USA > Maine > The beginnings of colonial Maine, 1602-1658 > Part 25
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By a charter granted February 2, 1629,4 Charles I extended the bounds of Sir William Alexander's territory to the "gulf of California", with "the islands lying within the said gulf ; as also all and whole the lands and bounds adjacent to the said gulf on the west and south, whether they be found a part of the continent or mainland or an island (as it is thought they are) which is commonly called and distinguished by the name of California". This was for the encouragement of Sir William in "the expected revealing and discovery of a way or passage to those seas, which lie upon America on the west, commonly called the South Sea, from which the head, or source of that great river, or gulf of Canada, or some river flowing into it, is deemed to be not far distant". The lack of geographical knowledge, evinced
1 Farnham Papers, I, 76-80.
2 The company was organized by Cardinal Richelieu in 1627. Its charter not only gave the company all New France, but also the right to confer titles of distinction. Farnham Papers, I, 172.
3 He was a distinguished naval commander and belonged to a well-known Touraine family.
4 Farnham Papers, I, 82-85.
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in this description, is not surprising in a document of that period. Exploration of the American continent westward required time.
Sir William Alexander doubtless received early information with reference to the designs of the Company of New France ; and April 30, 1630,1 he granted to Claude de la Tour, his son Charles de la Tour and their heirs, "the country and coast of Acadia", both father and son having promised "to be good and faithful vassals" of the king of Scotland. Conditions, however,' were soon and unexpectedly changed. About the time Razillai was ready to sail for Nova Scotia with his expeditionary force, Charles I, March 29, 1632, by the treaty of St. Germains 2 restored to Louis XIII, king of France, the whole of Acadia-a heavy blow to English interests and claims on the American coast. Razillai was appointed governor of Acadia, and having now no need of the forces he had collected for reconquering the country, and with a grant to himself of the river and bay of St. Croix,3 he set sail to assume command in Acadia. Charles de la Tour was made one of his lieutenants, and seems to have been assigned to the command of the territory extending east of the St. Croix river. He made his headquarters at St. John, where the river St. John empties into the Bay of Fundy. Aulnay, the other lieutenant, who was directed to dispossess the English at Penob- scot, was given command there with instructions, it is said, to extend French control as far as the Kennebec if possible.4
The treaty of St. Germains restored to France "all the places
1 Farnham Papers, I, 128-132.
2 Ib., I, 175-177.
8 Ib., I, 172-174.
4 So little is known concerning Razillai's orders to his lieutenants that while in the Farnham Papers (I, 260) we have the statement, "It is believed that De Razilly, at the same time at which he made la Tour commander in West Acadia, appointed D'Aulney his lieutenant in East Acadia", in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Ed. of Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation (II, 206) la Tour is said to have been assigned command east of the St. Croix river and Aulnay that to the west of that river. This seems to have been the arrange- ment, but documentary evidence, for which search has been made, is lack- ing.
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occupied in New France, Acadia and Canada by the subjects of the king of Great Britain". Evidently the Pilgrims regarded their trading post at Penobscot, now Castine, as within the limits of British territory, and continued occupation and trade there, notwithstanding the rifling of their trading house in 1631, as already mentioned. There was also English occupation still far- ther to the eastward. Bradford, under date of 1631, records1 the opening of a trading house "beyond Penobscot", by Mr. Allerton of Plymouth. The location was at what is now known as Machias. It was not a Pilgrim enterprise, however ; in fact, it disregarded Pilgrim interests. Bradford, in his allusion to it, says that Aller- ton's purpose was "to cut off the trade" at Penobscot. He is said to have had as a partner, or agent, Richard Vines of Saco. Vines, as has been stated, had a grant of land at Saco, with John Oldham as a co-partner ; but that grant in no way could be made a basis of a claim at Machias. Allerton, and those associated with him, were in possession of territory there, as indeed were the Pilgrims at Penobscot, considering the place within British territory. In character, Allerton and his company were so defi- cient that Bradford describes them as "a company of base fel- lows", and mentions "gross miscarriages", for which Allerton subsequently was called to account by the church at Plymouth and made confession. The French, also, called Allerton and his associates to account. In the fall of 1633, la Tour descended upon them as interlopers on French territory; and in the conflict connected with the affair, as Winthrop records,2 two of the men were killed, three others were carried away and also "the goods". Bradford, in his statement of the case, adds, "This was the end of that project''.3
Razallai, in arriving on the American coast, established himself at La Heve (Liverpool), Nova Scotia, where he erected a fort. Aulnay, in accordance with his orders "to clear the coast unto
