hawkins, and those who claimed under him, a lease of the Hawkins' interest in the quay; and that "about thirty six years since", that is, about 1639, he purchased for himself and heirs "the reversion of one sixth part of the Key in question, which the said Abraham Jennings by his last will and testament gave to the said William Jennings" his son. The writer, in the summer of 1912, made diligent search for this will at Plymouth and later in London, but without success. "For divers good causes and considerations" all claims to the Jennings' "Key" were released by Jennings and Warren to the mayor and commonalty of Plymouth, and the quitclaim, on parchment, is preserved in the city clerk's office in Plymouth, with fine signature and seal of William Jennings, who still spelled the name "Jennens". In the record of the freedom payment in 1605, the name is spelled "Jennyngs"; but in the record of his marriage in 1608, it is "Jennens".
166
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
after such consideration accepted membership, and paid one hun- dred and ten pounds into the treasury of the council as the cost of membership, for which a receipt was ordered by the council on November 27, 1622. Three days later, "A bill of receipt of 110 pounds" was sealed to Mr. Abraham Jennings "with covenant for his devident in the main land of New England".1 At a meet- ing held nearly two months later (January 28, 1622, O. S.), the records of the council show that on that date "the commission for seizing of the island of Monhegan is this day sealed and signed by the lord duke of Lenox" and eight others, including the earl of Arundell".2 A second division of the great patent for New England occurred on June 29, 1623, when the king was present and participated in the drawing, which was by lot. "A plot of all the coasts and lands, divided into twenty parts, each part containing two shares", had been prepared "with the names of twenty patentees by whom these lots were to be drawn". Mr. Abraham Jennings was not present, and his lot, which was the fifth, was drawn for him by Sir Samuel Argall.3 This division, like the first, was not consummated. There is no evidence that the earl of Arundell ever acquired possession of the island of Monhegan, or that there was any authority for the seizure of the island in accordance with the action of the council January 28, 1622; but it was in the possession of Abraham Jennings not long after. It seems probable, therefore, that he acquired possession of the island about the time he became a member of the council, and it may be that he accepted membership in this languishing enterprise in order to open the way for its possession. It cer- tainly was of value to him because of the advantages it would secure to those who had the management of his fishing and trad- ing interests on that part of the New England coast.
August 10, 1622, without having consummated its action with reference to a division of its territory, the council for New Eng-
1 Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April 24, 1867, 76.
2 Ib., 82.
3 Farnham Papers, I, 75.
OVOUNTAS
INAON
CRESTON
CATTEWATER
THNNY)
-
MILL BAY
....
---
.......
....... .
..........
-
South Devon 1 ..
....
-
CATTEDOWN
... .. .
167
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
land made a second grant of land within the limits of its charter. The grantees were Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason. From the success of the Pilgrim colony at Plymouth, in whose interest the first grant was secured, Gorges evidently had received new encouragement with reference to colonial undertak- ings in New England. His acquaintance with Mason, also, had brought him into relations with a man of great energy, whose readiness to embark in such undertakings had greatly strength- ened his own former hopes and aims. By this action of the coun- cil there was granted to Gorges and Mason "all that part of the mainland in New England lying upon the sea coast betwixt the rivers of Merimack and Sagadahock and to the furtherest heads of the said rivers and so forward up into the new land westward until three score miles be finished from the first entrance of the aforesaid rivers and half way over, that is to say to the midst of the said two rivers said portions of lands with the appurtenances the said Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason, with the consent of the president and council, intend to name the Province of Maine". This is the first use of the desig- nation, Province of Maine, in any printed document. The grant- ees were authorized to "establish such government in the said portions of lands and islands as shall be agreeable as near as may be to the laws and customs of the realm of Eng- land." 1
Within the limits of this grant to Gorges and Mason, the coun- cil for New England (of which Gorges himself was still the lead- ing spirit) proceeded May 5, 1623, to grant six thousand acres of land to Christopher Levett.2 Beyond a brief memorandum in the Records of the Great Council and in the Calendar of State Papers, no documentary evidence of such a grant has as yet been discov-
1 Farnham Papers, I, 64-71. The Province of Maine was divided by the November grantees 7, 1629, Mason receiving the territory between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua.
2 He was born in York, England, April 5, 1586. His father, Percival Lev- ett, was city chamberlain of York in 1584 and sheriff in 1597-8.
