USA > Missouri > A history of Missouri from the earliest explorations and settlements until the admission of the state into the union, Volume II > Part 47
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41 Jefferson Papers, 2d Series, vol. 85, No. 88.
. 42 Letter of Edward Hempstead, Nov. 20, 1805, in Missouri Historical So- ciety Archives.
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Saugrain. The name of this Indian was Naichiwaigochee. The Coroner's verdict found that the Indian walked the streets of St. Louis brandishing his tomahawk in a threatening manner, striking some one or more doors, terrifying the citizens, and that he attacked Meigs and Saugrain, and that then young Hammond shot the Indian, and that while Meigs held the Indian the Indian tried to draw his knife with his left hand. 43 And in further justification of this killing Colonel Hammond sent a statement, that the Indian interpreter, Bolon, and Charles Sanguinet who also understood the Indian language, said that the Indians said to him that "the Indian who had been killed was a fool and that whiskey had done what he had done, and that they seemed quiet and pacified," and furthermore that they told the interpreter that they wanted a white flag to put over the Indian's grave to show that they will never stain that flag, that the Indians say as soon as that is done they will be fully satisfied, and that they have applied for such a flag to General Wilkinson.
Why in the short period of one year Wilkinson raised all this opposition is difficult now to conjecture. It is true he was a specula- tor, but his opponents were all speculators. Wilkinson was always anxious to make money, ready to engage in any enterprise that promised pecuniary advantages, but so were his traducers. In his administration he aimed to be politically independent and said that he was actuated by a desire to unite the honest and moderate men of both parties. This policy, during an era of intense political feeling, perhaps was the cause of his political unpopularity. It is to be noted that those who were the most bitter in his denunciation were all pro- nounced and radical Republicans, as the Democrats were then called, and the fact that Wilkinson declared that he desired "to save the constitution and prevent a division of property which the Demo- crats" led by that arch-aristocrat, Randolph of Roanoke, "aimed at," may have added fuel to this flame of prejudice. The charge that he sympathized with the French land claimants may perhaps be traced to the fact that these claimants were generally Federalists, the idea of a strong central government naturally being more in accord with their past history as subjects of Spain. Personally General Wilkin- son was an agreeable and accomplished man, well informed, "most gentlemanly, moderate, and a sensible Republican" says Postmaster- General Granger. He was familiar with border life, with Indian wars, with Indian affairs, knew the western country and its inhabit-
43 Jefferson Papers, 2d Series, vol. 42, No. 30.
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WILKINSON'S REMOVAL URGED
ants, the history of its settlement and development, but against an aroused political prejudice all this could not avail.44 Wilkinson's enemies made every effort to have him removed from office. Mathew Lyons also, who afterward for a time lived in the territory, on April 22, 1806, writes the President suggesting his removal. He says: "I have been a friend to General Wilkinson for nearly thirty years; I felt a glow of pleasure last year when I heard of his appointment, which was incidentally succeeded by a doubt of the propriety of that appointment, this doubt I endeavored to suppress. In my circular and private letters I recommended him to the people of Louisiana and endeavored to transfer to him any little share of popularity I might have there. I am not in the habit of deserting those I profess friend- ship to; however, under existing circumstances, I am inclined to think an order to the General to remove to some place near the Span- ish frontier where he could conveniently direct the operations of the