1 History of Plymouth Plantation, Mass. Hist. Soc., Ed. 1912, II, 133.
2 Journal, I, 117.
8 History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 133, 134
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Pemaquid and Kennebec of all persons whatever",1 proceeded to take possession of Penobscot. Bradford, in his account of Aulnay's procedure, wrote :2 "Aulnay, coming into the harbor of Penobscot, and having before got some of the chief that belonged to the house aboard his vessel, by subtlety coming upon them in their shallop, he got them to pilot him in; and after get- ting the rest into his power, he took possession of the house in the name of the king of France; and partly by threatening, and otherwise, made Mr. Willett (their agent there) to approve of the sale of the goods there unto him, of which he set the price him- · self in effect, and made an inventory thereof (yet leaving out sun- dry things), but made no payment for them; but told them in convenient time he would do it if they came for it. For the house and fortifications, etc., he would not allow, nor account anything, saying that they which build on another man's ground do forfeit the same. So thus turning them out of all (with a great deal of compliment and many fine words), he let them have their shallop, and some victuals to bring them home." 3
On their arrival at Plymouth, the Pilgrim party reported the facts connected with Aulnay's seizure of the trading house and its goods. At once the Pilgrim spirit was stirred,4 and their leaders
1 Mass. Hist. Society's Coll., 3rd Series, VII, 94.
2 History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 206, 207.
3 In his account of the great storm that struck the James at the Isles of Shoals, Rev. Richard Mather mentions an incident in connection with this French descent upon the Pilgrim trading house at Penobscot. The trading house was in charge of Thomas Willett of Plymouth, and Mather records : "In the storm, one Mr. Willett of New Plimouth, and other 3 men with him, having been turned out of all their havings at Penobscot about a fortnight before, and coming along with us in our ship from Richmond's island, with his boat and goods in it made fast at the stern of our ship, lost his boat with all that was therein, the violence of the waves breaking the boat in pieces, and sinking the bottom of it into the bottom of the sea." Journal, August 15, 1635.
4 Edward Trelawny, at Richmond's island, also had stirrings, and he urged his brother, in Plymouth, England, to petition to the Lords "for some sea- sonable course to be taken with the French here, otherwise there will be but small hopes in continuing our plantations so near them who daily draw
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proceeded "to consult with their friends in the Bay", intending with their approval "to hire a ship of force and seek to beat out the French"; regarding evidently the St. Croix, not the Penob- scot, as the western boundary of French territory, as in the grant to Sir William Alexander. The Bay colonists gave their approval to the Pilgrim project, "if themselves could bear the charge". Accordingly the Pilgrims secured for their purpose a vessel of above three hundred tons, named the Great Hope, "well fitted with ordnance" and commanded by "one Girling", who agreed to drive off the French and deliver the trading house again into the hands of the Plymouth men for seven hundred pounds of beaver, which was to be delivered to him there when he had accomplished the undertaking. If he failed, Girling was "to lose his labor and have nothing".
Captain Myles Standish, with twenty men, accompanied Girling to Penobscot in a Pilgrim vessel, on which was the promised beaver. He piloted the Great Hope to the harbor of Penobscot ; but before the French fort was within reach of his guns, Girling, without waiting to summon the French to surrender, as Captain Standish "had commission and order so to do, neither would do it himself", and so come to "a fair parley"; but he began "to shoot at a distance like a mad man, and did them no hurt at all". The Pilgrims were indignant and remonstrated with Girling, who "at last, when he saw his own folly", placed his vessel in the position he should have taken at first and "bestowed a few shot to good purpose". But with these few shot he exhausted his sup- ply of powder, and was obliged to retire, "by which means", says Bradford, "the enterprise was made frustrate, and the French encouraged ; they lay close under a work of earth, and let him consume himself". When Girling made known this condition of things to Captain Standish, the latter, in order that the expedition might not prove a failure, offered to get a supply of powder at the
towards us, whose neighborhood (I much fear) will prove very prejudicial unto us . for either we must better fortify, or else expose ourselves to the loss of all". Trelawny Papers, 78.
