USA > Missouri > A history of Missouri from the earliest explorations and settlements until the admission of the state into the union, Volume II > Part 29
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47
Cape Girardeau, altogether settled by Americans, was the most prosperous agricultural district in upper Louisiana, at the time the colony was acquired. According to the census of 1803, the farmers of this district, all Americans, raised in that year 2,950 bushels of wheat, 58,990 bushels of corn, 3,100 pounds of tobacco, 9,200 pounds of flax and hemp, 39,000 pounds of cotton, 19,000 pounds of maple syrup, and owned 2,380 head of cattle, and 674 horses. These farmers then owned 179 slaves.
In 1799 the settlers of upper Louisiana owned 7,980 horned cattle and 793 horses, produced 83,349 minots of wheat, exported 84,534 bushels of corn, 28,627 pounds of tobacco; 1,754 bundles of deer skins, each valued at forty cents per pound, amounting to $70,160,
17 See copy of LaForge's report in I Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 268 et seq.
239
SLAVERY -
eighteen bundles of bear skins valued at $256, eighteen bundles of buffalo robes, valued at $540, three hundred and sixty quintals of lead at six cents a pound, $2,160, and twenty quintals of flour at three cents a pound, $60 .- total $73,176. In addition 1,340 quintals of lead were exported to the United States, and 1,000 bushels of salt were made annually.
Domestic slavery was intimately connected with the agriculture of the French and American pioneers of Missouri. On both banks of the Mississippi slavery existed from the first French settlement of the country. From a letter of Sieur de Ramesay and Sieur Begon, dated November 7th, 1715, it appears that the first forty-seven French settlers in the Illinois country, who established themselves in the "Thamarois," probably in the American bottom near Cahokia, were then "living at their ease" there, and, says the latter, "they get as many savage slaves as they wish, on the river of the Missouris, whom they use to cultivate their land; and they sell these to the English of Carolina, with whom they trade."18 Thus early an Indian slave-trade was carried on by the French with the English South- Atlantic colonies. In the case of Marguerite vs. Chouteau,19 it was argued that Bourgmont bought Indian slaves on the Missouri and sent them down to New Orleans to work on his plantation. Accord- ing to Rivière and Pratte, there were in 1756 many Indian slaves, not only at Fort de Chartres, but everywhere through the country.20 These Indian slaves were bought and sold just as negro slaves at that time. A majority of them were brought down from the Mis- souri by the traders, although occasionally some were brought up from the lower Mississippi. After the tragic destruction of the Natchez tribe, it is recorded that at least one member of that tribe was brought up the river to Fort de Chartres. Although this Indian slavery, as a matter of fact, existed in the French settlements during the French dominion, it is certain that it was not authorised by any written law. But it has been argued, that because the French Governor, Perier, transported to San Domingo, 300 Natchez, believed to have been of the Family of the Sun, nearly all of whom died there, the remainder being sold into slavery, that this was evidence of the legality of the institution. It was so held by the Supreme court of
18 16 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 332.
19 3 Missouri Report, p. 543.