44 J. L. Donaldson in a letter dated St. Louis July 5, 1806, to his father-in- law, Dr. William Stewart of Baltimore, gives us this picture of affairs from his standpoint, not without interest now. He says that he and Penrose were in ses- sion at the Ste. Genevieve and did a great deal of business in a short time, and indeed fully wound up the land concessions under "the present law" and that he hopes the prospect will be better for a new and more honest law for the territory, the necessity of which he would certainly urge next winter at Washington. He says that it is certain that the governor (Wilkinson) has been ordered down the river to keep a lookout after the Spaniards, that the system of unprincipled opposition to which he has been subject instead of diminishing appears to have gathered ground, that the alliance of Meigs and the open declaration of Ham- mond against him have given new confidence to this opposition, and says there is no villainy, private or public, that they are not ready to undertake; and further, that the friends of order and law will always be able to resist successfully any attempt of the unprincipled scoundrels who have so long infested this commun- ity, but that a perpetual contest of this kind at last wears out the stcadiest reso- lution, and he says that he shall not be displeased when he returns from this disgusting scene; that if honest men are appointed he shall return, but if not, he will bid it eternal adieu. He gives an account of a nephew of Colonel Ham- mond's who had killed a Kickapoo Indian and whom it was his duty to prosecute , that a few days after having prosecuted him in court he received an insolent note from Hammond demanding satisfaction, that to this he answered verbally that he was a great fool in challenging an officer of justice for doing his duty, and that he should again prosecute him for this new outrage, and that he accordingly ordered out process against him, and which on hearing, he made his escape to the other side of the river, boasting and declaring that he would attack his life if ever opportunity offered. Afterwards Donaldson went to Ste. Genevieve, and re- turning came up through the American bottom, without giving this threat any further thought, being in company with his wife and Mr. Penrose's family, he was warned to be on his guard as there was a desperate scoundrel in town who was determined to assault him, and that in Cahokia he found Hammond, who, with pistol and dirk advanced upon him, but that his courage seemed to fail him in the last minute, and when Donaldson, not the least frightened, walked up to him, he seemed to be astonished, did nothing, and without offering any resistance, although swearing dreadfully, allowed Donaldson to escort the ladies to their car- riage and get on his horse and go away. Jefferson Papers, 2d Series, vol. 76, No.95.
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different detachments and watch the movement of Spanish officers would give satisfaction to the friends of the Administration. His place might then be filled more unexceptionally and the murmur pass away."45 And the President not having filled the office, Lyons writes . him February 22, 1807, that if he neglects to fill the position of Gover .- nor of the territory that his enemies will charge that he left the place of Governor unsupplied until the meeting of Congress "to keep the emoluments of that office for General Wilkinson" and the place open for him to go there and "commit fresh hostilities against the rights of the citizens as well as to reward him for his atrocities." 46 In order to pacify this opposition, Jefferson finally, on March 3, 1807, removed Wilkinson, and appointed Merriwether Lewis gov- ernor of the territory, but the news that he would be removed circulated four weeks before the order came, and Hempstead then writes: " our prospects are becoming better." Wilkinson wrote the information was brought to St. Louis by Major Seth Hunt, who gave the information to W. C. Carr, and that Hammond was to be his successor, and says that he felt very much humiliated that this information should have been in circulation long before he was advised. In a letter to General Dearborn he says that Major Bruff 47 had declared "that he had friends in Washington as well as myself, who could procure copies from there of any information sent forward from here against him." He denounces in this letter Major Bruff as a traitor.48 Again General Wilkinson writes General S. Smith, from St. Louis, June 17, 1806, that it was rumored in St. Louis for some time that he should be ordered away south, and that at last he received this order, and that "Bruff, Lucas & Company say the thing is done to get me out of the way to make room for Hammond. God knows why it was done, but it was certainly most unexpected after the President's information to you bearing date 4th day of October, two days only before the order, which is dated the 6th; on the 9th I received other orders from the President by the Secretary of the Treasury concern- ing certain local interests which demand my attention here. * Hammond is, I verily believe a candidate for this government, but
45 Jefferson Papers, 2d Series, vol. 50, No. 74.
" Jefferson Papers, 2d Series, vol. 50, No. 76.