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nearest plantation. The offer was accepted and Standish bore away ; but subsequently, learning that Girling intended to seize the Pilgrim vessel on his return and so secure the beaver, Standish sent to Girling the promised powder supply, but took the beaver home. Girling made no further attempt to recover the trading house at Penobscot and "went his way".1
This "Rooting out of the English at Penobscot" was an occa- sion of anxiety to the English settlers farther down the coast. Winthrop, from some source, received a report that the French with a larger expedition, threatened "to displant them all" as far as forty degrees. The extent of the French claim, however, was only "unto Pemaquid and Kennebec"; but such a report may have had some basis in irresponsible statements that soon found their way to the Maine settlements. The report occasioned alarm. Edward Trelawny, writing January 10, 1636, from Richmond's island to his brother, expressed a fear of such an encroachment. "We must better fortify", he urged, "or else expose ourselves to the loss of all, which may be prevented by a speedy preparation against all assaults".2 Winter, writing from the same place in the following summer, and also to Robert Trelawny, added: "The French have made themselves strong at the place they took last year here from the English, and do report they will have more of the plantations here about us, and this [island] for one; therefore we shall need to strengthen this plantation for it lies very open as yet for the enemy." &
In their disappointment occasioned by Girling's failure, the Pilgrims gave consideration to added measures having reference to the recovery of their possessions at Penobscot. The result was that they turned again to their friends in the Bay, expressing their fears that the French were now likely to fortify themselves strongly in the position they had taken and would prove "ill
1 History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 210, 211.
2 Trelawny Papers, 78.
3 Ib., 86.
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neighbors to the English".1 The Bay colonists at first evidently shared their apprehensions ; and at the September meeting of the court, it was "Agreed, that Plymouth shall be aided with men and munitions to supplant the French at Penobscot; and it was ordered, that Captain Sellanova shall be sent for, to confer with about this business".2 Moreover, the governor of the Bay colony and his assistants, in a letter dated October 9, 1635, and signed by all of these officials, replied formally to the Pilgrim request, recognizing the "weightiness" of the communication, and express- ing a desire for a conference with some "man of trust, furnished with instructions from yourselves, to make such agreement with us about this business as may be useful for you and equal for us". In response to this request, the Pilgrims sent to Boston two of their number, Thomas Prence and Captain Myles Standish, instructing them to make an agreement with the Bay colonists upon these terms-"that if they would afford such assistance as, together with their own, was like to effect the thing, and also bear a considerable part of the charge, they would go on; if not, they (having lost so much already) should not be able, but must desist and wait further opportunity as God should give, to help themselves." 3
The conference was a disappointment to the Pilgrims; "for when it came to the issue, they [the Bay colonists] would be at no charge", says Bradford. Deputy Governor Bellingham, in a letter referring to the conference and its results, wrote : "We showed our willingness to help, but withal we declared our pres- ent condition, and in what state we were, for our ability to help ; which we for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you sufficient supply of men and munition. But for matter of moneys we have no authority at all to promise ; and if we should, we should rather disappoint you than encourage you by that help, which we are not able to perform." 4