20 Testimony of J. B. Rivière and Sebastian Pratte in the case of Marguerite vs. Chouteau, 2 Missouri Report, p. 71.
240
HISTORY OF MISSOURI
Louisiana; but the Supreme court of Missouri in another cele- brated case, held that Indians could not lawfully be reduced to slavery during the French government in Louisiana.21
When Spain took possession of Louisiana in 1769, O'Reilly dis- covered that the French held many Indians as slaves, and in a procla- mation which he issued,declared this "to be contrary to the wise and pious laws of Spain," but, while not at once declaring these Indian slaves free, he ordained " that the actual proprietors shall not dispose of those whom they hold in any manner whatever, unless it be to give them their freedom" until the orders "of his Majesty on the subject," and fur- ther that all owners of Indian slaves should make a declaration of the name and nation of the Indians so held in slavery by them, and the price at which they valued such slaves. This proclamation was general- ly understood by the French settlers of upper Louisiana as emancipat- ing all the Indian slaves. As a matter of fact, however, these Indian slaves seem to have remained in slavery, either voluntarily or involun- tarily. When they escaped they were not returned to slavery; and when they brought action for their freedom they were liberated. Thus in 1786, Governor Miro, in a case that came before him, from St. Louis, rendered a judgment liberating several such slaves. Reminded by this judgment that the ordinance of O'Reilly was not obeyed, Lieutenant Governor Cruzat in June 1787, issued a proclamation that Indians could not be held in slavery under the ordinance of 1770, and therefore "judged it expedient to repeat the aforesaid ordinance so that the public may know its tenor in order to conform to it," and accordingly the said ordinance was ordered to be "read, published and posted in the customary places." No order "of his Majesty on this subject" having been promulgated, in 1794 Baron Carondelet ordered two Indian slaves to abide with their masters until the Royal will was expressed. But in that year he ordered to be liberated, an Indian mestizo slave named Augustin, a descendant of the Panimahas, and held as a slave by Jos. Michel, a resident of New Madrid. 22
The first negro slaves brought into upper Louisiana or the Illi- nois country, came with Sieur Philip Renault, director of the mines of the Company of the West, in 1719. On his way from France, Sieur Renault stopped at the island of San Domingo, and there purchased 500 negro slaves to work in the mines which were to be
21 Marguerite vs. Chouteau, 3 Mo., p. 592.
22 New Madrid Archives, vol. 2.
24I
NUMBER OF SLAVES
opened. These negroes he brought up the Mississippi river to Fort de Chartres. From these slaves are descended the old French-negro slaves found at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis and St. Charles. The slaves found in the Cape Girardeau and New Madrid districts were brought into upper Louisiana by the American settlers, and as we have seen, the amount of land granted by the Span- ish authorities to such settlers, was made to depend on the number of members of the family, as well as on the number of servants or slaves brought into the country. These slaves were principally employed in farming. They were "regarded in the light of bien foncier or real property, and in fact, as the highest species." This also may be observed "that the Spanish code was ever more lenient and benignant toward the negroes than the colonial system of any other nation." The census of 1799 shows the following number of slaves held in the respective settlements : St. Louis 268; Carondelet, 3 ; St. Charles, 55; St. Ferdinand, 17; Marais des Liards, 42 ; Ste. Gene- vieve, 310; Nouvelle Bourbon, 114; Cape Girardeau, 105; New Madrid, 71 ; Petite Prairie, 3. Total 988.23 The total population then was 6,028, thus giving about one slave for every six white inhab- itants, or on an average, one for every family.
In 1800 the Spanish government prohibited the introduction of negro slaves into Louisiana, but at the instance of the planters of lower Louisiana a French firm was allowed to bring into the province 5,000 such slaves. DeLassus it appears, also asked permission to allow negro slaves to come into upper Louisiana, making an appli- cation to the Royal Intendant Morales to sanction it. Morales, however, answered that it was the duty of a good subject "to blindly obey what is ordered and prescribed by the Royal laws," and then refers to the. attempted revolution of the negro slaves of Virginia and the Carolinas, and gives it as his opinion, "that the American government and the owners of the slaves wish to get free of these people at any sacrifice." He then proceeds , asking: "What would become of this province if its chiefs with closed eyes, to such an im- portant matter should introduce in it such a dangerous people ?" and concludes by saying, that it is the duty of "this Intendancy to see to it that the wise law which prohibits the introduction of negro slaves is not ignored." DeLassus is ordered to exercise the greatest watchfulness to prevent the negro slaves from being brought into the
23 Gayarre's History of Louisiana, p. 406. In addition 197 free colored persons resided in upper Louisiana.
242
HISTORY OF MISSOURI
country,24 and if such slaves are introduced to apprehend them and to report to him. Evidently the Spanish authorities! then were fearful that the slaves would rise in insurrection as in San Domingo if allowed to be brought into the country in large numbers. The attempted slave insurrection in lower Louisiana in 1791, and reports of various attempts at insurrection in the American states, no doubt then current, may also have been the reason for these strin- gent orders. It is certain the law was generally ignored in upper Louisiana, and that the American emigrants brought with them many slaves.
