USA > Missouri > Missouri the center state, 1821-1915 > Part 39
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Union men were shocked at the bloodshed. One delegation went to Wash- ington to urge the removal of Lyon. Another delegation went to urge Lyon's retention. The Committee of Public Safety sent on its report of the Camp Jackson affair, and every member signed the declaration indorsing Lyon's act. General Harney investigated and reported that the taking of Camp Jackson was justifiable. Lyon was made a brigadier-general. He followed up the Camp Jackson success by stationing strong detachments in different parts of the city. In the meantime the interior of the state was taking important action.
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Prompt Action at the State Capital.
The military bill had dragged along through the regular session of the legislature. It had been taken up in the special session on the 2nd of May. In the afternoon of the Ioth of May, Governor Jackson came into the representatives' hall and told members of the capture of Camp Jackson. The military bill was being discussed at the time, Union men resisting action as they had from the beginning in January. "In an instant," said Snead, "all resistance gave way and within fifteen minutes the bill had passed both houses and was awaiting the governor's signature."
Late that night an alarm was given by the church bells. The members of the legislature were called together. Governor Jackson notified the members that "two of Mr. Blair's regiments were on the way to the capital." About midnight an act was passed giving authority to "the governor to take such measures as he might deem necessary or proper to repel invasion or put down rebellion." It carried an appropriation of $30,000. Governor Jackson sent armed men to hold the Missouri Pacific bridges over the Osage and the Gasconade. One of the squads exceeded orders and set the Osage bridge on fire.
The military bill was well conceived. It made of each congressional district a division. It put in command of each division a brigadier-general. Imme- diately after the Camp Jackson affair the generals of the division were appointed. Alexander W. Doniphan, the famous "Xenophon" Doniphan of the march across the plains to New Mexcio, was offered one of these commissions. He declined and remained a Union man. The divisions of the Missouri State Guard as it was called, as finally organized, were:
First Division, M. Jeff Thompson.
Second Division, Thomas A. Harris.
Third Division, M. L. Clark.
Fourth Division, William Y. Slack.
Fifth Division, A. E. Steen.
Sixth Division, M. M. Parsons.
Seventh Division, J. H. McBride.
Eighth Division, James L. Rains.
These brigadier-generals were ordered to make an enrollment of men fit for military duty and to drill them for service. They were well chosen in respect to ability. Parsons, Clark and Slack had been in the Mexican war and had given good account of themselves. That the ultimate purpose of the State Guard was well understood by the men who organized it was apparent later. Parsons became a major-general in the Confederate army. Clark, Slack, Steen and Rains became brigadier-generals.
Wm. Y. Slack went at the organization of the fourth military district with energy. He was a lawyer at Chillicothe and had been a captain with Doniphan's expedition to Mexico. A paper was passed among the southern rights men at Livingston County and quite a sum of money was raised. The purpose of the subscription was "to defend our homes against the invader." With this credit, Slack placed an order at a Hannibal foundry for the casting of two cannon, six pounders. The guns were ready for shipment to Chillicothe about the Ist of June. The railroad refused to take the shipment. The foundry people loaded the guns into a covered wagon, concealed them with straw and
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started the outfit overland. William A. Wilson, the driver, told all inquirers he was bound for Pike's Peak. But word reached St. Louis of the shipment of the cannon. The Home Guard at Brookfield was ordered to intercept Wilson. Twenty well-mounted men set out over the dirt road, captured the wagon near St. Catherines and drove furiously into Brookfield. They were only one hour ahead of the escort General Slack had sent out to meet and convoy his artillery. As the contract with the Hannibal foundry called for payment on delivery, the Chillicothe people never paid for the cannon. Twenty-five years afterwards the subscription list was still held as a souvenir by Congressman Charles H. Mansur.
John S. Marmaduke was stationed with his command of regulars at Fort Laramie when officers of the army faced the question under which government. He came home to Missouri and talked it over with his father. Virginian and slaveholder, the ex-governor was strongly against secession.
" John," he said, as a member of the family recalled the conference, " there can be but one result. You will sacrifice your profession. Secession will fail. Slavery will be abolished. But you must decide for yourself, following your own convictions."
