USA > Maine > The beginnings of colonial Maine, 1602-1658 > Part 18
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Meanwhile, the Pilgrims had firmly established themselves at Plymouth, but their indebtedness to the London adventurers for money advanced in fitting out the Mayflower, interest charges, etc., had loaded them with increasingly burdensome obligations ; and, in 1625, Miles Standish was sent to London to make some arrangement if possible with the creditors, whereby it would not be necessary for them to pay "such high interest, or to allow so much per cent". But he reached England "at a very bad time", says Bradford, "for the state was full of trouble, and the plague very hot in London, so as no business could be done"; and he returned to Plymouth without accomplishing what he and his fel- low colonists hoped would be the result of his negotiations.2
But happily a trip to the Kennebec after the abundant harvest of that year, enabled Winslow to exchange with the Indians of that river a shallop's load of corn for "seven hundred pounds of good beaver and some other furs"; and when at length in the fur-laden shallop he floated down the river to its mouth, and made
1 "Mr. Whitby reported grievances 3ly. That the subject may have liberty of free fishing in the parts of America with the incidents of timber, etc. Which being restrained in the king's answer, to desire that it be enlarged, and the restraint to be presented as a grievance." Journal of the House of Commons, May 24, 1625, I, 863.
2 Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation, Mass. Hist. Soc., Ed. 1913, I, 436.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
his way back to Plymouth, he had laid the foundation of am exceedingly profitable Indian trade.1
In the following year the Pilgrims sent another of their number, Mr. Isaac Allerton, to London and directed him "upon as good terms as he could" to renew the negotiations with the adventurers. undertaken by Standish; but he was not to conclude any arrange- ment with them until the Pilgrims themselves "knew the terms. and had well considered of them." Allerton returned having succeeded in making a settlement with the adventurers whereby the Plymouth colonists were to pay their London creditors eight- een hundred pounds in nine annual payments of two hundred pounds each, the first payment to be made in 1628. This agree- ment was approved by the colonists, "though they knew not well how to raise the payment, and discharge their other engagements and supply the yearly wants of the plantation . yet they undertook it", seven or eight of the colonists, "the chief of the place", becoming jointly bound to meet the annual payments at the time agreed upon. 2
In meeting these and other financial obligations, the Pilgrims directed added attention to their Kennebec trade. But they found that they had as rivals there settlers at the mouth of the Piscata- qua, and farther to the eastward, also masters of fishing vessels, who were accustomed to enlarge the profits of their voyages to the coast by traffic with the Indians ; and in order to secure the trade of the river, learning that others had threatened to procure a patent for this purpose, they directed Mr. Allerton, while in Eng- land, to obtain a patent for the Plymouth colonists. This he did, but they found "it was so strait and ill-bounded", says Bradford, that it was subsequently renewed and enlarged. Its limits, in the. final arrangement, were as follows :
"The said council [for New England] hath further given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, alloted, assigned and set over, and by these presents do clearly and abso-
1 History of the Plymonth Plantation, I, 439.
2 Ib., II, 3-7.
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THE PILGRIM GRANT ON THE KENNEBEC.
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REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
lutely give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, enfeofe, allot, assign and confirm unto the said William Bradford, his heirs, associates and assignees all that tract of land or part of New England in America aforesaid, which lyeth within or between and extendeth itself from the utmost [extent] of Cobestcont, which adjoineth to the river of Kenibeck, towards the western ocean, and a place called the falls of Nequamkick1 in America, aforesaid, and the space of fifteen English miles on each side of the said river, commonly called Kenebeck river, and all the said river called Kene- beck that lies within the said limits and bounds eastward, westward, northward and southward, last afore mentioned, and all lands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishing, hered- itaments and profits whatsoever situate lying and being arising and accruing or which shall arise happen or accrue in and within the said limits and bounds or either of them together with free ingress, egress and regress with ships, boats, shallops and other vessels from the sea commonly called the western ocean to the said river called Kenebec and from the river to the said western ocean, together with all prerogatives, rights, royalties, jurisdictions, privileges, franchises, liberties and immunities. And by virtue of authority to us derived by his late majesty's letters patents, to take, apprehend, seize and make prize of all such persons, their ships and goods as shall attempt to inhabit and trade with the savage people of that country within the several precincts and limits of his and their several plantations", etc.2
1 On what is known as Johnston's map, compiled from "an ancient plan of E. Hutchinson's, Esq., and from Jos. Heath in 1719, and Phin's Jones' survey in 1731, and from John North's late survey in 1752", the "falls of Nequam- kick" [Negumkikee on the map] are about half way between Augusta and Waterville. The copy of this map herewith presented is from the original in possession of the Maine Historical Society.