Generally the French slaves were well treated, they had little work to do and were greatly attached to their French masters, and their families. They were all Catholics and worshipped in the same church with their owners. The same freedom from race prejudice, which characterized the French in their relations with the Indians, also characterized, usually, their relations with the negro. Holding him in bondage, they did not regard him with the same prejudice that marked their English-speaking neighbor. It is true that the early Anglo-American pioneers usually treated their slaves well, but it can not be denied that they regarded the negro, as indeed is generally the case now, as belonging to a distinctly inferior race, and that then the accepted opinion was that the negro was destined to serve the white and superior race. In support of this position arguments drawn from the Bible were deemed ample and sufficient. Duden observed in 1824 that "so far as bodily comfort, protection from disease and amount of labor is concerned, the condition of a slave in the state of Missouri is to be preferred to that of a household servant and day laborer in Germany."25 The largest slave holder in upper Louisiana at the time the province was acquired by the United States, was M. Beauvais of Ste. Genevieve.
Occasionally slaves were manumitted by their owners. Thus Nicholas F. Guion manumitted "a mongrel boy named Alexis, four years old, son of his Indian slave, Madaline, and one, Louie Leritte of this place," St. Louis; and Louison a "mestizo slave" of M. Lorian was freed "by order of the Governor-General of New Orleans." These Spanish Governors-General were liberal in giving freedom to slaves whenever cases came before them for adjudica-
24 Chouteau Collection in Mo. Hist. Society. Letter of DeLassus dated May 24, 1802.
25 Duden's Bericht aus Nord-Amerika, p. 147 (2d Edition).
243
FUR TRADE
tion. Thus, in 1783, Charles Henrion bought from Louis Barada his illegitimate mulatto child, Marianne, nine years of age, to emancipate her and make her his heir, but neglected to make his will, and consequently his property came into the hands of the Beaugenous. The matter became a subject of controversy, and finally was left to the decision of Governor-General Miro, who in 1787, decreed that she should be one of the heirs, together with the seven Beauge- nous. 26 In 1770 Louis de Villars, Lieutenant of Infantry in the battalion of Louisiana gave a negress, by the name of Julia, her freedom, because of "the zeal and attachment she exhibited in his service having completely ruined her health, he desired to set her at liberty with a view to its restoration."27 Under the circumstances detailed certainly a somewhat doubtful liberality. On the other hand Jos. l'Amouroux-in 1794 -emancipated his "metif creol, mon esclave, sous le nom de Jos. La Motte," gives him 100 piastres and recommends that he conduct himself soberly and honestly.28
The Missionary priests are also recorded as having owned slaves, some of whom they manumitted from time to time. Thus Father Turgot, Vicar-General of Illinois, freed three slaves belonging to the mission, to-wit : Apollon, a negro man of sixty years, who it would seem should have had some doubt as to the true motive of his clerical master, but for the fact that his wife "Jeanette, aged thirty-eight years and a child, aged three and one half years, named Anselmo" were also manumitted at the same time. Father Ledru, missionary curate, freed his negress Reichelle (Rachel) aged twenty-six years, for the price he paid M. Reihle for her, a liberality apparently that did not cost the pious Father much. But Father Gibault mournfully remarks that he was compelled by want to sell his two slaves, who he said could have supported him in his old age.
The French-Canadian inhabitants of the country before the ac- quisition of Louisiana, were all practically engaged in the fur trade in one way or another. Piernas in 1769 says in his report: "The sole and universal trade consists in furs." French fur-traders visited the Missouri and Osages in 1689.29 Penetrating from Quebec and Montreal into the far interior in search of furs, in early days, these voyageurs, and coureur des bois, dazzled the savages in their
26 Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 417.
