USA > Missouri > Missouri the center state, 1821-1915 > Part 2
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER XI.
SOME EXTRAORDINARY ASSETS.
Iron Mountain-James Harrison's Start-The Gift to Joseph Pratte-Valley Forge-Plank Road and Toll Gate Days-A Five Dollar Bill in Every Ton-From Mountain to Crater -Cleaning the Ore-One of the World's Wonders-Scientific Speculation-Little Moun- tain-The Iron Industry of St. Louis-Pilot Knob-Surface Deposits Exhausted-Ore Banks of Crawford County-Model Management of the Midland-Governor McClurg's Venture-Taney County's Iron Mountain-The Twelve Minerals of Mine La Motte -- Copper Smelting in Franklin-Theory About Gosson-Prodigious Banks of Coal- Geology Confounded in Morgan-Shale-Made Brick-Missouri Manganese in Demand -Cantwell's Forecast-From Riverside to Doe Run-Evolution of the Yellow Cotton- wood-Senator Rozier's Protest-De Soto's Search for Silver in the Ozarks-Later" Came Antonio and then Renault-The Mississippi Bubble and Missouri Silver-Tradi- tions of Hidden Mines-An Ounce of Silver to a Ton of Lead-Schoolcraft's Explora- tion-The Deceptive White Metal-"Flickers"-Geology Against the Precious Metals- A Scientific Investigation-The Second Cornwall-Tin Mountain's Collapse-"Silver Mountain"-Madison County Discoveries-The Garrison Cave. 195
CHAPTER XII.
LAST OF THE BENTON DUELS.
Thomas C. Reynolds and B. Gratz Brown-Two Challenges and Two Acceptances-The First Offending Editorial-Benton's Championship of Settlers-The District Attorney Protests -Brown Declares Authorship-Reynolds Satisfied-Friends in the Controversy-A Year Later-The Combination Against Benton-"Is It Perjury or Is It Not?"-Reynolds Asks "the Proper Atonement"-Rifles at Eighty Yards-A Question of Shortsightedness-The Meeting Off-Benton the Issue Again-Reynolds' German Speech-"Germans and Irish on an Equality with Negroes"-"An Unmitigated Lie"-The Editor Posted-A Per- emptory Challenge-Acceptance in Two Lines-Friends, Advisers and Surgeons-Selma Hall-A Graphic Story of the Meeting-Duello Etiquette-Kennett's Arrangements- Interchanges of the Seconds-Bearing of the Principals-The Pistols-"Fire!"-Rey- nolds' Quickness-Brown Wounded-The Return to St. Louis-No Prosecution-In Later Years-Political and Personal Friends-Brown's Career Not Satisfying-Reynolds'
Fate
.227
CHAPTER XIII.
MISSOURI IN 1861.
."You Can't Coerce a Sovereign State"-An Extraordinary Vote-Advice from Two Gover- nors-The Secession Program-Three Kinds of Democrats-The Contest for the Arsenal -General Frost's Report-Archbishop Kenrick Applies Scriptures-The Committee of Public Safety-Home Guards and Minute Men-Isaac H. Sturgeon's Warning-An In- sult to Missouri-Harney Restores Quiet-The Testing of Sweeny-A Commissioner Before the Legislature-John D. Stevenson Interrogates Lieutenant-Governor Reynolds -A Loaded Military Bill-General Lyon Arrives-The State Convention-Election of Delegates-Missouri Goes Union by 80,000 Majority-Dismay of the Southern Rights Democrats- Blair's Appeal to Lincoln-John F. Philips on the Delegates-Sterling Price Elected President-Minute Men Raise a Secession Flag-Riotous Scenes in Front of
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CONTENTS
Headquarters-The Legislature Refuses to Pass the Military Bill-Prompt Action by the Convention-Secession "Is Annihilation for Missouri"-Colonel Broadhead's Prediction -Price to Shackleford-The Convention Denounced in the Legislature-Police Control Taken from St. Louis-Lyon Promises Arms to Home Guards-The April Election .. . 239
CHAPTER XIV.
CAMP JACKSON.