2 The above is an extract from what is known as the charter of Plymouth colony, which was confirmed to William Bradford and his associates by the
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The territory on the Kennebec, thus acquired by the Pilgrims, extended from Gardiner to falls in the river about half way between Augusta and Waterville, and they proceeded at once, on obtaining the grant, to take possession of it by the erection of a trading house at Cushenoc, now Augusta, which they conceived, says Bradford, to be the most convenient place on the river for trade.1
Williamson says the Pilgrims had three stations for local traffic on the Kennebec-one at Popham's fort, one at Richmond's land- ing and one at Cushenoc.2 There is no evidence, however, that they had any other trading post on the river than that at Augusta. Neither of the other places mentioned were within the limits of their patent. Moreover, the early Pilgrim writers make mention of only one. Bradford, in referring to events that occurred on the river in 1631, mentioned "the house there".8 Again writing of events that occurred in 1634, he refers to some who "would needs go up the river above their house (towards the fall of the river) and intercept the trade that should come to them" [the Pilgrims].4
great council for New England January 23, 1630, and is now in the Registry of Deeds at Plymouth, with the box in which it was brought from England. For a time its location was unknown, but in 1741 it was found at Plympton, Mass., "after a deal of labor and cost". It is printed in full in the Farnham Papers, I, 108-116. Bradford assigned, the patent to the freeman of the Plymouth colony, March 12, 1642.
1 Bradford, Mass. Hist. Soc., Ed. 1913, II, 41.
2 History of Maine, I, 237. In another place (I, 252) he mentions two, one at Fort Popham and one at Cushenoc.
3 Bradford, II, 113.
4 Bradford, II, 176. Concerning the Pilgrim trade on the Kennebec, Williamson (I, 235, 236) says : It was "trade in a new article called wam- pum ; which her people were pursuing with great profits. It consisted of white and blue beads, long and as large as a wheat corn, blunt at the ends, perforated and strung ; possessing a clearness and beauty which rendered them desirable ornaments. They were only known to the Narragansetts, the Pequots and the natives on Long island ; from whom they were obtained at a low price for corn, or small articles of foreign fabric, and transported into this eastern country and bartered for furs." The Pilgrims also kept for their Indian trade such articles as coats, shoes, blankets, biscuit, fruits and trinkets, but wampum commanded a more ready market than any other commodity. Prince's Annals, 172, 3.
189
REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
After they had thus firmly established themselves on the Ken- nebec, Bradford and his Plymouth associates came into possession of a trading house at Penobscot. In 1630 some of the English adventurers, who were interested in the Pilgrim enterprise, entered into business relations with one Edward Ashley and fur- nished him with goods for trading purposes. Bradford describes Ashley "as a very profane young man", who had "for some time lived among the Indians as a savage".1 Ashley opened his trad- ing house at Penobscot. While the Pilgrims had no confidence in the man, they foresaw that a trading house at that place in unfriendly hands would be prejudicial to their interests on the Kennebec. So, "to prevent a worst mischief", as Bradford says, they resolved to join in the enterprise and furnished Ashley with supplies. But he soon exhibited his true character; and having been detected in selling powder and shot to the Indians, which he was under bonds not to do, he was arrested by parties not men- tioned and taken to England, where he was imprisoned in the Fleet.2 In this way the trading post at Penobscot wholly passed into the hands of the Plymouth colonists.
But it was not altogether a source of profit to the Pilgrims. In 1631 the house was robbed by some Frenchmen, who secured beaver and goods valued at four or five hundred pounds. The man in charge of the post and some of his assistants were at the westward in order to get a supply of goods, when one day a small French vessel came into the harbor. The story of those on board was that they knew not where they were, that their vessel leaked, etc. Discovering soon the absence of the officer in charge, and the weakness of the post, they noticed the guns in the racks, praised them, and one was taken down for examination. The man who had secured it, and another who had a pistol, then ordered the unarmed garrison of three or four men to surrender, which they did and they were held as prisoners and compelled to aid in carrying the goods to the French vessel. Then setting the
1 Bradford, II; 83.
2 Ib., II, 107, 108.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
prisoners at liberty, the Frenchmen sailed away, mockingly tell- ing them to say to their master on his return "that some of the Isle of Rey gentlemen had been there".1 Of course the Plymouth colonists could not expect reparation for their loss, and Bradford closes his account of the affair without comment, but evidently not without a groan.
Meanwhile Levett had not lost sight of his far-away possessions on this side of the sea. On November 29, 1626, writing from Dartmouth to Sir John Coke, chief secretary of state and one of the king's privy council, he earnestly called the attention of the government to the importance of New England to the nation, and his desire to serve his country there. "No man knows better than myself", he wrote, "what benefit would accrue unto this kingdom by that country, if it were well-planted and fortified, which makes me so desirous to tread out a path that all men may follow";2 and he urged the secretary to place him in command of a vessel for this purpose.
