USA > Maine > The beginnings of colonial Maine, 1602-1658 > Part 26
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1 Sullivan, History of the District of Maine, 278, 279.
2 Ib., 280.
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attacked la Tour's fort; but the commander's wife, in the absence of her husband, proved equal to the occasion and made such a vigorous defense of the fort that Aulnay was compelled to abandon the undertaking with a loss of twenty killed and thirteen wounded. On his voyage back to Penobscot, Aulnay stopped at the island where he landed his Massachusetts captives taken on his way to St. John. They had suffered much in the ten days they had spent under distressing circumstances. Without returning either their vessel or goods, Aulnay gave them an old shallop, and the men made their way homeward as best they could.1
The Puritan spirit asserted itself when the men on their arrival made known their story of inhumane treatment; and the Massa- chusetts authorities sent a message to Aulnay calling him to account for his continued disregard of his agreement with them. Aulnay promised to send messengers to Boston for further confer- ence ; but it was not until late in 1646 that the messengers made their way thither. On their arrival, they presented a demand for eight thousand pounds on account of injuries which Aulnay claimed he had received from Puritan sources. Massachusetts indignantly denied the rightfulness of the claim and insisted upon strict fulfilment of existing obligations. Finally Aulnay's mes- sengers yielded, the former agreement to be regarded by both parties as still binding ; and the Massachusetts governor, on the return of the messengers, sent to Aulnay a costly sedan, which the viceroy of Mexico had presented to his sister in the West Indies. In some transaction, the sedan had come into the posses- sion of the captain of a Boston vessel in a harbor there. On returning home, the captain brought the sedan with him, and presented it to the governor, who doubtless found pleasure in passing it on to Aulnay.2
Meanwhile Aulnay and la Tour continued their bitter warfare. In the spring of 1647, in the absence of la Tour, Aulnay again attacked the fort at St. John. Madame la Tour, as before, made
1 Williamson, I, 218.
2 Hubbard, 496, 497, Williamson, I, 319.
1
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a spirited resistance; but at length, accepting favorable proffered terms of surrender, she delivered the fort into the possession of Aulnay, who, disregarding the agreement into which he had entered, put the garrison to death with the exception of a single man, and compelled Madame la Tour, with a rope around her neck, to witness the execution. Sinking under the heavy burden of her sufferings, Madame la Tour, in the short time of three weeks, died. La Tour, for a while, lived a low, marauding exist- ence. As to Aulnay, little information is recorded concerning him covering the years that followed the massacre at St. John. He died in 1651. A single gleam of romance falls at length upon this long record of strife between these two rivals. For notwith- standing the bitterness of the conflict, and its many unhappy, and even bitter memories, la Tour, in 1652, married Aulnay's widow. Then, returning to his possessions on the St. John river, and developing under changed circumstances some better traits of character, though not to an extent desired by his Massachusetts creditors, la Tour spent the closing years of his life in the undis- turbed enjoyment of his large estate.1
Penobscot for awhile remained a French outpost, though no mention is made of la Tour's interest in the place. Meanwhile events of the greatest importance in the political history of Eng- land rapidly succeeded one another. A great civil war opened and ended. Charles I was beheaded January 29, 1649. The com- monwealth of England took the place of the kingdom of England. The protectorate followed, and the year 1653 found the executive power in England lodged in Oliver Cromwell as lord protector. At that time, twenty-one years had elapsed since Charles I, by the treaty of St. Germain, ceded to the French king "all the places occupied in New France, Acadia and Canada by the subjects of Great Britain".2 The designation evidently was understood to include all the territory northeast of the Penobscot bay and river, a very small part of which was occupied by British subjects, and
1 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, I, 127.
2 Farnham Papers, I, 176.
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its delivery to the French monarch, an arbitrary act on the part of Charles, was strongly denounced at the time by many of the king's subjects on both sides of the sea, but especially in New England, where the near settlements of the French were a con- stant source of irritation.