47 James Bruff, Major in the Ist United States Regiment of artillerists and Engineers.
48 Letter of Wilkinson to Henry Dearborn Jefferson Papers, 2d Series, vol. 76, No. 98.
409
LEWIS
I trust such a character will never receive honor or emolument from the hands of our chief. After his nephew had killed the Indian, the cabal at this place formed an association to form an independent company which I had private information was in- tended for the rescue of Hammond if he had been treated as he merited it. I found that two-thirds of them either were not residents, transient persons, vagabonds, boatmen or whiskey retailers from Kentucky."49
Merriwether Lewis, the new Governor did not arrive in St. Louis until July, 1807. In the words of Jefferson: "He found the territory distracted and contentions among the officers of the government and the peo- ple themselves divided by these into factions MERRIWETHER LEWIS and parties. He determined at once to take no side with either, but to use every endeavor to con- ciliate and harmonize them. The even-handed justice he admin- istered to all soon established a respect for his person and authority, and perseverance and time wore down animosities and reunited the citizens again into one family." The apprehended war with England was a subject which then principally occupied the thoughts of the people. The surprise and attack by a British man of war of superior force upon the Chesapeake in the waters of the United States in a time of profound peace, and consequent Proclama- tion of embargo issued by President Jefferson in July, 1807, it was soon perceived caused great fermentation among the Indians of the northwest and on the borders of the territory, and naturally filled the minds of the people on the frontiers with anxiety. The increase of the military force provided by Congress, seemed to indicate the approach of war. Accordingly in August, 1808, Gov. Lewis began to organize the militia of the territory. In St. Louis three battalions of Infantry and Capt. Pierre Chouteau's troop of horse were enrolled. In Ste. Genevieve two battalions of Infantry, and Captain Bibb's and Captain Whitely's troops of light cavalry; in St. Charles two battalions of Infantry and Captain Mackay Wherry's troop of horse; in Cape Girardeau two battalions of Infantry and the troops of horse of Captain Ellis and Captain Bouis; and in New Madrid two battal- ions of Infantry were mustered into territorial service. This military
4ยบ Jefferson Papers, 2d Series, vol. 76, No. 99.
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
force was held under requisition until November 28, 1808, when it was discharged to be again enrolled "as before with the ordinary militia." The difficulties with England however remaining unad- justed and becoming graver in character, in February, 1809, 100,000 men were ordered to be enrolled by the President of the United States to serve if called upon, "each man to provide his own arms and ammunition," and the Secretary of War fixed the quota of the Mis- souri territory at 377 men, and under this requisition Governor Lewis required each of the districts, St. Louis, St. Charles, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau and New Madrid to furnish a company of 77 men. Of this corps Col. Auguste Chouteau was appointed Colonel of the Infantry. Major Nathaniel Cook had command of the Riflemen. On April 21, 1809, under general order dated St. Charles, the Cavalry companies of territory of Captains Ellis and Bouis of Cape Girardeau, of Captain Otho Schrader of Ste. Genevieve, of Captain Pierre Chouteau of St. Louis, and Captain Mackay Wherry of St. Charles were ordered to rendezvous at St. Louis, May 4, 1809, but were shortly afterwards discharged.
This military service then was no small burden upon the people. Under a law passed by the territorial legislature of 1807, a maximum service of sixty days was fixed, but later on this time was extended to six months. Nor did the territory at that time trouble itself to pro- vide arms and accoutrements, but each soldier or ranger was required to furnish his own arms and accoutrements, and what these arms should be, and of what these accoutrements should consist, was duly and legally specified in the territorial Acts. The soldiers were for- tunate if they secured rations and tents. Under this system theoretic- ally the whole free male population of the territory in case of war and invasion was supposed to be under arms, and practically every section of the territory where Indian wars existed or were anticipated and forays took place such was the case. Nor did the people of that time expect to be liberally reimbursed by high pay for little service. The people and their government were then in closer touch than now. Perhaps too, the people then understood better than now that the more extravagant the governmental expenses the more onerous in the end would be the tax levies made upon them.