1 History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 211.
2 Mass. Colony Records, I, 160.
8 History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 212.
4 Ib., II, 213.
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The Pilgrims evidently regarded these words as a diplomatic expression of a refusal on the part of the Bay colonists to engage in the proposed enterprise on the terms submitted. Bradford refers to Bellingham's letter as a "breaking off" of these consid- erations concerning a recapture of Penobscot ; and accuses some of their merchants of entering into trade relations with the French there, furnishing them shortly after both "provisions and powder and shot", and continuing so to do afterward "as they have opportunity for their profit". In fact, he adds, "the English themselves have been the chiefest supporters of these French ; for besides these [Boston merchants], the plantation at Pemaquid (which lies near unto them) doth not only supply them with what they want, but gives them continual intelligence of all things that passes among the English (especially some of them), so as it is no marvel though they still grow, and encroach more and more upon the English, and fill the Indians with guns and munition to the great danger of the English, who lie open and unfortified, living upon husbandry ; and the other closed up in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade in good security. If these things be not looked to, and remedy provided in time, it may easily be conjectured what they may come to. But I leave them".1 Bradford had abundant occasion for such complaints, and only by the exercise of great self-restraint, doubtless, did he now withhold added and even stronger reflections.
French interests in territory adjoining the Maine settlements, and even farther down the coast, were affected by the death of Razillai, which occured at La Heve in November, 1635. No time seems to have been lost by la Tour in seeking to obtain for him- self from the company of New France a concession of the territory he occupied on the St. John river. Such a concession, includ- ing lands between the forty-fifth and forty-sixth degrees of lati- tude, was accorded to him January 15, 1636.2 Nominally a Prot- estant, he is mentioned in the concession as possessing zeal for the
1 History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 213, 214.
2 Farnham Papers, I, 212, 213.
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"Catholic religion, Apostolic and Roman". He received at the same time the title of "lieutenant general, for the king, of Acadia in New France". The intention seems to have been to make la Tour the successor of Razillai. But however this may be, la Tour and Aulnay were soon engaged in a struggle for the supremacy, which was continued through many years and was most destructive to French interests.
When reports of this struggle reached France, the king, Louis XIV, endeavored to allay dissension by directing the rivals to limit their activities to matters within the territory to which they had been assigned by Razillai. Inasmuch, however, as la Tour, by the Company of New France, had been designated "lieutenant general of Acadia", he had ground for regarding his authority as extending as far as that bestowed upon Razillai. So the quarrel was continued. At length, Aulnay seems to have reached the ear of the king, and his statement concerning affairs in New France evidently made an impression favorable to his interests; for the king, early in 1641, issued an order authorizing Aulnay to arrest la Tour and send him to France. La Tour, however, was so strongly intrenched at the mouth of the St. John that Aulnay was unable to exercise the authority he had received. Moreover at that time the French government had in hand matters that were regarded as of greater importance than the quarrels of French officials in America; and the rivals were allowed to continue the struggle in which they were engaged without further interference.
La Tour, avowing himself a Protestant, his interests at the time doubtless suggesting the avowal,1 now turned to the Puritans of Massachusetts bay for sympathy and aid; and some Boston mer- chants, to whom he offered desired trading privileges, grasping the opportunity, sent a small vessel thither with a supply of goods. The parties connected with the transaction stopped on their return at Pemaquid, where to their surprise they found Aulnay, who
1 "La Tour was ready at any time to change his religious belief for his own advantage." Farnham Papers, I, 260.
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informed the Boston traders that he had authority for the arrest of la Tour; and to emphasize his present relations to the French government, he threatened to seize any Massachusetts vessel that should again attempt trading relations with the French at St. John.
In the spring of 1642, Aulnay entered upon offensive operations, and blockaded the mouth of the St. John river. Accordingly, when a vessel from Rochelle arrived on the coast, bringing one hundred and forty colonists to la Tour, the vessel was unable to reach the settlement, and proceeded to Boston, taking on board la Tour and his wife, who under cover of night succeeded in avoiding the blockade. Prominent citizens of Boston were ready to render la Tour assistance; but the governor and others, for prudential reasons, were unwilling to involve the colony in French dissensions. All, however, were in sympathy with la Tour, in the hope, doubtless, that the rivals would destroy each other sooner or later ; and they allowed la Tour to obtain both men and ships as opportunity offered. In this way, la Tour at length secured four vessels and one hundred and forty-two soldiers and sailors for an expedition against Aulnay. When all preparations were completed, the expedition set sail for Penobscot. It was midsum- mer, and on la Tour's arrival there, he made a vigorous attack upon Aulnay's fort. But Aulnay defended his position with such skill and success that la Tour was compelled to withdraw, and the Massachusetts vessels returned to Boston. The Bay officials were careful to inform Aulnay of their non-action in the affair; and though Aulnay was not inclined to accept their explanations, he was not in a situation in which he could give exact expression to his feelings. His situation, however, was such that he deemed it important to strengthen himself with prominent French officials ; and he decided to return to France and present his case to the government in person.