Under existing conditions in England, the Puritans of Massa- chusetts now found easy approach to the lord protector, who in 1654 gave orders for the reconquest of Acadia. This was soon accomplished by an expedition under the command of Major Rob- ert Sedgwick of Charlestown. No opposition was made at Penob- scot, nor even at St. John, where doubtless any change in terri- torial matters would not have disturbed la Tour so long as he was left in possession of his large estate. By a treaty of peace, made at Westminster, November 3, 1655, between Cromwell and Louis XIV, king of France, "the right of either to the three forts of Pentecost [Pentagoet or Penobscot], St. John and Port Royal in America", was left to be determined by commissioners. The commissioners, however, did not proceed to action, and the ques- tions involved remained unsettled until the ratification of the treaty of Breda,1 July 21, 1667; but, notwithstanding this non- action, Cromwell, September 17, 1656, proceeded to appoint, as governor of Nova Scotia, Colonel Thomas Temple, whose terri- tory was extended along the Maine coast to the St. George's river and "Muscontus" (Muscongus).
This account of the French at Castine is carried forward thus far in order to bring within the limits of a single chapter the story of the occupation of this interesting location on the Maine coast throughout the period under review in this volume. The name
1 Farnham Papers, I, 311-313. By this treaty Charles II restored to France "the country of Acadia in North America", without defining its limits. But notwithstanding the royal proclamation, Colonel Temple retained posses- sion of the territory until the following year. Charles then ordered him to comply with the treaty stipulations. Accordingly, Colonel Temple, July 7, 1670, "by reason of present sickness of body upon myself", laid the unpleas- ant duty upon one of his subordinates, and Acadia again became a French possession.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Castine belongs to a later and more romantic period in the history of colonial Maine. Pilgrim occupation of this beautiful peninsula at the head of Penobscot bay unquestionably became an important fact in strengthening the claim of Great Britain to ter- ritory east of the Penobscot; and Castine shares distinction with Pemaquid because of its manifold historical relations throughout a large portion of colonial period.
CHAPTER XVI.
GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
R EFERENCE already had been made to the division of the territory of New England by the council, February 3, 1635, a little more than four months before the surrender of its charter to the king. The division was into eight parcels, which by lot were assigned to eight of the members of the council, each of whom, except the last two-Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who received number seven, and Sir William Alexander, who received number eight-were to have an additional grant of ten thousand acres to be laid out on "the east part of Sagadahoc". Gorges' part was the territory already granted to him by the council, extend- ing from the Piscataqua to the Sagadahoc; and Sir William Alexander's included the territory from the St. Croix river to Pemaquid, up the Pemaquid to its source "as it tendeth north- wards", thence to the Kennebec and "up that river by its short- est course to the river of Canada". These two parcels, with sixty thousand acres east of Sagadahoc, granted to those receiving the remaining six allotments, covered in general what is now known as the territory of the State of Maine.1 The parcel assigned to Captain John Mason was confirmed to him by the council April 22, 1635 ; and to the ten thousand acres "on the southeast part of Sagadahoc, at the mouth or entrance of it", which was added to his original grant of New Hampshire, was given, by the council, the name of Massonia (Masonia).2
Four days later, at a meeting held in the chamber of the earl of Carlisle at Whitehall, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in his own name and in the name of divers lords and others, ancient patentees and
1 Farnham Papers, I, 183-188.
8 Ib., I, 194.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
adventurers in the plantation of New England, requested the king to give the attorney general orders to draw patents for the allot- ments of the lands mutually agreed upon by the council ; so that those who had received allotments, "having his majesty's grant of the same", might "the more cheerfully proceed in the plant- ing" of their several provinces under laws and ordinances " "there to be established and put in execution by such [of] his majesty's lieutenants or governor as shall be employed for those services."1 The petition was drafted by Gorges, who, as early as 1635, had perceived, as he recorded, that it was the pleasure of the king to make him governor of New England; but while in the petition he refrained from any mention of his own name in connection with the office of governor of New England, he still had the gov- ernorship in view.
