USA > Maine > The beginnings of colonial Maine, 1602-1658 > Part 7
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Gorges implies that Pring was obliged to cut short his work of exploration by the approach of winter, and such seems to have been the fact. The vessel that bore the expedition hither left England about the first of October, and if ten weeks are allowed
1 Letter to Challons, March 13, 1607.
2 In this work Hanham and Pring had the assistance of Dehamda (Rosier's Tahanedo), one of Waymouth's captured Indians, whom they brought with them and left in the country on their return.
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ADDED ENDEAVORS AND EXPLORATIONS.
for the voyage and subsequent examination of the coast, Hanham and Pring could not have set out on their return much before the close of the year. Their arrival in England was on an unknown date. It was a winter voyage, and there were doubtless storms and delays. But port was at length reached-Bristol probably- and Popham and those who were interested in the voyage were at once made acquainted with its encouraging results.
Gorges in his reference to it1 makes mention of Pring's" "perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors", which his report described ; and he calls it "the most exact discovery" of the coast that had come into his hands .. While he makes no mention of Hanham's connection with the expedition, he pays high tribute to Pring, whose services had proved so acceptable, and had achieved success so greatly desired. "His relation of the same", adds Gorges, "wrought such an impression in the Lord Chief Justice and us all that were his associates, that notwithstanding our first disaster we set up our resolutions to follow it with effect.'' 2
1 Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 11.
2 Pring's later service was largely connected with the East Indies. In 1617, he was general of the East India fleet. In 1622, the Quarter Court of the Virginia Company made Captain Martin Pring a freeman of the company and gave him two shares of land in Virginia. Brown (Genesis of the United States, II, 973) considers it probable that Pring "died on his voy- age to Virginia, or very soon after his return to England", probably in 1626, at the age of 46. His monument in St. Stephen's Church, Bristol, England, bears witness to the high esteem in which he was held by his fellow citizens. The following is the inscription which is recorded on the memorial tablet :
To the Pious Memorie of Martin Pringe, Merchaunt, Sometyme Generall to the East Indies, and one of ye Fraternity of the Trinity House. The living worth of this dead man was such That this fayr Touch can give you but a Touch
Of his admired guifts ; Theise quarter'd Arts, Enrich'd his knowledge and ye spheare imparts; His heart's true embleme where pure thoughts did move, By a most sacred Influence from above.
Prudence and Fortitude are topp this toombe,
Which in brave Pringe took up ye chiefest roome; Hope, Time supporters showe that he did clyme The highest pitch of Hope though not of Tyme.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
His painefull, skillfull travayles reacht as farre As from the Artick to th' Antartick starre; He made himself A Shipp. Religion His onely compass, and the truth alone His guiding Cynosure: Faith was his sailes, His Anchour Hope. A hope that never failes, His freighte was Charitie, and his returne A fruitful practice. In this fatal urne His Shipp's fayre Bulck is lodg'd, but ye rich ladinge Is hous'd in Heaven. A heaven never fadinge. Hic terris multum jactatus et undis Salutis 1626
Obit anno
Aetatis
46
--
The
worth of thuis deed man was fuch
For Touch can glue you but A touch
to tomird gues thaie quarterd Arts
Enrichd his knowledge and Tones
Iphere impar tr
Enblant when pure thoup her de
By & wait Ecred Influence from about
Wwdc and fortitude ort toso this tromb
With D btu PRINCE rocke VE
Towe fint fee dw e
Ho
though out of Time
"Antartick ffarre
the truth alone
ynolure faith was his layka
hope, A hope that neuer fayles
was Carit and No returne
chroIn the fall vrac
por 146
PRING MEMORIAL, ST. STEPHEN'S CHURCH, BRISTOL.
CHAPTER VI. THE POPHAM COLONY.