27 I Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 102.
28 New Madrid Archives, vol. 2.
20 64 Jesuit Relations, p. 169 (Burrow's Ed.).
244
HISTORY OF MISSOURI
villages with the glittering trinkets in their packs, no less than by the knives, awls, hatchets, kettles, gaudy calicos, ribbons, gay red blankets and other European commodities, perhaps until then never seen by them. Quickly they exchanged these articles for furs, re- turning with their canoes loaded with rich cargoes. They were forest peddlers, not hunters. For the enormous profits resulting from this trade, they endured the hardships and perils incident to traveling through unknown countries, and unexplored forests. To secure furs, the paddles of their canoes first disturbed the waters of unknown lakes and rivers. In this business they followed the Indians, and joined them on their hunting excursions. They were the middle- men traders between the Indians and the comparatively well-to-do merchants of the villages. From these merchants they received, on credit, the articles needed in the trade, knives, awls and kettles, hat- chets, guns, amunition, tobacco, calico, blankets, beads and trinkets. At a later date setting out from Kaskaskia, Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis, New Madrid and other points on the Mississippi in companies of two, three, or four, usually in canoes, they travelled up and down the tributaries of this great river, but often went directly across the country to the head-waters of the Arkansas, Maramec, Gasconade or Osage, and streams beyond, with packs on their backs or on ponies, to trade in some interior Indian village. Merchants like Viviat, Datchurut or Lambert dit Lafleur, of Ste. Genevieve, Laclede, Chouteau, Cerré, Robidoux, Lisa, Perrault, Martigny, Clamogran and others of St. Louis thus supplied with merchandise such forest traders as François Marc, Thomas Benir, Sans Chargrin, Claude Rousell dit Sans Souci, Pierre Oliver dit Bellepeche, De Coigne, Tous Gaillard, Muslin Barb, Du Chemin, Anti Regis, La Margullier, Martin, the Spaniard, Azeau dit Berthoud, Sans Quartier, Langlois dit Rondeau, Blanchette la Chasseur, the first settler of St. Charles (Petite Côtes), and many others. Of these, some were descendants of the original French pioneers of Canada who had intermarried with the Indians, and hence had at once something of the wild, untamed and roving disposition of the savages united with the innate politeness and courtesy of the Frenchman. Peculiar it is, that nearly all these forest traders seem to be known by nick-names, showing that in true Indian fashion they had acquired and become known by some sobriquet.30 These
30 It may interest some readers to glance over the nick-names of some of the French pioneers, and of a few of the first American settlers among them, alphabetically arranged: François Aubuchon dit Morelles; Joseph Aubuchon dit Yoche; Guillaume Agnet dit Sansquartier, Antoine Bricot dit Lamarche;
245
BRANDY AND RUM
French-Canadian traders, especially when they brought casks of brandy and rum, were always welcome, their good cheer, jovial dis- position and kindness of heart rejoicing their savage hosts.
But in the history of the French fur trade it was soon found that the
Joseph Bodion dit L'Habitant; Nicholas Beaugenou dit Fifi; Nicholas Boyer dit Cola; Louis Bienvenue dit Delisle; François Bienvenue dit DeLisle; François Bernard dit L'European; Bravier dit Ciril; Alexander Bulner dit Burton; Charles Bergand dit Jean Louis; Antoine Barada dit Bardo; William Burch dit Burts; Jean Baptiste Beauvais dit St. Jeme; Charles Boyer dit Laffond; Jean Baptiste Berton dit St. Martin.
Gabriel Caillot dit Lachance; Rina Coullard dit Depray; François Godin dit Chatouiller; Joseph Constant dit Laramie; Carlos Charrion dit Jean Rion; John Comparios dit Gascon; Jacque Coutue dit Chatoyer; (or Jacque Cotte; dit Chatoillu); Joseph Chauvin dit Charleville; Jean Comparios dit LaPierre François Corneau dit Martigny.