Warlike Preparations-William Selby Harney-Plans to Capture the Arsenal-Lyon Patrols Streets-Muskets "to Arm Loyal Citizens"-Four Regiments of Home Guards Brigaded -Lincoln's Call for Soldiers-Governor Jackson's Defiance-Blair Grasps a Great Oppor- tunity-State Militia Seize Liberty Arsenal-Washington Warned-The Commissioners to Montgomery-General Frost's Suggestion-Jefferson Davis Sends Siege Guns-Mid- night Trip of the City of Alton-Lyon's Ruse with the Flintlocks-Governor Jackson Buys Ammunition-"Armed Neutrality"-Editorial Strategy-Champ Clark's Comments -A Pike County Mass Meeting-Confidential Letter from Jackson-Washington Recog- nises the Committee of Public Safety-Police Assert State Sovereignty-Camp Jackson -Forms of Loyalty-Arrival of Confederate Siege Guns-"Tamaroa Marble"-Lyon in Disguise-Night Session of the Committee-General Frost Protests-March on the Camp-The Surrender-Baptism of Blood-Mob Demonstrations-More Loss of Life -Sunday's Panic-The Legislature Acts-Passage of Military Bill-Peace Agreement- Harney Removed-A Pathetic Letter-What Capture of Camp Jackson Meant-Frank Blair's Foresight 257
CHAPTER XV.
THE STATE THE STAKE.
Missourians Against Missourians-A Final Effort for Peace-Lyon's Ultimatum-"This Means War"-Jackson's Proclamation-The State Guard Called Out-An Expedition Southwest-The State Capital Abandoned-Battle of Boonville-Its Far-reaching Sig- nificance-A Week's Important Events-Richmond's Early Missouri Policy-The March Southward-Home-made Ammunition-Historic Buck and Ball-Character of the State Guard-Battle of Carthage-The Honors With 2,000 Unarmed Missourians-Sigel's Masterly Retreat-Lyon Reaches Springfield-Polk and the Army of Liberation- Richmond at Last Heeds Missouri's Appeal-McCulloch Joins Forces with Price- Lyon Outnumbered-Fremont's Costly Delay-The Battle of Wilson's Creek-McCul- loch's Attack Anticipated-How the Missourians Fought-Death of Lyon-The State Wl'on for the Union -- Jeff Thompson's Dash for St. Louis-Grant Checks the Army of Liberation-The Battle of Lexington-A Great Victory for the State Guard-Ruse of the Hemp Bales-Fremont's Army of the West-The Marching Legislature at Neosho- Ordinance of Secession Passed-"A Solemn Agreement"-Fremont Removed-The Anti- Slavery Protest-Missouri the Kindergarten of the Il'ar 277
CHAPTER XVI.
CIVIL WAR IN MISSOURI.
A Great Emergency-The Man of the Hour-"Old Sanitary"-Organizing the Plan of Relief -Merciful Missourians Behind the Firing Lines-Major Hodges' Narrative-James E. Yeatman-The Sanitary Fair-Assessment of Southern Sympathisers-Dr. Eliot's
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CONTENTS
Protest to President Lincoln-How the Missouri Chaos "Stampeded" Sherman-A Leave of Absence-The Story of Insanity-A Long Hidden Confidential Letter-Hal- leck Called Upon to Explain-Missouri in the War Records-The Policy of Exter- mination-"War Is Butchery on a Grand Scale"-Guerrillas "Should Not Be Brought in as Prisoners"-"Forty-one Guerrillas Mustered Out by Our Boys in the Brush"- William F. Switsler on "The Reign of Terror"-Missouri Warfare as John F. Philips Saw It-Graphic Story of the Charge on a Church-Retaliation by Order of General Brown-Bill Anderson and the "Kansas First Guerrilla"-A Defiant Proclamation- The Death of Anderson-Depopulation Suggested for Boone County-A Man Hunt in the Lowlands of the Southeast-"We Killed in All Forty-seven"-The Paw Paw Mili- tia Controversy- Gen. Clinton B. Fisk's Reports-A Brush Expedition in Western Missouri-The War on Smugglers-Gen. John McNeil's Order to Burn-Fisk Said,
"Pursue and Kill" 29.5
CHAPTER XVII.