No response seems to have been made to this appeal, and Octo- ber 10, 1627, Levett wrote again to Secretary Coke, inclosing in his letter a communication he had received from a New England correspondent-some one in charge of his fortified house on an island in Portland harbor, it may be-in which he urged the sec- retary not to let the multiplicity of weighty affairs crowd out of his thoughts vast interests in New England, suggesting also an audience in order that he might more fully lay before him consid- erations of national importance.3
In returning from his disastrous French expedition, Bucking- ham landed at Plymouth, and on his way to London passed through Sherborne, where Levett lived. Here the latter had an interview with one near the king. Doubtless Buckingham was
1 This illustration of French pleasantry has reference to the Duke of Buck- ingham's disastrous expedition of July, 1627, for the relief of Rochelle, in which he lost two thousand men, and his opponents not one. Isle de Rhe is on the French coast near Rochelle.
2 Baxter, Christopher Levett of York : the Pioneer of Casco Bay, 58.
8 Ib. 61, 62.
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glad to seize hold of any matter of concern that would draw pub- lic attention from a great national defeat; and he promised Levett that on reaching London he would look into matters pertaining to New England. Levett, so far as is known, had not received any encouragement in answer to his previous letter to Coke; and he now wrote again to the secretary, informing him of the interview he had held with the duke-the letter is dated November 17, 1627, probably immediately after Buckingham's departure for London- and inclosing a statement1 that he had prepared to be used in con- nection with the matter in any consideration it might receive. He was willing, he said, to go to London if his presence there was desired ; and he closed his letter to Coke by informing him that further neglect on the part of the government would compel him to order his men "now going to fish there", that is, on the New England coast, to come away with their vessels.2
In this added attempt to reach the ear of Charles, Levett was successful; and the king February 11, 1628, issued a proclama- tion, calling attention to existing "differences" between England and England's rivals, France and Spain, and the necessity of pro- tecting English interests on the coast of New England from those whom he designates as "foreign enemies". He referred also to the fact that those who were inclined to become adventurers there had become "altogether discouraged and disabled to proceed to their intention" ; while at the same time the conditions were such in England that the government could not give needed assistance to these remote parts and so secure to the nation "the many com- modities and merchandise thence to be had, and the store of tim- ber there growing, very necessary for the provision of shipping". Not to protect such interests meant loss and dishonor to the nation, and advantage and encouragement to England's enemies.
Levett's appeal, evidently, had awakened the king to a consid- eration of conditions not only on this side of the sea, but also in England. The government was handicapped because of the
1 Baxter, Christopher Levett of York : the Pioneer of Casco Bay, 64-66. 2 Ib., 63, 64.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
strained relations existing between the king and the House of Commons. What then? Something must be done, and it must be done speedily. In a proclamation, accordingly, Charles now outlined a plan of procedure, and called for public contributions in Levett's behalf.
"Whereas we have been informed that our well-beloved subject, Captain Christopher Levett, being one of the coun- cil for the said plantation, and well knowing the said country and the harbors of the same and the strength and disposition of the Indians inhabiting in that country, hath undertaken and offered to add unto his former adventure there all his estate, and to go in person thither, and by God's assistance either to secure the planters from enemies, keep the possession of the said country on our behalf and secure the fishing for our English ships, or else to expose his life and means to the utmost fill in that service. Upon which his generous and free offer we have thought fit, by the advice of our privy council and appointed him to be governor for us in those parts, and because the charge in preparing, furnishing and setting forth of ships for this service at the first will be very great, so as without the help and assistance of others (well wishers of those plantations) those designs cannot be so well accomplished, as we desire :
"Know ye that we, out of the love and affection which we bear to works of this nature and especially for the prop- agation of the true religion, which by this means may be effected, by converting those ignorant people to Chris- tianity :
"'Have thought fit, by the advice of our said privy coun- cil, to commend this so pious a work to the consideration and assistance of all our loving and well-disposed subjects ; not doubting but they (well weighing the necessity of this work, and considering the present troubles of these times) will be ready and willing to yield such assistance to the same by their voluntary contributions towards the effecting
193
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thereof, as may in some measure help to defray the present charge, now to be dispended for the accomplishing thereof, for the honor and safety of this kingdom and the upholding of the said plantation : Wherefore our will and pleasure is, and we do, by these presents will, require and command all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons and deans, within their several dioceses and jurisdictions, that forth- with, upon sight of these our letters patent, they command and cause the same, or the true brief thereof, to be read and published in all the several parish churches of and within their several dioceses, precincts and jurisdictions, and that the church wardens of every several parish shall gather and collect all such sum and sums of money, as shall be freely and voluntarily given, and contributed to the purposes aforesaid, and the same being gathered and collected, forth- with to pay and deliver over unto the said Captain Christo- pher Levett, or to such person or persons as shall by him in writing under his hand and seal thereunto authorized and appointed, whom we do think most fit in regard of his said employment to be trusted with the disposing of the same. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents for the space of one whole year next ensuing, the date of these presents to endure."