Jean Baptiste Douval (Duval) dit Degrosillier; Jean Baptiste Douchou- quette dit Lami, Lamy or Larme; Baptiste Deroche (Deroka) dit Canadian; François Dunegant dit Beaurosier; François Derouse dit St. Pierre; Joseph Doublewye dit Deblois; François Desalle dit Cayolle; Toussaint Dechamp dit Hunot; François Delauriere dit Normandeau; Andre De Guire dit La Rose.
François Fostin dit Parent; Fleury dit Grenier. Jean Ferland dit Deloriers ; Pierre Come dit Lajeunesse.
Nicholas Gay dit Gravois or Gravier; Alexander Grimo (Grimaux) dit · Charpentier; Louis Guitard dit LaGrandeur; Pierre Guerette dit Dumont; Baptiste Grebour (Erebour) dit Maturin; Joseph Gerard (Gerau or Gerar) dit Megar; William Girouard dit Giroux; - Grassard dit Grifford; Pierre Gautier dit Sans Quartier; Louise dit Heloise Guyol; Andre Godair dit Tagarouche; Henry Gross dit Groves; Philibert Gagnon dit Laurent.
Jean B. Hubert (Herbert) dit Lacroix; Charles Hebert dit Cadien; Bazil Hebert dit Deshomet; Nicolas Hebert dit Lecompte; Robert Hunter dit Polite Robar; Hebert dit Berry Tabeau; John Hilderbrand dit Albrane; Jo- seph Alvarez Hortes dit Ortis; Jean Baptiste Hebert dit Fournier.
Louis Lambert dit Lafleur; Pierre Lupien dit Baron; Louis Lasouse (La- source) dit Moreau; Louis LeTourneau dit Lafleur; Joseph Labadie dit St., Pierre; Richelet Langelier dit Langeliervoles; Laurent Lerouge (Rouge) dit Gagnon; Louis Laffelier dit Tasmin; Marion Laroche dit Dubreuil; Nicholas Laplante dit Plante.
Kierq Marcheteau dit Des Noyer; Charles McLain dit English; Jean Bap- tiste Maurice dit Chatillon; Joseph Mainville dit Duchene; Joseph Monmirel dit Durant; William McHugh, senior, dit McGue; Daniel McKay, dit Mackav; Anthony Meloche dit Hibernois; Moreau dit Parent.
Jacque Noise dit Labbe.
Oliver dit Bellepeche.
Michael Placit dit Michau; Pierre Payant dit St. Ange; Joseph Papin dit LaChance; Antoine Peltier dit Morin; Amable Partenais dit Maçon; Conrad dit Leonard Price; Paul Portneuf dit Laderoute; Jeremiah Paynish dit Boining ; Pierre Porier (Poierrier) dit Desloge; Eugene Poure dit Beausoliel.
Pierre Quebec dit Violet; Pierre Querez dit LaTulipe.
Antoine Roussell dit Sans Souci; Jean Baptiste Rouillier dit Bouche; Rapieux dit Lamere; Jean Baptiste Rivière dit Baccane; John P. Roy dit Lapense; Antoine Roy dit Des Jardin; Julien Ratte dit Labriere; Michael Rolette dit Laderoute; Louis Rogers dit Indian Rogers; Alexander Langlois dit Rondeau; Joseph Reindeau dit Joachim.
John Stewart dit Tuckahoe; Lambert Salle dit La Joye; George Sip dit Sheepe; James Stephen dit Stephenson; Francois St. Marie dit Bourbon; Joseph Saurin (Sorin) dit Larochelle.