RECONSTRUCTION IN MISSOURI.
A State Without Civil Authority-The Secret Conference in a Newspaper Office-Midsum- mer Session of the Convention-State Offices Declared Vacant-The Provisional Government-Lieutenant-Governor Hall's Keynote-Judge Philips' Analysis of the Anomalous Conditions-Erratic Course of Uriel Wright-The Factional Spirit-Gov- ernor Gamble's Death-Charcoals and Claybanks-The Enrolled Militia-President Lin- coln's Advice to Schofield-The Seventy "Radical Union Men of Missouri"-Encourage- ment from the Anti-Slavery People-The Visit to Washington-Reception at the White House-Address of Grievances-Prayer for Ben Butler to Succeed Schofield-Enos Clarke's Recollections-Lincoln's Long Letter-What Was the Matter With Missouri- "Every Foul Bird Comes Abroad and Every Dirty Reptile Rises Up"-Common Sense Remedies-The Election of 1864-Blair on the Permit System-The Constitutional Con- vention-Immediate Emancipation, Test Oath and the "Ousting Ordinance"-The Revo- lutionary Proposition-Removal of 1,000 Judges and Court Officers-Judge Clover's Astonishingly Frank Report-Ousting Vital to the Reconstruction Policy-The Protests -The Ordinance Enforced-Justices of the Supreme Court Removed from the Bench- A Display of Military Force-Thomas K. Skinker's Valuable Contribution to Missouri History .319
CHAPTER XVIII.
MISSOURI AND THE CONFEDERACY.
Secrets of State-The Unpublished Memoirs of Thomas C. Reynolds-Missouri "A Sov- ereign, Free and Independent Republic"-Democratic Differences at Jefferson City-The Lieutenant-Governor's Animus-Price's Hesitation to Take Command-The Secret Plan of Campaign-Reynolds Starts for Richmond-The Harney-Price Agreement-Major Cabell Commissioned by Governor Jackson-The First Interview with Jefferson Davis- Refusal to Send an Army to Missouri-Price's Call for 50,000 Men-McElroy's Analysis of Price's Leadership-A Great Name to Conjure With-Admission of Missouri into the Confederacy-The Meeting at Neosho-First Congressional Delegation-The Movement against Davis-A Proposed Northwest Confederacy-Price's Disclaimer-The Alleged Quarrel with Davis-Shelby's Promotion-Quantrell and Lawrence-Recollections of a Participant in the Attack-The Palmyra Affair-An Account Written at the Time- Jefferson Davis' Demand for the Surrender of McNeil-Execution of Ten Federal Offi- cers Threatened-Gen. Curtis' Reply-Narrow Escape of General Cockrell-A Letter from John B. Clark-The Days of Rapid Reconciliation-Shelby and the United States Marshalship-Frost and Davis on the Confederate Policy. 339
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CONTENTS CHAPTER XIX.
STATE ADMINISTRATION.
Missouri's Governors-First General Assembly-McNair's Distinction-Low Cost of Living at St. Charles-Palmer's Experience-Miller's Record Breaking Service-Direct Elec- tion of President Recommended-First Capitol at Jefferson City-Jackson's Veto- Lottery Charters-The Plank Road Myth-United States Bank-An Overshadowing Issue-John O'Fallon's Record-Bank of Missouri Established-One-Third of Stock Taken by the State-Sound Money Policies-Missouri Flooded with "Shinplasters" from Outside-Panic of 1837-State Bank Notes Above Gold-Mysterious Robbery- Banking Legislation of 1857-The State's Stock Sold-Liquidation of the "Old State Bank"-Governor Reynolds on Abolitionists-The Atchison Issue-Hard Money the Issue in 1844-Governor Edwards' Sarcastic Account of Expenditures-"Hoss" Allen- Deadlock on Senatorship-Trusten Polk's Brief Term-The Stewart-Rollins Campaign -A Curious Application of Clemency-"Bob" Stewart's Patriotism-Negro Suffrage -- Fletcher's Opportunity to Profit-B. Grats Brown on Prison Reform-Governor Hardin's Pardon Record-Prophecy by Waldo P. Johnson-War Records in State Politics-Hatch, Cockrell and Vest-The State's Finances-How Missouri Bonds Became Gilt-Edged-Certificates of the School Fund-Diplomacy of Francis-Stone's Conservative Forcefulness 363
Missouri, The Center State
CHAPTER I.