The presentation of this petition occurred May 1, 1635,2 and the formal act in the surrender of the great patent by the council for New England followed a little more than a month later.3 Thus far the plans of Gorges and his associates were advanced without delay. But the eight patentees, among whom the territory of New England had been divided, not receiving from the king char- ters of their allotments as promptly as they expected, held a meet- ing November 26, at which it was voted, "That the passing of the particular patents was to be expedited with all conveniency" ; and a committee was appointed to confer with the attorney gen- eral and hasten, if possible, the desired action. No report of this committee has been preserved, so far as is known. Doubtless the "particular patents" were prepared, and one of these, it is sup- posed, has come down to us in a copy of the charter of New Hampshire, granted to Captain John Mason August 19, 1635, and was discovered in recent years in a collection of documents bear- ing upon Mason's claims to lands in New England.4 It is with-
1 Farnham Papers, I, 200-202.
2 Ib., I, 201.
3 Ib., I, 203-205.
4 These documents, formerly in the possession of Mr. Moses A. Safford of
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GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
out the signature of the king, a fact that may account for delay in its delivery, as well as for the delay that occasioned anxiety on the part of all the patentees. Gorges certainly already regarded himself as legally in possession of his part of the division; for in an indenture, dated September 17, 1635, he conveyed lands on the Newichewannock [Salmon Falls] river to Captain John Mason.1
There was added delay, also, in connection with Gorges' appoint- ment as governor of New England, which the king seemed to have on his heart in recognition of the veteran's services in con- nection with English colonization in America, but which, for some reason, had been postponed again and again. The royal purpose, however, was finally accomplished, Gorges' commission bearing date July 23, 1637. More clearly in connection with this transaction is seen the design Charles had in view in establishing a general government in New England. Many mischiefs, the king said, had arisen there, "and are like more and more to arise . by reason of the several opinions, differing humors and many other differences springing up between them". Rec- ognizing it as a duty, therefore, not to suffer the people of New England "to run to ruin, and so religious and good intents to languish for want of timely remedy and sovereign assistance", the king made mention of Gorges' "fidelity, circumspection and knowledge of his government in martial and civil affairs, besides his understanding of the state of those countries wherein he hath been an immediate mover and a principal actor, to the great preju-
Kittery, Me., but now of the Maine Historical Society, were brought to notice by Mr. William M. Sargent of Portland in 1887, when superintending the publication of the York Deeds ; and the royal charter was printed by him in the introduction to II, 20-39. John Ward Dean also reprinted it in his Cap- tain John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire, Prince Society, 1887, 360- 378. An extract from this charter, relating to Maine territory, is printed in the Farnham Papers, I, 205-208.
1 This is one of the collection of documents to which reference is made in the preceding note. See York Deeds, II, 39-42, Captain John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire, 387-390, and Farnham Papers, I, 208-211.
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dice of his estate, long troubles and the loss of many of his good friends and servants in making the first discovery of those coasts", and announced Gorges' appointment, and declared his purpose to second him with "royal and ample authority".1
It was a proud day in Sir Ferdinando's life when this royal commission came into his hands. Doubtless his hope was strong that in a short time he would find himself at the head of a general government for all New England; but even in his commission there was an intimation that circumstances might make it neces- sary for a deputy to take Gorges' place "during his abode here in England". He cherished his hope, however, and as the years came and went it still continued alluringly to beckon him on.
The rapid growth of the New England settlements at this time was now attracting the attention of the government, and attempts were made to restrict emigration hither. In Gorges' commission as governor, it was expressly stated that none were to be "per- mitted to go into any those parts to plant or inhabit, but that they first acquaint our said governor therewith", and shall receive directions "where to sit down".2 In this emigration movement Gorges was deeply interested, especially after the king had declared it to be his purpose to send him to New England as gov- ernor. Sir Ferdinando's attitude toward these departing colonists
1 Farnham Papers, I, 219-221.
2 A license of this kind, issuing from Whitehall and bearing date, July 21, 1639, is of special interest because of the party to whom it was granted : "Upon the humble petition of Giles Elbridge, of the city of Bristol, merchant, praying license for the exportation of about eighty passengers and some pro- visions, formerly accustomed for the increase and support of his fishing plan- tation in New England, their lordships did this day give leave unto the said Elbridge to export for New England the said eighty passengers, together with such provisions as hath been formerly accustomed, provided that he do give bond here by himself, or some other sufficient man to the clerk of the council, to his majesty's use, that none of the said persons shall be shipped until publicly, before the mayor of Bristol, they have taken the oaths of alle- giance and supremacy. And the lord treasurer is hereby prayed and required to give order to the officers of the port of Bristol accordingly, any former order of the board, or other restraint to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding." Me. Hist. Society's Coll., Series I, 5, 222, 223.