The young officer resigned his commission in the United States army and organized a regiment under the military bill. Many of his men were from Saline County. As the organization approached completion and was about ready to leave for Jefferson City, the father of the young colonel was invited to address the regiment. He knew many of the young soldiers and he knew the fathers of more of them. The regiment was drawn up at Marshall to receive the ex-governor. The address was made; it was along the same line as the counsel which had been given the son. The elder Marmaduke told the regiment that secession could not succeed; that they had enlisted in a cause that was bound to fail. The speech was not well received. In the Marmaduke family the issue of 1861 found a division of sentiment not infrequent among the families of Central Missouri. Many of the elders saw beyond the glamor of war and were against secession. Military ardor carried the sons into the field.
The Price-Harney Agreement.
On the 17th of May the Federal court at St. Louis issued warrants "to preserve the peace of St. Louis and promote the tranquility of Missouri." These warrants authorized United States Marshal Rawlings to seize war material. With the one-armed Captain Sweeny and a squad of regulars, the marshal went to the state tobacco warehouse on Washington avenue and Sixth street. There he took possession of several hundred rifles and pistols and some boxes of ammunition. The marshal then called at the metropolitan police head- quarters on Chestnut street near Third and took possession of two cannon and many rifles. All of this was done at the instance of General Harney. Then the southern rights people proposed a truce. This agreement was entered into by Price and Harney :
"St. Louis, May 21, 1861.
"The undersigned, officers of the United States government and of the government of the State of Missouri, for the purpose of removing misapprehensions and allaying public excitement, deem it proper to declare publicly that they have this day had a personal inter-
.
GEN. A. J. SMITH
GEN. W. T. SHERMAN
GEN. ALTON R. EASTON
GEN. W. S. HARNEY
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view in this city, in which it has been mutually understood, without the semblance of dissent on either part, that each of them has no other than a common object equally interesting and important to every citizen of Missouri-that of restoring peace and good order to the people of the State in subordination to the laws of the general and state governments. It being thus understood, there seems no reason why every citizen should not confide in the proper officers of the general and state governments to restore quiet, and, as among the best means of offering no counter-influences, we mutually recommend to all persons to respect each other's rights throughout the State, making no attempt to exercise unauthorized powers, as it is the determination of the proper authorities to suppress all unlawful proceedings, which can only disturb the public peace.
"General Price, having by commission full authority over the militia of the State of Missouri, undertakes, with the sanction of the governor of the State already declared, to direct the whole power of the state officers to maintain order within the State among the people thereof, and General Harney publicly declares that, this object being thus assured, he can have no other occasion, as he has no wish, to make military movements, which might otherwise create excitements and jealousies which he most earnestly desires to avoid.
"We, the undersigned, do mutually enjoin upon the people of the State to attend to their civil business of whatever sort it may be, and it is hoped that the unquiet elements which have threatened so seriously to disturb public peace may soon subside and be remembered only to be deplored.
"STERLING PRICE, "Major-General Missouri State Guard. "WILLIAM S. HARNEY, "Brigadier-General Commanding."
The Removal of Harney.
Blair wrote to the Secretary of War: "The agreement between Harney and General Price gives me great disgust and dissatisfaction to the Union'men; but I am in hopes we can get along with it, and I think Harney will insist on its execution to the fullest extent, in which case it will be satisfactory." At the time Blair was carrying in his pocket an order for Harney's removal, given him by President Lincoln with the understanding it would not be served unless necessary. After a few days Blair concluded that Price was not keeping faith with Harney. He served the order of removal. Harney wrote to the adjutant- general at Washington this pathetic letter :
"My confidence in the honor and integrity of General Price, in the purity of his motives, and in his loyalty to the government, remains unimpaired. His course as president of the ยท state convention that voted by a large majority against submitting an ordinance of secession, and his efforts since that time to calm the elements of discord, have served to confirm the high opinion of him I have for many years entertained.