THE TRAVAIL OF STATEHOOD.
Missouri's Centennial-The Petition for Admission-More Inhabitants than Illinois-A Torrent of New Comers-John Mason Peck's Experience-Prompt Action for Illinois- Senate and House Split on Missouri-Slave or Free-The Tallmadge Resolution- Arkansas Territory Created-Missourians Resent "Gross and Barefaced Usurpation"- Indignation at Old Franklin-Sentiments of Duff Green and Others-Grand Jury Utterances-The Baptist Ministers' Memorial-Alabama and Maine Precede-The Missouri Compromise-Another Hold Up-Senator Cockrell's Historical Researches- The Henry Clay Resolution-Quick Action on the Constitution-"Manumission Men"- The Only Anti-Slavery Delegate-The State Election-Senators Chosen-Barton and Benton-Champ Clark's Graphic Narrative-Leduc's Vow-The Sacrifice of Daniel Ralls-The Restriction Clause-An Absurd "Solemn Act"-President Monroe's Proc- lamation-Statehood Celebrated-Banfires and Illumination-The American Eagle and the Irish Harp-"Ring Tail Painter"-The McGirk and Duff Green Argument-Governor McNair-Capacity for Self-Government-Missouri "an American Republic."
Bear in mind, fellow citizens, that the question now before you is not whether slavery shall be per- mitted or prohibited in the future State of Missouri, but wheher we will meanly abandon our rights and suffer any earthly power to dictate the terms of our constitution .- The Missouri Gazette.
Missouri will be one hundred years old on the 10th day of August, 1921. The centennial should come earlier. In the fall of 1817, men of weight in St. Louis went up and down Rue Principal and American street with a paper. There was no lack of signatures. The paper was "a petition from sundry inhabitants of the Territory of Missouri praying that said Territory may be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States." Old Franklin, St. Charles, Herculaneum, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau, all of the population centers, added names.
It was high time for Missourians to act. Across the river, Illinois, some thousands less in population, was seeking statehood. Seven States had been added to the Thirteen. Missouri was growing faster than any of them. Rev. Dr. John Mason Peck came with that wonderful flow of immigration across the Mississippi. He wrote of it in his Memoir: "The 'new comers,' like a mountain torrent, poured into the country faster than it was possible to provide corn for bread stuff. Some families came in the spring of 1815; but in the winter, spring, summer and autumn of 1816, they came like an avalanche. It seemed as though Kentucky and Tennessee were breaking up and moving to the 'Far West.' Caravan after caravan passed over the prairies of Illinois, crossing the 'great river' at St. Louis, all bound to the Boone's Lick. The stream of immigration Vol. I-1
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MISSOURI, THE CENTER STATE
had not lessened in 1817. Many families came from Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia, and not a few from the Middle States, while a sprinkling found their way to the extreme West from Yankeedom and Yorkdom. Following in the wake of this exodus to the middle section of Missouri was a terrific excite- ment about getting land. My first visit in 1818 was at this crisis ; and I could not call at a cabin in the country without being accosted : 'Got a New Madrid claim ?' 'Are you one of these land speculators, stranger ?'"
Petition for Statehood.
On the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, January 8, 1818, the petition of the "sundry inhabitants of the Territory of Missouri" was presented to Con- gress by the Territorial Delegate, John Scott. That same month a petition was received from Illinois. Before the end of the year Congress had passed the necessary legislation, the convention had met at Kaskaskia to frame a constitution and Illinois was, in December, 1818, a State. But Missouri waited,-waited from January 8, 1818, to March 6, 1820, for the first formal answer to her prayer. In the meantime a game of national politics went on. Alabama put in a plea for admission. It was granted.
When the Union was formed there were seven free and six slave States. After that the policy was to admit a slave State and a free State alternately. Thus was preserved a kind of balance of power. Missouri's petition upset it. Senate and House wrangled long.