In July, 1809, Governor Lewis' health began to fail and he was compelled by important business to go to Washington. When he left St. Louis it was his intention to go to New Orleans and thence by water to the Federal City, but at the second Chickasaw Bluff, the
41I
DEATH OF LEWIS
present site of the city of Memphis, he met Mr. Neely, then Indian agent among the Chickasaw Indians and concluded to make the trip from there by land with him passing through the Indian country. After they crossed the Tennessee river some of the horses of the party got away and Mr. Neely remained behind in order to find them and Lewis went ahead with two servants to stop at the house of the first white man found along the road and wait there until Mr. Neely should overtake him. The first house was the house of a Mr. Grinder, and he stopped there, but this man was not at home. Here it is claimed Lewis showed symptoms of mental derangement and Mrs. Grinder being alarmed retired to an outhouse. On this night (October 11, 1809), it is said Lewis committed suicide, "did the deed which plunged his friends into affliction and deprived the country of one of its most valuable citizens." But although Jefferson accepted the report that he committed suicide this was not the case with the people who lived in the vicinity of the Grinder place at that time. On the contrary, it was the common report, that he had been murdered and robbed and many circumstances pointed to that conclusion. For instance, only 25 cents were found in his pocket, when it was known that he had a considerable sum in gold with him. So strongly was Grinder suspected, that he was indicted in the county where the death of Lewis occurred, but not sufficient testimony could be found to convict him. He afterward moved away and, although he was known to be a man of little means there, after he moved away ap- peared to be in prosperous circumstances, owned farms and slaves. Lewis was buried at the place where he died.50 In 1843 the legis- lature of Tennessee organized the county of Lewis out of the territory and the place where he was buried was made the exact centre of the county. Here in 1848 the legislature ordered a monument to be erected on the spot where he was interred.51
60 Dr. Coues in his edition of Lewis and Clark's Expedition, vol. 1, pp. 43 et seq., gives a full and complete account of all that has been written about this subject.
51 Merriwether Lewis was a native of Virginia, born near Charlottesville, Albermarle county, August 18, 1774. He belonged to a distinguished family, * long prominent in the colonial and revolutionary affairs of Virginia. Fielding Lewis, a member of the family married a sister of George Washington. He was educated at home and enjoyed all the benefits of such local educational institutions as Virginia then had. At the age of 18 he returned to the farm of his father and began farming as a serious occupation. When the so-called whiskey insurrection broke out he enlisted in a volunteer company, called out by Gen. Washington. In 1797 he was appointed Captain in the regular army. In 1801 Jefferson appointed him as his private secretary and in 1803 he was by him placed in command of the expedition to the headwaters of the Missouri with
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
The legislature of the territory was composed of the Governor and Judges of the Superior court, and the first meeting of this legislative body took place June 3, 1806. The legislature thus constituted continued to exercise legislative functions until Octo- ber 9, 1811, when it adjourned "sine die." Edward Hempstead was the first Clerk of this legislature, and which was called to assemble June 3d, but actually did not assemble until June 11th. The session was opened ORY OP LO MY with a spicy correspond- ence between Wilkinson and Lucas as to the man- THE ILSIANA ner in which this legisla- TFS'S ture should be convened. Nothing was done until June 25th when this body proceeded to the election of a Clerk, Robert Wescot, Andrew Steele and Edward Hempstead being respec- tively placed in nomina- tion. Hempstead, on the 28th of June, was finally chosen as Clerk, thus showing that a small legislative body can be as dilatory as a large assembly.