Finding conditions in France unfavorable for any attention to his interests, Aulnay returned to Acadia and allowed matters to drift on as heretofore. But at length the traders on the coast,
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having business relations with both Aulnay and la Tour, not find- ing it easy to secure settlement with either, held a conference and decided to press their claims jointly and personally. Accordingly Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, Mr. Vines of Saco and Mr. Wannerton of Piscataqua, set out in midsummer, 1644, with this purpose in view. On their arrival at Penobscot, Aulnay held them as pris- oners a few days, and then allowed them to depart. There was no debt collecting, and the creditors evidently regarded themselves as fortunate in escaping added indignity. Then they proceeded to St. John, where la Tour suggested an attack upon Aulnay at Penobscot. Wannerton-a worthless fellow according to such reports as have come down to us concerning his character-con- cluded to join la Tour in such an expedition. Shurt and Vines seem to have stood aloof in the matter, though both doubtless were ready to share in any financial results that would enable la Tour to discharge his obligations to them.
La Tour's force in the expedition consisted of about twenty men. Possibly on their arrival it was found that Aulnay's fort was more strongly defended than they expected. At least such would seem to have been the fact; for instead of making the pro- posed attack they proceeded, probably undetected by Aulnay, to a farmhouse about six miles from the fort where three of Aulnay's men were posted. One of these was killed in the attack made upon the house, as also was Wannerton ; while the remaining two of Aulnay's men were taken prisoners. The house was then burned, some cattle were killed and the attacking party soon with- drew; but instead of returning to St. John, they made their way to Boston.1
The evident sympathy of the Bay colonists for la Tour was resented by Aulnay, and not long after the Penobscot affair he sent a commissioner, M. Morie, and ten men, to Boston with documents attesting the French government's recognition of Aulnay as gov- ernor of Acadia and lieutenant general, and its withdrawal of its
1 The story is told by Hubbard, Hutchinson and the early writers of New England history ; also by Williamson, History of the State of Maine, I, 315.
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earlier recognition of la Tour. The result of the conference that followed was an agreement on the part of Governor Endicott and Aulnay's commissioner, made and ratified October 8, 1644, to "observe and keep firm peace" with "Aulnay and all the French under his command in Acadia". It was also expressly stipulated that it should be "lawful for all men, both French and English, to trade with each other".1 This agreement was ratified by the United Colonies. Aulnay, however, continued to make trouble, and seized the Massachusetts vessels that attempted to trade with la Tour at St. John. When the Bay authorities called attention to this action as breaking the agreement recently made, Aulnay threatened resentment on the part of the king of France. Endi- cott and his associates could make no such claim to royal support. For two years the forces of Charles I, and those of the parliamen- tary commanders, had been engaged in the fierce conflicts of civil war. The battle of Marston Moor was fought July 2, 1644, only three months before the above agreement was made; and when Aulnay threatened the Puritan colonists with resentment on the part of the French king, Charles I was in no condition to aid his own supporters, much less the colonists of Massachusetts bay. But the colonists manifested no signs of trepidation in their answer to Aulnay. "They were not afraid", they said, "of any- thing that he could do for them, and as for his master, they knew he was a mighty prince, but they hoped he was just, as well as mighty, and that he would not fall upon them without hearing their cause; but if he should, they had a God in whom they put their trust, when all failed".2
In the spring of 1645, learning that la Tour was not at St. John, Aulnay saw an opportunity, as he thought, for a success- ful attack upon the garrison there. On his way thither, he fell in with a Massachusetts trading vessel, which he seized, and then landed the crew on a desolate island without food and other- wise in a destitute condition. Arriving at St. John, he at once
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