The Southern Virginia Company, as stated in the preceding chapter, had already despatched colonists to the new world. There also was a movement for a like undertaking on the part of the Northern or Plymouth company. Conferences were held by the members of the company with others interested in the expan- sion of England's territory and trade. With enthusiasm the work of organizing the proposed colony was commenced. As this work, at least for the most part, was carried forward at Plymouth, Gorges, who was in command of the fort at that place, may be regarded as most conspicuous in this service, as well as in making preparations for the voyage. Difficulties were encountered as the work proceeded. A glimpse of these is afforded in a letter1 which the mayor of Plymouth addressed May 10, 1606, to Lord Salis- bury, King James' Secretary of State, suggesting some modifica- tions of the charter. Sir John Popham, he wrote, had invited the co-operation of some of the prominent citizens of Plymouth; but some of the provisions of the charter were objectionable, especially the provision that placed the direction of the affairs of the colony in the control of a council, the majority of whose members were 'strangers to us and our proceedings". They accordingly asked the prime minister's protection and help. This complaint was not sent to Lord Salisbury without the knowledge of Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges ; for on the same day Gorges addressed a letter2 to the prime minister, explaining further the position taken by the men of Plymouth, who, he wrote, were at first well disposed and ready "to be large adventurers", but had now withdrawn their
1 Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, III, 122, 123.
2 Ib., III, 123-126.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
aid and refused to have anything to do with the work to be under- taken. Evidently, Gorges considered this a very undesirable situation, and he urged a change in the provisions of the charter to which objection had been made, believing that in this way the interest of "many worthy and brave spirits" could be secured. The complaint of the mayor of Plymouth and his associates was laid before Lord Salisbury by Captain Love, the bearer of the let- ter. No word concerning the result has been preserved, so far as is known. Such, however, was the success of the efforts of the chief justice in connection with the fitting out of the Popham colony, that harmony of action among those interested in the enterprise seems at length to have been reached.
Two vessels, the Gift of God1 and the Mary and John2-the tonnage of both unknown-were secured for transporting the colonists and their stores to the selected location of the colony. Concerning the number of the colonists, and the manner in which they were obtained, there is little information. Gorges makes mention of "one hundred landsmen". Probably he does not include in this designation "divers gentlemen of note", who are said to have accompanied the expedition. Strachey says the Gift of God and the Mary and John carried "one hundred and twenty for planters". To this number, of course, must be added the number of the crews of the two vessels in order to make up the full number of persons connected with the enterprise.
In providing the funds that were necessary for the purpose of fitting out and establishing the colony, Sir John Popham doubtless had a prominent place. He not only made large contributions when calls for money came, but he interested many of his friends and acquaintances in the work to which, with so much enthu- siasm, he had put his hands. In one way or another the funds
1 In the Lambeth Palace manuscript the name of this vessel is the "Gift". The fuller title is given by Strachey, who calls the vessel a "fly boat", that is, a light draught vessel.
2 Gorges erroneously says there were "three sail of ships". Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges and his Province of Maine, III, 13.
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THE POPHAM COLONY.
were raised and the expedition was made ready. May 31, 1607, was the sailing day. The Gift of God and the Mary and John- the former commanded by George Popham1 and the latter by Ralegh Gilbert2-lay in the old harbor of Plymouth, now known as Sutton's Pool, the same harbor from which the Mayflower sailed thirteen years later. Gorges, doubtless, was present at the departure of the colonists. Doubtless, too, Sir John Popham was there, having laid aside his official robes and left London in order by his presence to give forceful expression to the hopes he enter- tained, both for himself and the nation, in establishing an English colony in northern Virginia. All Plymouth, too, was there, prominent merchants, military and other professional men, fisher- men and seamen, all much interested in an enterprise that was designed to bring the old and new worlds into close and prosper- ing relations. As the Gift of God and the Mary and John sailed out of the harbor, the vessels were saluted by the guns of the fort, while from the Hoe the heartfelt benedictions and best wishes of a great company followed the colonists until the vessels had dis- appeared upon the horizon.
A brief account of the fortunes of the Popham colony appeared
1 George Popham was the second son of Edward Popham, and a nephew of the chief justice. He was born about 1553-1555, and before his appoint- ment in connection with the Popham colony he held the position of "his Majesty's customer of the Port of Bridgewater". His name appears in the charter for the North and South Virginia colonies in 1606, and he was the first president of the colony in North Virginia.