Among the first Acts of this legislature was a law passed adopting a territorial seal. On the 6th of May, 1806, a law was enacted providing for the appointment by the Governor of an Attorney- General of the territory, and vesting this Attorney-General with power to appoint suitable deputies in the several districts. On the 26th of June, 1806, a bill creating the District of Arkansas out of a portion of the New Madrid District was discussed and after- wards enacted into a law. In 1808 Governor Lewis issued a proc- lamation dividing this district, and forming all that portion lying north of the 33d degree to the second Chicasaw Bluff and running indefinitely west into the Arkansas District. A law was also enacted
instruction "to follow the best water-communication which offered itself from thence to the Pacific ocean." From this expedition he returned in 1806 and on February following he and Lieutenant Clark arrived in Washington. Before Lewis left St. Louis in 1809 he formally appointed William Clark, Alexander Stuart and William C. Carr as his attorneys and this instrument was witnessed by Jeremiah Connor and Samuel Solomon
413
TERMS OF COURTS
to punish the discharging of fire arms in St. Louis, not unimportant at that time. On the 9th day of June a law regulating ferries, also fixing a license of ten dollars for keeping a ferry, and regulating the charges for passage, a subject in which all the early settlers of the ter- ritory were deeply interested, was passed. A general court, to be a Court of Appeals, was created, this court to meet twice a year in St. Louis, in May and October. This General Court was the first appellate court in what is now Missouri.
In 1807, Governor Wilkinson went south to the scene of the boun- dary dispute between the United States and Spain, on the banks of the Sabine, and never returned to the territory. The Secretary of the territory, Browne, after his departure, became Acting Governor and the legislative council, then composed of Browne, Lucas and Otho Schrader, an Austrian German, who had been appointed while a resident of Pennsylvania as Judge to succeed Return J. Meigs, enacted a law providing for a Clerk of the General Court, to hold his office during good behavior, to be appointed by the Gov- ernor, the applicant, however, for the position, to produce to the Governor a certificate signed by at least two judges of the court that he possessed the necessary qualifications to fill the office. Browne resigned as Secretary of the territory, and Frederick Bates was appointed as his successor, and as such acted as Governor of the ter- ritory from May, - 1807, until the arrival of Merriwether Lewis. At a session of the Legislative Council in July, 1807, while Bates was Acting Governor, the judicial system as enacted by the Indiana judges was revised and new powers conferred upon the courts, and new courts organized. Under this Act the Governor was empowered to appoint five judges of the courts of Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions for each of the districts, to hold their offices for four years, and sessions of the courts to be held in the district of St. Charles the first Mondays of February, June and October, in the district of St. Louis the first Mondays in March, July and November, in the district of Ste. Genevieve the second Mondays of March, July and November, in district of Cape Girardeau on the third Mondays of March, July and November, and in the district of New Madrid on the fourth Mondays of March, July and November every year, and in case new districts should be created by proclamation of the Gov- ernor the place and time of holding courts, in such new districts, to be made known. On the 4th of July, 1807, an Act was passed dividing the various districts into townships, each township to be
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
distinguished by a particular name, and providing that Justices of the Peace and Constables be appointed for such townships. In 1808 an act was passed providing for the incorporation of villages by the courts of common pleas and in the same year the first Act establishing a public road in what is now Missouri was enacted. This Act provided for the appointment of commissioners to view and lay out a road from the town of St. Louis to the town of Ste. Gene- vieve, from thence to the town of Cape Girardeau and from thence to the town of New Madrid; the commissioners to report their proceedings to the Governor of the territory for his approval. This road was established following the old Spanish road or trace, and is traveled to this day. Roads were a subject as impor- tant then as now. It was no easy matter to locate, survey, open and cut out roads through the wilderness, and consequently the laws in regard to this all-important subject were stringent, if not onerous. Under the laws enacted in 1806 by this legislature, from two to thirty days of road service could be required annually, assessed according to the amount of property owned, nor was any provision made for commuting the road service by the payment of money, but non-performance of road service was punished by a fine of $2 a day.
The personal service of the citizen of the Territory of Missouri at that time was of a two-fold character, that is to say, appertaining to road work and to military duty. At first military duty was the most important, and after the danger of Indian attacks had passed away the personal service required to open and work public roads became more important. When the people of the territory were practically surrounded by hostile Indian tribes, the Renard (Fox) and Saukee Indians on the north and northwest, and the Osages on the west and southwest, it was necessary that all free white inhabitants, not exempt by law, should be enrolled in the militia, and that they should from time to time attend musters, and accordingly the law provided for five annual musters, requiring at least five or more days of military service in each year. The amount of actual military service that could be required was practically unlimited save by the necessities of the occasion.