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GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAL CHARTER.
found expression in what he said to the passengers on the Angel Gabriel in the harbor at Bristol before that vessel set sail on her ill-fated voyage to Pemaquid,-"that if he ever came there, he would be a true friend unto them".
There is a letter1 from Lord Maynard to Archbishop Laud, written March 17, 1638, in which reference is made to "incredible numbers of persons of very good abilities who have sold their lands and are upon their departure thence". Fourteen ships, it was stated, were ready to sail from London as soon as the spring opened. There is also an early reference to an order that the "lord treasurer of England should take speedy and effectual course to stay eight ships in the river of Thames, bound for New England".2 Cotton Mather says that dissatisfaction with condi- tions in England was the cause of this increased emigration, and he adds: "There were many countermands given to the passage of the people that were now steering of this western course; and there was a sort of uproar made among no small part of the nation that this people should not be let go." Among those bound for New England, who were "so stopt", he mentions Oliver Crom- well, John Hampden and Sir Arthur Haselrig, "whom I suppose their adversaries", he adds, "would not have so studiously detained at home, if they had foreseen events".3
This story, which in various forms has found a place in English literature on both sides of the sea, and in the writings of such historians as Henry Hallam and Lord Macaulay (but is denied or rejected by Bancroft and others), has its earliest mention, it is supposed, in a work published in 1660, by Dr. Charles Bates, an ardent royalist, who was physician to Charles I when at Oxford, to Oliver Cromwell while lord protector, and to Charles II after the restoration. He refers to Cromwell's squandering his own and his wife's estate, then "playing the penitent", etc., and he adds : "after that, by means of Sir Robert Steward, some royal-
1 Public Records Office, London, Colonial Papers, Charles I, IX, No. 38.
2 Oldmixon, British Empire in America, 1st Ed., I, 42, 43.
8 Magnalia, Book I, 23, 1st Ed.
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ists and clergymen, he was reconciled to his uncle, who could not before endure him, so that he made him his heir. But shortly after, having again run out all, he resolved to go to New England, and prepares all things for that end. In the meantime, by the help of sectarians, he was chosen a member of Parliament", etc.1 In this earliest printed report of the story, there is no mention of embarkation. The writer records only Cromwell's resolution and preparation for a voyage hither. The next writer who referred to the matter was William Lilly, who, in 1667, wrote his History of his Life and Times, and states that Cromwell "hired a passage in a ship" going to New England, "but ere she launched out for her voyage, a kinsman dieth leaving him a considerable fortune; upon which he returns, pays his debts, became affected to reli- gion ; is elected in 1640 a member of Parliament, etc."2 Hutch- inson, in his History of Massachusetts Bay, which was published in 1764, added Pym to the number of those "who are said to have been prevented by express order of the king "from removing to New England".3
Such a report, having its origin and becoming current so soon after this alleged refuge-seeking on the part of Cromwell is said to have occurred, must have had some basis. May it not have been in some sudden outburst on the part of Cromwell in a moment of great discouragement and consequent depression, when conditions in England seemed to him well nigh hopeless ? Lord Clarendon tells us4 that after the passage of the "Grand Petition and Remonstrance" by Parliament, November 22, 1641, Cromwell whispered to Lord Falkland as they left the House of Commons in company, "That if the remonstrance had been rejected, he would have sold all he had the next morning and
1 For an interesting and valuable paper by John Ward Dean, entitled The Reported Embarkation of Cromwell and his Friends for New England, see New England Hist. and Gen. Register for 1866, 113-120. To it the writer is largely indebted for materials for the above account.