"My whole course as commander of the department of the west has been dictated by a desire to carry out in good faith the instructions of my government, regardless of the clamor of the conflicting elements surrounding me, and whose advice and dictation could not be followed without involving the State in blood and the government in the unnecessary expenditure of millions. Under the course I pursued Missouri was secured to the Union, and the triumph of the government was only the more glorious, being almost a bloodless victory ; but those who clamored for blood have not ceased to impugn my motives. Twice within a brief space of time have I been relieved from the command here; the second time in a manner that has inflicted unmerited disgrace upon a true and loyal soldier. During a long life, dedicated to my country, I have seen some service, and more than once I have held her honor in my hands; and during that time my loyalty, I believe, was never questioned; and now, when in the natural course of things I shall, before the lapse of many years, lay aside the sword which has so long served my country, my countrymen will be slow to believe that I have chosen this portion of my career to damn with treason my life, which is so soon to become a record of the past, and which I shall most willingly leave to the unbiased judg- Vol. 1- 18
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ment of posterity. I trust that I may yet be spared to do my country some further service that will testify to the love I bear her, and that the vigor of my arm may never relax while there is a blow to be struck in her defense.
"I respectfully ask to be assigned to the command of the department of California, and I doubt not the present commander of the division is even now anxious to serve on the Atlantic frontier.
"I am, sir, very respecefully, your obedient servant,
"WM. S. HARNEY, "Brigadier-General U. S. Army."
General Harney, realizing that the second removal from command at St. Louis made it impossible for him to ask reinstatement there, offered to go to California. He started for Washington but on the way was taken prisoner by the Confederates when the train was captured at Harper's Ferry. The Con- federate authorities at Richmond immediately ordered his release when he was brought there. Harney's mission to Washington was fruitless so far as transfer to California was concerned. He remained on the active list but without being given a command until 1863, when he was retired as a brigadier-general. At the close of the war the government attempted to repair the injustice done by brevetting him major-general.
Blair wrote to President Lincoln on the 30th of May, 1861, asking authority to recruit a large force of Missourians. "We are well able to take care of ourselves in this State without assistance from elsewhere if authorized to raise a sufficient force within the State; and after that work is done we can take care of the secessionists from the Arkansas line to the Gulf, along the west shore of the Mississippi."
What the Capture of Camp Jackson Meant.
Champ Clark said, " If Frank Blair had never captured Camp Jackson - for it was Blair who conceived and carried out that great strategic movement, and not Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, of New England, as the Northern war books say - Missouri would have joined the Confederacy under the lead of Governor Claiborne F. Jackson and Gen. Sterling Price, the peerless soldier, and, with her vast resources to command, Lee's soldiers would not have been starved and broken into surrender.
" When we consider the men who were against Blair it is astounding that he succeeded. To say nothing of scores, then unknown to fame, who were conspicuous soldiers in the Confederate army and who have since held high political position, arrayed against him were the governor of the State, Claiborne F. Jackson; the lieutenant-governor, Thomas C. Reynolds; Ex-United States Senator David R. Atchison; United States Senators Trusten Polk and James S. Green, the latter of whom had no superior in intellect or as a debater upon this continent; Waldo P. Johnson, elected to succeed Green in March, 1861, and the well-beloved ex-governor and ex-brigadier-general in the Mexican war, Sterling Price, by long odds the most popular man in the State.
" No man between the two oceans drew his sword with more reluctance or used it with more valor than ' Old Pap Price.' The statement is not too extrava- gant or fanciful for belief that had he been the sole and absolute commander of the Confederates who won the battle of Wilson's Creek, he would have rescued Missouri from the Unionists.
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" The thing that enabled Blair to succeed was his settled conviction from the first that there would be war -a war of coercion. While others were hoping against hope that war could be averted or, at least, that Missouri could be kept out of it, even if it did come- while others were making constitutional arguments, while others were temporizing or dallying-he acted. Believing that the questions at issue could be settled only by the sword, and also believing in Napoleon's maxim that 'God fights on the side of the heaviest battalions,' he grimly made ready for the part which he intended to play in the bloody drama."
CHAPTER XV.
THE STATE THE STAKE.