Representative Tallmadge of New York offered a resolution to make Mis- souri a free State. The provisions were that no more slaves should be taken into Missouri: that all children born of slaves then in Missouri should be free at twenty-five years of age. This would gradually abolish slavery in Missouri and make a free State. The House adopted the resolution. The Senate refused to concur. Arkansas Territory was created, but nothing more was done. The session ended with Missouri still waiting.
Week after week the one-horse mail brought the news of the heated debate and the deadlock. Along the Mississippi and up the Missouri resentment spread. The prominent men of the Boone's Lick country gathered at Franklin when the first steamboat arrived. To celebrate the event a banquet was given. It was turned into an indignation meeting. One after another the speakers arose and proposed sentiments in condemnation of Congress. Duff Green, who later became the editor of the administration organ at Washington, led off with: "The Union-it is dear to us but liberty is dearer."
Others followed, the expressions encouraged by the vigorous applause which greeted them :
By Dr. James H. Benson-"The Territory of Missouri-May she emerge from her present degraded condition."
By Stephen Rector-"May the Missourians defend their rights, if necessary, even at the expense of blood, against the unprecedented restriction which was attempted to be imposed on them by the Congress of the United States."
By Dr. Dawson-"The next Congress-May they be men consistent in their construction of the Constitution; and when they admit new States into the Union, be actuated less by a spirit of compromise, than the just rights of the people."
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THE TRAVAIL OF STATEHOOD
By N. Patton, Jr .- "The Missouri Territory-Its future prosperity and greatness cannot be checked by the caprice of a few men in Congress, while it possesses a soil of inexhaustible fertility, abundant resources, and a body of intelligent, enterprising, independent freemen."
By Maj. J. D. Wilcox- "The citizens of Missouri-May they never become a member of the Union, under the restriction relative to slavery."
Missourians' Protests.
The St. Louis grand jury put forth a declaration "that the late attempt by the Congress of the United States to restrict us in the free exercise of rights in the formation of a constitution and form of state government for ourselves is an unconstitutional and unwarrantable usurpation of power over our inalienable rights and privileges as a free people."
The Missouri Gazette, which had inclined to the emancipation side, was out- spoken in condemning Congress: "It has been reserved for the House of Representatives of the present Congress to commit the most gross and barefaced usurpation that has yet been committed. They have engrafted on the bill for our admission into the Union a provision that 'the state constitution shall pro- hibit the further introducing of slavery; and that all children born of slaves shall be free at the age of five and twenty years.' Bear in mind, fellow citizens, that the question now before you is not whether slavery shall be permitted or prohibited in the future State of Missouri, but whether we will meanly abandon our rights and suffer any earthly power to dictate the terms of our constitu- tion."
The grand jury of Jefferson County returned to the court a protest against the action of Congress which said: "We have beheld with equal surprise and regret the attempt made in the last Congress to dictate to the people of Missouri an article in their constitution prohibiting further introduction of slavery in their State, or debar them from the rights of state sovereignty if they would not submit to such restriction. That slavery is an evil we do not pretend to deny, but, on the contrary, would most cheerfully join in any measure to abolish it, provided those means were not likely to produce greater evils to the people than the one complained of; but we hold the power of regulating this, or applying a remedy to this evil, to belong to the States and not to Congress. The Constitution of the United States which creates Congress gives to it all its powers, and limits those of the States; and although that Constitution empowers Congress to admit new States into the Union, yet it neither does, by express grant nor necessary implication, authorize that body to make the whole or any part of the constitution of such State."
Even the ministers joined in the general protest. A memorial was adopted by the Baptist Association "at Mt. Pleasant Meeting House" in Howard County : "We have all the means necessary for a state government, and believe that the question of slavery is one which belongs exclusively to the people to decide on."
Jefferson's Apprehensions.
Very seriously this issue over the admission of Missouri was taken by the whole country. In December, 1819, Thomas Jefferson wrote to John Adams: "The banks, bankrupt law, manufacturers, Spanish treaty, are nothing. These
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MISSOURI, THE CENTER STATE
are occurrences which, like waves in a storm, will pass under a ship. But the Missouri question is a breaker on which we lose the Missouri country by revolt and what more God only knows. From the battle of Bunker Hill to the treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous a question."