168
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ered, but contemporary writers supply some added information concerning it.1
Levett had caught the spirit of adventure abroad in English hearts and homes in the last years of Elizabeth's reign, and which continued into the reign of James. Following the seas, as his chosen occupation, he was mentioned in 1623 as one of the cap- tains of his majesty's ships. But he had now become interested in new world enterprises. He saw the possibilities which the situation of affairs on this side of the Atlantic afforded, and he resolved to make his way hither with the purpose of planting a colony on New England soil. In some way, he interested the king in his enterprise, and Conway, the secretary of state, by direction of James, addressed a letter2 to the lord president of York, June 26, 1623, calling his attention to the proposed under- taking, as one "honorable to the nation and to the particular county and city of York", as it was Levett's purpose "to build a city and call it by the name of York". Levett, however, needed helpers in "so notable a good work". He must have adventur- ers to join him in the enterprise, and he must secure fifty men as colonists ; also contributions for the erection of a fort; and Con- way requests the lord president "by all fair persuasions to wean from the county some assistance upon such conditions as may be just and suitable".
Difficulties were encountered in securing the assistance thus sought. At length, however, a vessel was procured, some colo- nists were made ready, and Levett, who had been appointed a member of Robert Gorges' council, set sail for the New England
1 Maverick, in his Description of New England, describes the grant in terms nearly identical with the memorandum in the Records of the Great Council. Edward Godfrey mentioned it in his "Cattalogue of such Pattent- ees as I know granted for making Plantations in New England". Espe- cially is such information to be found in Christopher Levett's own story, "A Voyage into New England begun in 1623 and ended in 1624", in James Phinney Baxter's Christopher Levett of York, the Pioneer of Casco Bay, Gorges Society, Portland, 1893.
2 Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, 14, 15.
169
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
coast. The auspices certainly were favorable. Levett was in the prime of life, and as a member of the council for New England1, as well as of the council under Robert Gorges, in the latter's admin- istration of the affairs of New England about to be established, he seemed admirably fitted for the work he had undertaken.
He reached the Isles of Shoals2 in the autumn of 1623. Land- ing at Odiorne's Point3 at the mouth of the Piscataqua, he met Robert Gorges and Captain Francis West, also two members of the colony at Plymouth, who were awaiting his arrival; and the organization of the government of New England was now effected.4 Here Levett remained about a month, and then, the season being well advanced, he proceeded up the coast with the company he had brought with him (and those who had arrived in other ves- sels) to make the selection of a location for his colony. Fortu- nately we have his own record of his explorations.5
Two open boats conveyed the party and its stores. First, Levett examined the vicinity of York harbor, or Aquamenticus, as he called it. There he found much land already cleared, "fit for planting corn and other fruits, having heretofore been planted by the savages, who are all dead". Thence he proceeded to Cape Porpoise, "which is indifferent good for six ships, and it is gen- erally thought to be an excellent place for fish". A good planta- tion, he indicated, could be made there, but it would require some labor and expense. The next place he mentions is "Sawco", four leagues farther east. On his way thither a heavy fog set-
1 He was made a member of the council by the payment of a like sum as Abraham Jennings.
2 "The first place I set my foot upon in New England, " says Levett : and he adds, "Upon these islands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden". Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, 89.
8 David Thompson, shortly before, had established a small settlement here. He was a Scotchman. Two years later, he removed to an island in Boston harbor, which still bears his name, and where he died two years afterward. Ib., 90, note.
4 Of its brief duration, mention has already been made.
5 Baxter, Christopher Levett of York.
170
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
tled down upon the explorers, the boats became separated, and a fierce storni assailing them they were forced to strike sail and take to their oars. Night coming on they anchored, and their anchor held them securely until morning, when they succeeded in making their way "into Sawco", which Levett describes as "about one league to the northeast of a cape land ; and about one-eighth mile from the main lieth six islands, which make an indifferent good harbor. And in the main there is a cove or gut, which is about a. cable's length in breadth and two cable's length long, where two good ships may ride being well moored ahead and stern; and within the cove there is a great marsh, where at a high water a hundred sail of ships may float, and be free from all winds, but at low water must lie aground, but being soft oase they can take no hurt" 1
There they found the other boat and tarried five days, the wind being contrary. Mention is made of "rain and snow", but not- withstanding the unfavorable weather, Levett followed the shore of Old Orchard bay as far as the northern extremity of the beach. In his mention of the Saco river, he says the Indians told him it had its source at a great mountain called "the Crystal Hill", evidently Mount Washington, "being as they say one hundred miles in the country, yet is it to be seen at the sea side, and there is no ship arrives in New England, either to the west so far as Cape Cod, or to the east so far as Monhegan, but they see this mountain the first land, if the weather be clear".2
Making his way still farther up the coast, Levett came to
1 "It is difficult to identify the locality which Levett calls Saco; but his description plainly comprises Fletcher's Neck and Biddeford Pool, as well as the islands, Wood, Negro, Ram, Eagle, Stage and Basket". Baxter, Christopher Levett, 93, note.