But this personal service did not meet all the needs of the terri- torial government, hence the subject of local taxes, unknown during the Spanish government, was a subject to which territorial legisla- tors devoted great attention. The amount required to carry on the
415
REVENUE LAWS
government, measured by our present standard of expenses, was insignificant, but the functions of the early frontier government of Missouri extended little further than the protection of life and prop- erty. Such other subjects as are now deemed absolutely indispen- sable to organized society, for instance the vast expenditure for the maintenance of a public school system and eleemosynary institutions, such as Insane Asylums, Schools for the Blind, Colonies for the Feeble Minded, Reformatories and Penal Institutions, and all annually requiring an immense revenue, were not dreamed of then. The early legislatures had no problems arising out of private cor- porate interests, and constantly infringing upon the individual rights of the citizen, nor were sanitary rules and regulations at that time necessary. But laws establishing public ferries and regulating the charges of the same were most important to the people, so also the toll which mills should be allowed to charge for grinding grain.
The first law relating to public revenue in what is now Missouri was passed on October 1, 1804, and entitled "a law regu- lating county rates and levies." Under this Act all houses in town, town lots, out-lots and mansion houses in the country of the value of $200 and upwards, all able-bodied single men not having taxable property to the amount of $400, all water and wind mills and ferries, all horses, mules and cattle three years old and upward, all bond servants and slaves, except such as the court of Quarter Sessions should exempt for infirmities between 16 and 40 years of age, were made chargeable for county revenue. Upon the houses, lots and mills a tax was authorized to be levied not exceeding 30 cents on each $100 valuation. On other objects mentioned a maxi- mum specific tax was authorized; the tax for instance on neat cattle was not to exceed 10 cents per head. Merchants were required to pay a license tax of $15, but where the merchandise they sold was produced in the district no tax was levied, thus encouraging home industry. Under this act a tax of $10 was levied on ferries.
From time to time new subjects were made the objects of taxation, and taxes were increased. Thus in 1807 the ferry license was increased from $10 to $100 per annum. In addition to merchants and tavern-keepers, keepers of public billiard tables, Indian traders, attorneys, physicians, proprietors of unauthorized lotteries and ped- dlers were also required to pay a license. The license for public billiard tables was fixed not to exceed $50 annually, for a tavern license from $10 to $30 annually, for peddlers $14 semi-annually, and in the
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
case of Indian traders a proportional rate was at first tried, the rate be- ing fixed at I per cent of the value of the equipment, but increased to 12 per cent, and then changed to the fixed sum of $52 per annum.
It is interesting to note that under the law of 1804 farm land was not taxed at all, but that in 1806 plantations actually cultivated of the value of $200 and upward, were made taxable and so also horse mills. But in 1808 the exemption on the basis of valuation below $200 disappeared, and to the list of taxable real property was added distilleries and tanyards; and in 1814 all uncultivated lands which up to that time had been exempt from taxation, were made subject to taxation to the extent of 800 arpens (about 660 acres) and in the following year (1815) all land was made subject to taxation. Pre- emption rights were first taxed in 1815, but the Act was repealed at the same session. The tax rate on real property, in 1804 did not exceed 30 cents on the $100 valuation, but afterward a specific tax of 50 cents on every 100 arpens (about 83 acres) was levied by law, and which in 1815 was increased to 60 cents. The tax on land (the title to which was not adjusted) was fixed at 12} cents per 100 arpens.