2 Ralegh Gilbert, a son of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and nephew of Sir Wal- ter Ralegh, was also mentioned in the charter of 1606. While the date of his birth is unknown, it is supposed that when he joined the Popham colony he was not far from thirty years of age. Evidently he was lacking in the finer personal qualities of life, and Gorges' portraiture of him (in a letter to Secretary Cecil, Baxter's Sir Ferdinando Gorges, III, 158) is not a favorable one. Concerning his administration of the affairs of the colony after the death of President Popham, we have no information. As Thayer says, it "may have been vigilant and wholly satisfactory to the patrons", The Sag- adahoc Colony, 32. He was made a member of the Council for New England in 1620.
5
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
in 1614 in Purchas's Pilgrimes. This was followed in 1622 by a short statement in A Briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England by the president and council. In 1624, Captain John Smith included in his General History of New England a brief record of the Popham enterprise. These were the principal sources of information concerning the colony until 1849, when the Hakluyt Society published William Strachey's Historie of Travaile into Virginia Brittania, written about 1616. Evidently the narra- tive was based upon sources not in the possession of the earlier writers, and Strachey's account of the experiences of the Popham colonists was the best available until 1875, when a manuscript, once in the possession of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and containing a journal, written by one connected with the colony, was discov- ered in the library of Lambeth Palace, London.1 It covers a period of about four months, that is, from the departure of the expedition from the Lizard, June 1, 1607, to September 26, 1607. With this last date the manuscript abruptly closes; but as Strachey, by many evidences which his narrative furnishes, is believed to have used this manuscript in preparing his account of the Popham colony, his continuation of the story from September 26 is believed, for the same reason, to have been based upon that part of the Lambeth Palace manuscript, which in some way was afterward lost and is still lacking. Although in the title of the manuscript the name of the author is not mentioned, indications in the narrative point almost unmistakably to the conclusion that the writer was James Davies, one of Gilbert's officers on the Mary and John, and otherwise prominently connected with the colony.
The narrative of the voyage begins at "the Lizard" 2 on the first of June, the day after the vessels sailed out of the harbor of Ply- mouth, fifty miles away. Thence both vessels, instead of taking the direct westerly course to the American coast, as did Gosnold
1 This manuscript, known in the Lambeth Palace Library as Ms. No. 806, was discovered in 1876 by the Rev. Dr. B. F. De Costa of New York, and was first printed from the original manuscript in the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society for May, 1880.
2 At the southwest extremity of the county of Cornwall.
67
THE POPHAM COLONY.
and Pring, followed Waymouth's course in the Archangel, and sailed southerly to the Azores islands, which were reached in twenty-four days. June 27, at the island of Flores, a landing was made for wood and water. Continuing the voyage, Popham and Gilbert fell in with two Flemish vessels June 29, and Captain Gil- bert, as a token of friendly feeling, invited the captain of one of the vessels to come aboard the Mary and John. The invitation was accepted, and the Flemish captain was kindly received and hospitably entertained. On his departure, the guest cordially invited Gilbert and a few others on the Mary and John to accom- pany him to his ship, apparently moved thereto by the kindly reception he himself had received. To this "earnest entreaty", Gilbert and those with him, yielded; but, to their surprise, on reaching the Flemish vessel, they were treated as prisoners, some of the party being placed in the "bibows" (bilboes,) and others being subjected to "wild and shameful abuses". It happened, however, that in the crew of the Flemish vessel were English sailors, who, noticing this affront to their countrymen, found opportunity to make known to Gilbert their determination to stand by him and his companions. When the Flemish captain discov- ered this evidence of a threatened uprising on the part of his own men, the situation was not pleasing to him. He accordingly hastened to release the prisoners, and returned them to their own ship to their "no small joy".1
Meanwhile, Popham, in the Gift of God, either had not seen or failed to answer the signals of distress made by the Mary and John. His action is not explained in the narrative, which seems to imply unworthy conduct on his part in sailing away without an attempt at assistance.2 The two vessels thus fell apart, and did
1 The narratives of the voyages of that day furnish abundant illustrations of the fact that such discourtesies at sea between representatives of rival nations were by no means uncommon.
2 Thayer (The Sagadahoc Colony, 39, note), says, "Capt. Popham may be fairly entitled to the benefit of the doubt if he saw or comprehended the signals". It is certainly in favor of this view that no added mention of the incident appears in the Relation.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
not again come together until their arrival on the American coast.