2 Approaching Portland from the east and sailing between Monhegan and the main land for many years, the late Captain Charles Deering, of the steamer Lewiston, told the writer that he had never seen Mount Washington from the sea until he had passed Small Point. Approaching Portland in one of the New York steamers, Mount Washington is seen on a clear day when within a few miles of the Two Lights on Cape Elizabeth.
171
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
"Quack", which, he says, "I have named York"-the name he had selected for his proposed settlement before he left England. Quack, he describes, as "a bay or sound betwixt the main and certain islands which lyeth in the sea about one English mile and a half". Clearly the reference is to Portland harbor, the western part of Casco bay. Continuing his narrative, Levett adds : "There are four islands1 which make one good harbor; there is very good fishing, much fowl and the main as good ground as any can desire". Fore river he named Levett's river.2 As in his boat the explorer passed up into this river and thought of the York that was his birthplace, and of the York whose beginnings he purposed to make, imagination kindling at the scene, he could hardly have failed to catch a vision of the spires and fair resi- dences of the Portland of which Longfellow loved to sing as
''the beautiful town That is seated by the sea".3
"At this place", says Levett, "there fished divers ships of Way- mouth4 this year", the first fishing vessels of which we have any record in connection with Portland harbor.
Continuing his exploration eastward, Levett makes mention of another river, our Presumpscot : "up which", he writes, "I went about three miles, and found a great fall of water much bigger than the fall at London bridge at low water". Thence to the Sagadahoc, he says, "is all broken islands in the sea, with many excellent harbors, where a thousand sail of ships" might ride in safety. Especial mention is made of Casco, a place evidently on the mainland having "a good harbor, good fishing, good ground and good fowl, and a site for one of the twenty good towns well-
1 Cushing's, House, Peak's and Diamond.
2 Levett says, "I made bold to call [it] by my own name". It should bear the name still.
3 All the explorers who preceded Levett seem to have failed to enter Port- land harbor, and so not to have noticed the fitness of the location of Port- land for settlement purposes.
4 On Waymouth bay, between Plymouth and Southampton, England.
172
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
seated to take the benefit both of the sea and fresh rivers". 1 The whole distance from Cape Elizabeth to the Sagadahoc, Levett found exceedingly favorable for plantations. "Of Sagadahoc", he said, "I need say nothing of it; there hath been heretofore enough said by others, and I fear too much." Plainly he had no heart to make any reference to it. Seventeen years had not erased the memories of the disappointments connected with the failure of the Popham colony ; and yet it is to be wished that so interest- ing a writer as Levett had held his feelings sufficiently in control to have given us a sketch of the ruins of Fort Saint George as he found them at that time. All he tells us is that "the place is good, there fished this year two ships."
Levett then passed on to Capemanwagan, where nine vessels had "fished" that year. In the present Cape Newaggen, there is evidently an echo from that early period. The reference may be to Southport, or perhaps Boothbay harbor. There he remained four days and met many Indians with their wives and children, prominent among them three sagamores, Menawormet, Cogawesco (the sagamore of Casco and Quack) and Somerset, who he men-
1 Possibly the little harbor at Harpswell point, as "well-seated to take the benefit both of the sea and fresh rivers". Royal river at Yarmouth and the Harraseeket at South Freeport are such rivers.
2 He is first mentioned in connection with the Plymouth colonists, whom he saluted March 16, 1621, with the word "Welcome", adding that "he was not of those parts, but of Morattiggon" as recorded in Mourts' Relation, and which is there described as "lying hence a day's sail with a great wind and five days by land". By some, accordingly, Morattiggon is identified with Monhegan ; but more probably the reference is to some place on the Maine coast in that vicinity. From Somerset the Pilgrims learned that the Indian name of their plantation was Patuxet. His name appears in early records as above, and is also written Samoset, Samosett, Sameset, Sammer- set, Sammeset, etc. Bradford, after a reference to some skulking Indians, had this reference to him : "But about ye 16th of March a certain Indian came boldly amongst them [the colonists] and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern parts, where some English ships came to fish, with whom he was acquainted, and could name sundry of them by their names,
173
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
tions as "one that hath been found very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of our nation, some from starv- ing, others from killing". Levett proceeded no farther to the eastward, being told by the sagamores mentioned "that Pema- quid and Capemanwagan and Monhigon were granted to others", and especially as Cogawesco said to him that if he would plant his colony at either Quack or Casco, he would be welcome.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.