Pierre Tournat dit Lajoy; Louis Tiblon dit Petit Blanc; Gregoire Tessero
246
HISTORY OF MISSOURI
lawlessness of these forest traders was so great as to call loudly for redress. They paid little attention to the rules and regulations pro- mulgated by the government, and, over the protest of the Jesuit missionaries, introduced brandy and rum into the Indian villages, thus quickly demoralizing the Indians.31 Far from the seat of gov- ernment and authority many of these traders in the woods, learned to defy the regulations for the fur trade established by law, and often carried on business denounced as illegal and contraband with the English traders. In fact all the finer skins went to Canada, because these English traders paid better prices than the French at New Orleans.32 On their hunts, together with their Indian friends, they ranged the woods, lakes and streams, and generally met the illicit English traders in some central Indian village and exchanged their furs and peltry for the new guns, powder, blankets, traps, awls, rivets, camp kettles, hatchets so necessary to them, and for glass pearls, and silver rings to bestow on their fa- vorite Indian mistresses. Although not addicted to drunkenness, no inconsiderable portion of their hard-earned gains was expended for ardent spirits. Many learned to regard civilized life as an unbear- able restraint. The liberty of the wilderness became for them a sweet and joyous existence. Many established some sort of marital relation with some one or more of the Indian women of the Indian tribes where they spent their winters, often becoming wedded in the Indian fashion, to the daughter of some Indian chief, and then passed through life as semi-barbarians with a brood of young bar- barians growing up around them.
They affected, too, the manners and fashions of their barbarous friends and on occasion arrayed themselves in the Indian habiliments of war, not disdaining to bedaub their features with grease, vermilion and ochre, thus to gain influence among the warriors or to win the admiration of some native nymph. Nor were they too good to engage
dit Bebe; Lewis Tash dit Eustache; Margaret Tash dit Eustache; Tesserot dit Teporot; Michæl Tisson dit Honore; François Thibeault dit Liberge; J. B. Thomure dit La Source.
Antoine Vachard dit L'Ardoise; Charles Vachard dit Creol L'Ardoise; Rudolph Variat dit Rody; Jean Baptiste Vien dit Noel; John Vallet dit Bour- bonne; Jean Viot dit Gascon; Antoine Vachard dit Mimi L'Ardoise; François Vachette dit St. Antoine.
John Whitesides dit Juan Wedsay.
We also occasionally find names evidently assumed as: Jos. Sansfaçon, Peter LaBombard; Louis Sojourner; Gabriel Latrail; Pierre Quebeck.
31 16 Wisconsin Historical Collections, p. 359.
32 Duvallon's Louisiana, p. 141. (New York, 1806).
247
DESTRUCTIVE CHARACTER OF TRADE
in scalping expeditions against other and distant hostile tribes. It was said, by the Jesuits, that "wherever French and savage come together there is an open hell."
After months of such a life of barbaric pleasure and hardship, danger and toil, having disposed of their merchandise, at " very great profit" 33 with their canoes and pirogues heavily loaded with furs, they returned home. The traders who started out with their packs by land, generally returned by water in canoes from the head-waters of the streams where they traded. Such trading expeditions would consume sometimes a year, more frequently two or three years. On arrival at the village or fort, these adventurers made a full settlement with their merchants, and after that, often in a day or two, many of them scattered and squandered all that had been so laboriously earned.34 Then with a new pack of merchandise or under a new engagement they returned again to the forest, to gather again, and then again to squander, if so fortunate as to escape the many perils besetting their paths.35 Such forest traders or engagés were scarcely ever satisfied to remain away from the wilderness and its wild and illimitable freedom. Many finally perished there by hunger, fatigue, exposure, the sting of the serpent, the fangs of a wild beast, a fall from a precipice, in a treacherous stream or lake, or even by assassination from ambush, by a rival anxious thus to obtain a pack of furs.
To the wild fur-bearing animals of the forest, this fur trade was especially destructive. Prior to the advent of the European, wild animals were only hunted by the Indians for food and clothing. As the country was but thinly inhabited, and the wants of a barbarous people few and simple, these animals increased in numbers. After the advent of the Europeans, furs were to the Indians a means of exchange. To secure furs, i. e. money, they laboriously and diligent- ly hunted the lordly buffalo, and snared the beaver, the otter, bear, mink, and musk-rat. Farther and farther they wandered into the wilderness in order to secure this precious currency, the only means with which they could secure the coveted European goods. To illus- trate, on one occassion after the Louisiana purchase, and before the
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.