At first such personal property only as live stock and slaves was subject to taxation. The rate on horses, mules and asses, in 1804 did not exceed 50 cents; 37} cents in 1806; 372 cents in 1808, and 25 cents in 1815. On neat cattle, until 1815, the rate was 10 cents a head, and after that time the maximum was fixed at 62 cents. Horses kept for breeding purposes were charged not to exceed the rate of their services. Slaves were taxed not to exceed $1 by the Acts of 1804, 1806 and 1808. In 1814 an additional tax of 40 cents was imposed, for territorial purposes, and in 1815 this was raised to 62} cents, but the tax not to exceed 50 cents for county purposes. Pleasure carriages were, in 1808, included in the general class of property to be taxed, for the first time, and taxes so levied not to exceed 100 cents on the $100 valuation, but in 1814 a specific charge was substituted for this ad valorem tax. Four- wheeled carriages were taxed $10 each, others $5 each. In the follow- ing year the ad valorem system of taxation as to carriages was adopted again, and $1.50 made the rate on the $roo valuation. The tax on billiard tables was reduced in 1815 to $25. Unmarried men with limited property were subject to a poll tax which varied considerably ; in 1804 it was placed at from 50 cents to $2; in 1806 it was fixed at $I; in 1808 not to exceed $1, and in 1815 it was fixed at 50 cents.
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TERRITORIAL REVENUE
In order to ascertain the property subject to be taxed, property owners were required to supply lists of their taxable property. When these were furnished as provided by law nothing further remained than to determine the amount of taxes and to provide lists for the collectors. Where the owners failed to supply such lists or made false lists and where ad valorem rates necessitated a valuation, the services of Assessors were required. Specific rates however generally prevailed and hence the labor of assessors was small.
The Sheriff was the collector of taxes, except from 1806 to 1808 when the office of County Treasurer existed. The Sheriff held the county funds until the same were ordered disbursed by competent authority. A separate financial administration for the territory distinct from the districts was first provided by the law of 1806 when the office of territorial Treasurer was created. In 1810 the office of territorial Auditor was provided, who also was ex-officio audi- tor of the St. Louis district. In 1814 the law made provision for a separate Auditor for the territory.
Before 1806 no provision existed for a separate territorial rev- enue. All money collected went into the district treasury for district purposes except 20 per cent, which it was provided should be set aside for territorial expenses. Two years afterward the income arising from licenses issued to merchants, tavern-keepers, ferrymen and from public billiard tables, with the fines and forfeitures incident thereto, were required to be paid into the territorial treasury. In 1814 a larger territorial revenue having become important, it was further provided that taxes on slaves, pleasure carriages, land, both town lots and farms, houses and improvements should be levied for the benefit of territorial government, but the land tax alone for the exclusive use of the territory. Further the license charges for trading with the Indians, and special fees for writs and executions, and special fines for convictions, were diverted to the territorial treasury. In 1815 the entire revenue system of the territory was revised, and the source of revenue for the territory and county almost entirely separated. Only slaves, as we have seen, remained an object of taxation common to both.52
In 1817 the territorial legislature authorized "a lottery for the purchase of fire engines and other apparatus for the extinguishment
52 For further and fuller details of the territorial revenue system, see an able paper read by Prof. Frederick C. Hicks, before the Missouri Historical Society.
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
of fire for the use of St. Louis." Under this Act Auguste Chouteau, Theodore Hunt, Henry Von Phul, W. C. Carr and Thomas F. Riddick were appointed commissioners to superintend the lottery. The law provided for 6,000 tickets, each ticket to be of the value of $5, three thousand tickets to be blanks and three thousand to draw prizes. The principal prize was $5,000, second $1,000, four prizes to be of value of $500 each, and finally 49 prizes of $50 each, and 2,920 of $6.20. All prizes were subject to a reduction of 122 per cent, and payable sixty days after the drawing. Prizes not demanded within 120 days were to be considered donations. But this scheme to equip the fire department of St. Louis failed, because the people had "set their faces against lotteries." 53 Yet at that time and long afterwards lotteries were deemed a perfectly legitimate method to raise money for public and educational purposes. This failure, however, would seem to indicate that the pioneers of Missouri were not much pre- possessed in favor of this method for raising money.
63 Louisiana Gazette, November 13, 1818.
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