Missourians Against Missourians-A Final Effort for Peace-Lyon's Ultimatum-"This Means War"-Jackson's Proclamation-The State Guard Called Out-An Expedition Southwest-The State Capital Abandoned-Battle of Boonville-Its Far-reaching Sig- nificance-A Week's Important Events-Richmond's Early Missouri Policy-The March Southward-Home-made Ammunition-Historic Buck and Ball-Character of the State Guard-Battle of Carthage-The Honors With 2,000 Unarmed Missourians-Sigel's Masterly Retreat-Lyon Reaches Springfield-Polk and the Army of Liberation- Richmond at Last Heeds Missouri's Appeal-McCulloch Joins Forces with Price- Lyon Outnumbered-Fremant's Costly Delay-The Battle of Wilson's Creek-McCul- loch's Attack Anticipated-How the Missourians Fought-Death of Lyan-The State Won for the Union-Jeff Thompson's Dash for St. Louis-Grant Checks the Army of Liberation-The Battle of Lexington-A Great Victory for the State Guard-Ruse of the Hemp Bales -- Fremont's Army of the West-The Marching Legislature at Neosho- Ordinance of Secession Passed-"A Solemn Agreement"-Fremant Removed-The Anti- Slavery Protest-Missouri the Kindergarten of the War.
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Rather than concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand that my government shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own will into or out of or through the State; rather than concede to the State of Missouri for one single moment the right to dictate to my government in any matter, however unimportant, I would see you, and you, and you, and every man, woman and child dead and buried. This means war. In an hour one of my officers will call for you and conduct you out of my lines .- General Nathaniel Lyon.
Missourians went to war with Missourians on the 12th of June, 1861. The last futile effort to keep peace within the State was made the night before. William A. Hall, David H. Armstrong and J. Richard Barret appealed to Governor Jackson and Gen. Sterling Price to meet Blair and Lyon for confer- ence. Thomas T. Gantt, the warm personal friend of Blair, joined with Mr. Hall in persuading Lyon. Safe conduct was given the governor and Price. The paper stipulated that if they " should visit St. Louis on or before the 12th of June, in order to hold an interview for the purpose of effecting, if possible, a peaceable solution of the troubles of Missouri, they should be free from molestation or arrest during their journey to St. Louis, and their return from St. Louis to Jefferson City."
On the evening of the 11th the conference was held in the Planters House. Six men were in it. Blair and Lyon represented the national government, Major Conant attending as Blair's aide. Governor Jackson and General Price repre- sented the state government, Thomas L. Snead being present as the governor's aide. For more than four hours these men argued about the relations between the United States and the State of Missouri. That was the issue,-state sovereignty. Blair, at first, spoke for the Federal authority. But Lyon soon got into the discussion. Snead said: "In half an hour it was he that was conducting it, holding his own at every point against Jackson and Price, masters
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though they were of Missouri politics, whose course they had been directing and controlling for years, while he was only captain of an infantry regiment on the plains. He had not, however, been a mere soldier in those days, but had been an earnest student of the very questions that he was now discussing, and he comprehended the matter as well as any man, and handled it in the soldierly way to which he had been bred, using the sword to cut knots that he could not untie."
It became plain to the six men that there was no middle ground on which they could agree. Lyon ended the conference. He said, finally, without passion but with deliberation and emphasis: "Rather than concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand that my government shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own will into, out of, or through the State; rather than concede to the State of Missouri for one single instant the right to dictate to my government in any matter however unimportant, I would see you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every man, woman and child in the State dead and buried."
As he closed, he stood up and pointed in turn to each of the other five men in the room, not excepting Blair and Conant. Then he addressed Governor Jackson: "This means war. In an hour one of my officers will call for you and conduct you out of my lines."
It did mean war. Lyon "strode from the room, rattling his spurs and clanking his sabre." He went from the Planters House conference to telegraph for 5,000 more muskets and for authority to enlist more Missourians. The War Department answered immediately and favorably. This meant organization of Home Guards outside St. Louis, wherever there was strong Union senti- ment, to fight State Guards.
Jackson Burns His Bridges.