When this affair with the Flemish ship occurred, the Mary and John was ten leagues southwest of Flores. Continuing the voyage to the American coast, the vessel reached soundings July 27, in latitude 43°, 40',1 and July 30, land was descried, evidently the Nova Scotia coast. Gilbert anchored2 and landed, but his stay was brief, and he proceeded down the coast on his way to the appointed rendezvous. August 5, land again was sighted. In the narrative there is an outline sketch of the view that was obtained by the voyagers in thus approaching the coast-a view of the high mountains "in upon the main land near unto the river of Penob- scot". Such they knew them to be from the maps of Waymouth and Pring in their possession. Both the sketch and the narrative make it evident that the Mary and John, in now approaching the coast, must have been some distance southeast of the Matinicus islands. The mountains were the Camden mountains, noteworthy features of the coast to any mariner approaching the land at this point. Gilbert and his men now knew that the designated meet- ing-place of the vessels, in case of separation, was not far away.
Proceeding in toward the coast, the Mary and John, her entire ship's company alert with interest, came at length to the Matinicus islands easily recognizable from the narrative. A sec- ond outline sketch of the mountains toward which the Mary and John was moving is here inserted in the Lambeth manuscript, showing the changed appearance of the mountains, as seen from this nearer point of approach. At these islands the vessel's course was made "west and west by north" towards three other islands, eight leagues from the islands before mentioned. Differences of
1 Here, sounding, they had ground in eighteen fathoms, and fished with such success that they caught about one hundred cod-"very great and large fish, bigger and larger fish than that which comes from the bank of New- foundland. Here we might have laden our ship in less time than a month". Evidently they were on a portion of Sable island bank.
2 The Relation also makes reference to the fish caught here ; "we took great store of cod fishes, the biggest and largest that I ever saw or any man in our ship."
69
THE POPHAM COLONY.
opinion have found expression as to the three islands to which reference is thus made. The record is brief, and it is difficult to obtain from it that accurate information which a fuller statement would have supplied. But the general direction seems unmistak- able. Following down the coast from the Matinicus islands, the course of the Mary and John must have been in the direction of the St. George's islands.1 A careful examination of the narrative in the light of such facts as are now attainable warrants this state- ment. It was ten o'clock at night when an approach to these islands was made. "We bore in with one of them", is the record, and the inference is that other islands were near. In fact, in the clear light of the morning that followed, the voyagers on the Mary and John found themselves "environed" with islands, and the narrative adds "ne 'near thirty", evidently an estimate. The anchorage, therefore, was not at Monhegan, as some have main- tained. The Relation excludes any such view. No mariner, anchored at Monhegan, would refer to his vessel as "environed" with "near thirty islands". On the other hand, if the Mary and John, guided by directions derived from the narratives of the voyages of Waymouth and Pring, anchored in what is now known as St. George's harbor, the mention of environing islands-"near thirty"-is in harmony with easily recognized facts as to distance and direction.2
It should be added, furthermore, that the Relation makes the anchorage of the Mary and John not far from the island on which Waymouth erected a cross as a token of English possession. The statement is, "We here found a cross set up, the which we sup- pose was set up by George Wayman".8 Rosier's narrative of
1 No other view can be brought into harmony with the plain statement of the narrative.
2 See Thayer's Sagadahoc Colony, 50-52 note, where the facts are presented with great clearness and force.
8 Their finding the cross, which they supposed was erected by George Way- mouth two years before, is very significant. Captain Gilbert unquestionably had with him a copy of Rosier's Relation, and probably a copy of Waymouth's "geographical map". Hence his readiness in discovering the cross, and his
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Waymouth's voyage affords no foundation whatever for the sup- position that the cross, which Waymouth erected upon an island on the coast of Maine, was erected on Monhegan. His brief visit to that island was from his anchorage north of it on his first approach to the coast, and was for the purpose of obtaining wood and water. On the following day, from that anchorage, he brought the Archangel "along to the other islands more adjoining to the main, and in the road directly with the mountains" he had seen on approaching the coast. The St. George's islands, extend- ing in a line nearly north northeast and south southwest for about five miles, answer fully to this description, as has already been stated. Gilbert and his men were not long in finding the cross Waymouth erected on one of these islands, confirming the other facts in their possession, that the designated place of ren- dezvous had been reached.