2 London, 1822, 175, 176.
3 I, 41, 42.
4 History of the Rebellion, Oxford, 1720, I, 312.
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never have seen England more". Carlyle calls this "a vague report, gathered over dining tables long after".1 It may have been. It should be remembered, however, that the story has reference to a great crisis in England's history. Strong feelings were aroused. At one time in that session members of the House "snatched their swords from their belts and handled them with significant gestures". But victory then was on Cromwell's side. At other times in those years of stress and storm he knew what it was to suffer defeat. Things did not always go as he would have them ; under such circumstances, however, he did not turn and flee. It was a new England, not New England, that was ever in Cromwell's thoughts and actions. For that new England he battled long and for it he was ready to give up his life.2
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as has already appeared, was a staunch royalist, standing for all that Charles stood in his attempt to govern England without any reference to Parliament, and so making it necessary that Parliament in turn should govern with-
1 Cromwell, 1845, I, 119.
2 "On August 30 a mighty storm swept over England. The devil, said the cavaliers, was fetching home the soul of the tyrant. Oliver little recked of their sayings now. The winds howled around. His voice found utterance in one last prayer of faith : 'Lord', he cried, 'though I am a miserable and wretched creature, I am in covenant with thee through grace. And I may, I will come to thee, for thy people. Thou hast made me, though very unworthy, a mean instrument to do them some good, and thee service ; and many of them have set a high value upon me, though others wish and would be glad of my death. Lord, however thou do dispose of me, continue and go on to do good to them. Give them consistency of judgment, one heart, and mutual love ; and go on to deliver them, and with the work of reformation ; and make the name of Christ glorious in the world. Teach those who look too much on thy instruments to depend more upon thyself. Pardon such as desire to trample upon the dust of a poor worm, for they are thy people too. And pardon the folly of this short prayer, even for Jesus Christ's sake. And give us a good night, if it be thy pleasure. Amen.' For three more days Oliver lingered on. September 3 [1658] came-the day of Dunbar and Wor- cester. In the afternoon the brave spirit passed away to the rest which it had never known upon earth." S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 190, 191.
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out any reference to him.1 Out of regard for one so devoted to his person and interests, Charles had appointed Sir Ferdinando governor of all New England. Almost a year passed after this appointment was made, and the New England colonists were still directing their governmental affairs as hitherto. This was not according to the mind of Gorges, however, who June 20, 1638, wrote to Secretary Windebank,2 calling attention to the import- ance of "maintaining and supporting foreign plantations", and noticing objections that evidently had been urged in certain royalist circles. One of these was the statement "that many of our planters have undertaken these designs rather out of seditious, phantastical and schismatical humors, than out of zeal to the honor of God or service to his majesty". The reference, doubt- less, was to the Pilgrim and Puritan settlers in Massachusetts bay. But though Gorges had no sympathy with such "humors", he replied that even if this were true, "seldom doth any prince abandon people or leave the possession of kingdoms for those causes ; but rather seeks to win them with the largest conditions of all favor and freedom". Other objections were also consid- ered and refuted ; and finally Gorges directed attention to a ques- tion he deemed especially worthy of presentation in this connec- tion, namely, "By what means those refractory people may be drawn to submit themselves to a general governor"? In his answer to this question Gorges said that if the lords of the sev- eral provinces of New England would be pleased to settle their deputies and officers with some power for such a service, it would be well ; but for the present Gorges suggested the appointment of some one province "not yet pestered with such people as are like to refuse any authority sent from hence to command them". Plainly he had in mind neither the province of Plymouth nor the province of Massachusetts bay, but rather his own province of New Somersetshire, which he desired to elevate to a more com- manding position than it had hitherto reached. Whether the
1 S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 129.
2 Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, III, 287-291.
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king gave to these considerations any serious attention is doubt- ful. Matters nearer home were pressing upon him with greater force than matters in New England. There was commotion in Scotland, and if Scotland was allowed to throw off the yoke as seemed imminent, why not England itself ?
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