Jackson, Price and Snead went from the Planters' to the old Missouri Pacific depot and took the evening train for Jefferson City. They burned their bridges behind them,- the Gasconade and the Osage, as soon as Price could give the orders to waiting State Guards. All of the way to Jefferson City that Tuesday night, they planned war measures. It was agreed the gover- nor would issue a proclamation and call Missourians to arms to resist Federal aggression ; that Price would muster an army; that an appeal would be made to Jefferson Davis to send Confederate troops to defend Missouri against the Union. The plans were formed when the little party left the train at Jefferson City after 2 o'clock in the morning. Before sunrise Snead had completed the proclamation as the governor outlined it and the printers were putting it in type. No state official slept that night. The packing of records and state papers went on. Wednesday morning brought such scenes as no other American state capital had witnessed. The entire official organization of a State still in the Union was preparing to evacuate the seat of government, not to escape a foreign enemy but the authority of the national government of which it was a part.
To all parts of the State the proclamation of the governor was sent out on Wednesday. It set forth the irreconcilable differences of the Planters House conference, which meant war. Nothing was said about slavery. Asserting that
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the state authorities had " labored faithfully to keep the agreement with Harney, Governor Jackson continued :
"We had an interview on the 11th inst. with General Lyon and Colonel F. P. Blair, Jr., at which I submitted to them this proposition: That I would disband the State Guard and break up its organization; that I would disarm all the companies which had been armed by the State ; that I would pledge myself not to attempt to organize the militia under the military bill; that no arms or other munitions of war should be brought into the State; that I would protect all citizens equally in all their rights, regardless of their political opinions; that I would suppress all insurrectionary movements within the State; that I would repel all attempts to invade it from whatever quarter and by whomsoever made; and that I would thus maintain a strict neutrality in the present unhappy contest, and preserve the peace of the State. And I further proposed that I would, if necessary, invoke the assistance of the United States troops to carry out these pledges. All this I proposed to do upon condition that the Federal government would undertake to disarm the Home Guards, which it has illegally organized and armed throughout the State, and pledge itself not to occupy with its troops any locality not occupied by them at this time.
"Nothing but the most earnest desire to avert the horrors of civil war from our State could have tempted me to propose these humiliating terms. They were rejected by the Federal officers. They demanded not only the disorganization and disarming of the state militia and the nullification of the military bill, but they refused to disarm their own Home Guards and insisted that the Federal government should enjoy att unrestricted right to move and station its troops throughout the State, whenever and wherever that might, in the opinion of its officers, be necessary for the protection of the 'loyal subjects' of the Federal govern- ment, or repelling of invasion; and they plainly announced that it was the intention of the administration to take military occupation, under these pretexts, of the whole State, and to reduce it, as avowed by General Lyoti himself, to 'the exact condition of Maryland.'
"The acceptance by me of these degrading terms would not only have sullied the honor of Missouri, but would have aroused the indignation of every brave citizen, and would have precipitated the very conflict that it has been my aim to prevent. We refused to accede to them and the conference was broken up."
Rallying the State Guard.
Governor Jackson concluded by "calling the militia of the State to the num- ber of 50,000 into the active service of the State, for the purpose of repelling said invasion, and for the protection of the lives, liberties, and property of the citizens of this State. And I earnestly exhort all good citizens of Missouri to rally under the flag of their State, for the protection of their homes and firesides, and for the defense of their most sacred rights and dearest privileges."
Before Wednesday night the proclamation was on the way to all parts of the State, but not as it would have been distributed in this later day. When Missourians went to war with Missourians conditions were far different. It is well that this be borne in mind. The rapid succession of strange and startling events of those June days of 1861 can be better understood. No railroad reached Kansas City. The Missouri Pacific stopped at Sedalia. The Wabash as it is now called, then the North Missouri, had been built only half way across the State. The Frisco, then the Southwest Branch, had its terminus at Rolla. The Iron Mountain ended at Ironton. Missouri's railroad development was in the first decade of its development. The telegraphic facilities were meagre. Jackson's proclamation was carried to many communities by couriers. But before Thursday night men were riding away from their homes to Boon- ville, to Lexington, to other rallying places.
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