Gilbert's first anchorage, which was made somewhat hastily under the circumstances, was not found to be satisfactory, and a better one was secured on the following day. While the neces- sary examination was in progress, and the Mary and John was "standing off a little", a sail was descried at sea, but "standing in towards this island", namely the island near which the Mary and John had been anchored. Gilbert at once sailed out to meet the stranger, and it was soon discovered that the new arrival, as hoped for, was Gilbert's consort, the Gift of God. Evidently, differences as to the cause of the separation were at once forgot- ten ; and in the joy of their "happy meeting" the two vessels sailed into the appointed haven, and "there anchored both together".
The language of the Relation is plain, and there is no warrant whatever for the view, maintained by some writers before the dis- covery of the Lambeth Palace manuscript, that this anchorage was at Monhegan. The island near which both vessels anchored was
identification of it as the one set up by Waymouth. He had brought the Mary and John into Pentecost harbor. Thayer (Sagadahoc Colony, 55) is evidently correct in his inference that Waymouth's cross was erected on the north end of Allen's island.
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THE POPHAM COLONY.
no other than the island in the vicinity of which the Mary and John anchored on her arrival on the coast; and this, as has already been shown, was not the island of Monhegan, but one of the St. George's islands and probably the one on which Waymouth set up a cross. If Monhegan had been the place of rendezvous, Popham would have sought an anchorage there. On the con- trary, he was heading for islands farther in toward the main when the Gift of God was sighted from the deck of the Mary and John, and thence was led by her into the island harbor, which, evidently on the part of both captains, was the predetermined location for anchorage on reaching the American coast.
One of the five Indians captured by Waymouth was included in the company on board of the Mary and John. In the Lambeth Palace manuscript he is mentioned as "Skidwarres". Rosier, in his Relation, calls him "Skicowaros". Probably he was one of the Indians assigned by Waymouth to Sir John Popham, and doubt- less very much was expected from him in matters connected with the settlement of the colony, especially in the relation of the colo- nists to the Indians. Very naturally Skidwarres, on reaching these familiar scenes, was anxious to be set on shore at once, in order to join his people from whom he had so long been separated. Just as anxious, apparently, was Gilbert to further the wishes of Skidwarres, and so, with the first opportunity, to place himself in friendly relations with the natives of the country. Accordingly at midnight, following the arrival of the Gift of God, Gilbert and some of his men, in one of the ships' boats, rowed westward 1 past "many gallant islands", and landed Skidwarres, by his direction, in a little cove on the mainland, on the east side of the Pemaquid peninsula, and evidently at what is now known as New Harbor. Then, still guided by Skidwarres, they marched across the penin- sula, a distance of "near three miles" to the Indian encampment.
1 With the two vessels at anchor in St. George's harbor, the direction is clearly indicated. Skidwarres was a Pemaquid Indian. From the very place where he was captured two years before, he is now returned by Captain Gil- bert and his men.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The chief of the Indians was none other than Nahanada,1 also one of Waymouth's captives, who had been returned by Hanham and Pring the year before ; but though the Indians very naturally were inclined at first to hold themselves somewhat aloof, the assuring words addressed to them by Skidwarres and Nahanada caused them to lay aside their fears, and assurances of mutual friendship followed. Gilbert and his men remained at the Indian village two hours, and then, accompanied by Skidwarres, they returned to the ships in Pentecost harbor.
The next day was Sunday. Concerning its religious observ- ances by the colonists, the Relation contains this record : "Sun- day, being the 9th of August, in the morning the most part of our whole company of both our ships landed on this island, the which we call St. George's island, where the cross standeth, and there we heard a sermon delivered unto us by our preacher, giving God thanks for our happy meeting and safe arrival into the country, and so returned aboard again." The place of this first recorded observance of Christian worship in New England is here clearly indicated. It was on the island near which Waymouth anchored the Archangel after leaving his anchorage north of Monhegan, and on which Waymouth's cross stood. No appeal can be made to the fact that this island is called in the narrative "St. George's island"-the name given by Waymouth to Monhegan. Its men- tion here-the writer being familiar with Rosier's Relation-is evidence only to the well-known fact that thus early the name St. George had been transferred from Monhegan to the island on which Waymouth's cross was erected, and later was made to include the whole group of islands since known as the St. George's islands.
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