This document invites attention to considerations in old Eng- land as well as to those in New England. Charles was in sore conflict with the House of Commons, as his father had been in his unhappy reign; but the conflict had become increasingly bit- ter both on the side of the king and of the Commons. The king had refused to listen to the grievances that the representatives of the people had laid before him, and the Commons had refused to vote such subsidies as the king demanded, unless he would first listen to their demands concerning the grievances. In this state of affairs Charles proceeded to levy taxes by his own authority,
1 Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, 68-71.
13
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
with the result that the hall of the House of Commons rang with indignant protestations at such an outrage upon their ancient rights, and the king angrily responded by dissolving Parliament. But each succeeding Parliament proved more intractable, and the relations of the king to the no less angry members of the House of Commons were greatly strained.
It was in this state of affairs in England that Charles issued this remarkable proclamation. It is difficult to escape the impres- sion that the underlying motive of the king in issuing the procla- mation was not so much that he might render assistance to Levett in New England, as a desire to divert attention from the sad con- dition of England itself by an appeal to the patriotism of his sub- jects in connection with national interests abroad, whither Charles' eyes had been turned by Levett's urgent, stirring words.
How much money came into Levett's hands from contributions gathered at this time in the parish churches of England is unknown. In all probability the amount was not large. The sympathy of the people throughout the realm was with the House of Commons rather than with the king. Moreover, money for any purpose, however commendable, was not abundant. Levett was in England in 1628, for in that year he published in London his book entitled "A Voyage into New England. Begun in 1623 and Ended in 1624".1 It was dedicated to the duke of Bucking- ham and other of Levett's fellow members of the council for New England, and evidently its publication at that time was designed to promote the objects to which the proclamation of the king had called attention. The journal of the House of Commons shows that on April 19, 1628, a petition from Christopher Levett was presented to that body; and that on May 27 following, Levett was summoned to appear in the House and bring with him the
1 Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, the Pioneer Colonist in Casco Bay, Gorges Society, Portland, Maine, 1893, 79-139. To the memoir of Levett in this volume the writer is chiefly indebted for the main facts in Levett's life. Mr. Baxter, in his researches in England with reference to Levett, apparently left nothing to be gleaned by later pilgrims.
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REAWAKENINGS IN ENGLAND.
papers relating to the petition he had presented. We learn nothing at this time concerning his enterprise here.1
But if the parish churches in England failed to render to Levett that assistance for which he asked and doubtless hoped to secure, the king's proclamation certainly had this result-that it called the widest possible attention throughout the kingdom to England's American possessions, and inevitably awakened in many hearts and homes a rapidly wide-spreading conviction that on this side of the sea opportunities were opening for the average man that England did not afford. As these considerations became matters of conversation at the fireside, in the shop, or wherever the peo- ple were employed in their daily occupations, an impetus, in all probability undesired and unexpected by the king, was given to the great Puritan movement to New England, which was very soon in evidence on the Massachusetts coast, as also in those colonizing efforts that were discoverable here and there on the coast of the Province of Maine not long after.
Unquestionably, some contributions made in English parish churches reached Levett ; for when Endicott and his company, on June 19, 1630, entered Salem harbor, leading a band of Puritan colonists under authority of a charter granted by the council for New England, Captain Christopher Levett was one of those who welcomed them to New England. The proclamation of the king, February 4, 1627, made Levett governor of "those parts". Evi- dently, however, he was not in New England as its governor. There is no record of any such claim on Levett's part. Concern- ing when and why he came hither is as yet unknown. That he was in command of a vessel is ascertained from Winthrop, who records in his journal Levett's departure for England not long after the arrival of the Arabella. At that time, he had disposed of his interests in and about Casco bay to some Plymouth mer- chants, and apparently there were no ties that now bound him here. On the homeward voyage Levett died and was buried at
1 Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, 73.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
sea. The records of the Probate Court at Bristol, the port which Levett's ship entered on the return voyage, show that on January 22, 1630, Levett's widow, having journeyed thither from her des- olate home in Sherborne, administered on his effects brought by the ship;1 and with this record the story of her husband's event- ful life was brought to an end. Others were to witness, in grow- ing, prosperous American settlements, what Levett had seen only in the dreams that lured him to our coast.
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