Two months later, in February 1820, while Congress was still wrestling with the problem, Mr. Jefferson in a letter to Hugh Nelson, said: "The Missouri ques- tion is the most portentous one which ever yet threatened our Union. In the gloomiest moment of the Revolutionary war I never had any apprehensions equal to what I feel from this source."
When Congress reassembled in December, 1819, the Territory of Maine was there asking admission as a free State. The Senate offered to pair Maine and Missouri and admit them together. In the House the determination that Mis- souri should be a free State had grown stronger. Northern men outnumbered Southern men in the House. The sectional line had become sharply marked. Missouri was not in the cotton-growing region the Northern Congressmen urged. While the early settlers were largely from slave States, there were compara- tively few slaves in the territory,-not one-sixth of the population. The Senate argued that Congress could not impose conditions on admission to statehood ; that the House resolution would violate the treaty of purchase of Louisiana. In March, 1820, the first Missouri Compromise was reached. It was the proposition of Senator Thomas of Illinois. Maine was admitted as a free State. Missouri was given permission to frame a state constitution without restriction as to slavery. But the compromise provided that from all of the rest of the Louisiana Purchase north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, which was the western extension of the southern boundary of Missouri, slavery was foverer excluded.
In the course of the discussion Henry Clay took a position which Missourians never forgot : "A State in the quarter of the country from which I come, asks to be admitted into the Union. What say the gentlemen who ask for the admis- sion of Maine? Why, they will not admit Missouri without a condition whichi strips her of one essental attribute of sovereignty. What, then, do I say to them? That justice is due to all parts of the Union. Equality is equality, and if it is right to make the restriction of slavery the condition for the admission of Mis- souri, it is equally just to make the admission of Missouri the condition for that of Maine."
The vote on the compromise was taken in the House on the 2nd of March, 1820. It was ninety to eighty-seven. Passage was made possible by three men- bers absenting themselves and four changing their votes. Frederick W. Leh- mann, late solicitor-general of the United States, addressing the Missouri His- torical Society in 1914, said the compromise "did not draw all of the Representa- tives of the South to the support of the measure, and it was bitterly antagonized by the radical element, among whom was Randolph, who characterized the eigli- teen Northern members supporting it, and without whose votes it must have failed, as 'doughfaces,' a name from that time applied in our politics to Northern men with pro-slavery principles. On the morning following the adoption of the report of the conference committee, Randolph moved a reconsideration of the vote on the Missouri bill, but was held by the Speaker, Clay, to be out of order until the regular morning business was disposed of. While the morning business was on, Clay signed the bill, and the clerk took it at once to the Senate. When at
5
THE TRAVAIL OF STATEHOOD
the close of the morning hour, Randolph again rose and moved a reconsideration he was told that he was too late as the bill was no longer in the possession of the House. The relations between Randolph and Clay were already strained and what Randolph felt was a trick on Clay's part did not serve to improve them."
The enmity between the two statesmen grew until it led to a duel of which Benton was a spectator and of which he wrote a fascinating description North- ern Congressmen who voted for the bill were denounced and burned in effigy by their angry constituents. President Monroe had his doubts about the con- stitutionality of the measure. Much had been brought out in the debate on that point. Mr. Lehmann said, "When the bill came to President Monroe for signature, he submitted to his cabinet the question whether Congress had constitutional authority to prohibit slavery in a Territory. And they all, Adams, Crawford, Calhoun and Wirt, answered yes. He asked further whether the provision inter- dicting slavery 'forever' applied to the territorial status alone or was binding as well on the State formed out of the territory. The Southern members, Craw- ford, Calhoun and Wirt, held that it applied only to the territorial status, while Adams held it was binding on the State. To preserve the appearance of unanim- ity, the question was changed to, 'Is the eighth section of the Missouri bill in- consistent with the Constitution.' Each of the Secretaries having in mind his own construction of the bill answered yes." Monroe decided to sign.
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