USA > Missouri > Missouri the center state, 1821-1915 > Part 35
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The Secession Leader.
The new lieutenant-governor, Thomas C. Reynolds, was more outspoken than Governor Jackson. While Reynolds had been nominally for Douglas in the state campaign, he took the leadership of the secessionists as soon as the assembly met. He issued an address the opening day of the session, declaring against the peace policy of the Buchanan administration. He argued for immediate and thorough militia organization "putting the State in complete condition of defense." Plainly indicating what this meant, he said that if there was not an adjustment between the North and South before March 4, the inauguration of the Republican admin- istration, Missouri "should not permit Mr. Lincoln to exercise any act of govern- ment" within the State.
Reynolds' address to the public appeared a few hours before the messages of the retiring and the incoming governors. He had prepared himself well for the part he was to take. In the December preceding, while Congress was in session, Reynolds passed some time in Washington, conferring with the Southern leaders. He fully assured himself that the South would secede and that hostilities would follow the inauguration of Lincoln. Confident that he knew the situation, the lieutenant-governor did not hesitate to take the most advanced position of the Southern Rights Democrats of Missouri. His address was out on the 3d of January. The 4th of January was a "Day of National Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer," so appointed by President Buchanan in the hope of averting war. No- where was it observed more devoutly than in Missouri. On the 5th of January bills in line with the suggestions of Reynolds were introduced in the legislature. They were received with enthusiasm by the younger Democrats. Reynolds ap- pointed the senate committees with strong southern rights chairmen to carry out his policy. The lieutenant-governor was in his fortieth year, "a short full- bodied man, with jet black hair and eyes shaded with gold-rimmed glasses. He spoke French, German and Spanish fluently, wrote profusely and with considerable force." He was particularly insistent that Missouri should declare her position on the question of "coercion." In his address he held that the National Govern- Vol.I -16
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ment had no right to compel any State to remain in the Union against its will; that it could not use force in any way to collect revenues or excute laws in a seceding State. He even denounced the course of President Buchanan and said : "To levy tribute, molest commerce, or hold fortresses are as much acts of war as to bombard a city."
For a short time it seemed as if the southern rights policy of Reynolds would sweep the legislature. George G. Vest was a member; he introduced a resolu- tion declaring so "abhorrent was the doctrine of coercion, that any attempt at such would result in the people of Missouri rallying on the side of their Southern brethren to resist to the last extremity." The resolution passed with only one negative in the senate and fourteen in the house.
Another of the lieutenant-governor's recommendations was that a state con- vention be called. In a few days after the organization of the assembly one of the committees brought in a bill for such a convention "to consider the relations of the State of Missouri to the United States and to adopt measures vindicating the sovereignty of the State and the protection of her instituions." This measure passed with only two negatives in the senate and eighteen in the house.
The legislature which met at Jefferson City the beginning of 1861 was over- whelmingly Democratic, as the members classified themselves. In the senate were twenty-five Democrats, seven Unionists, and one Republican. In the house were eighty-five Democrats, thirty-five Unionists and twelve Republicans. Most of the Republicans were from the German wards of St. Louis. But there were three kinds of Democrats, as in the Presidential election. There were Democrats who believed in local option on the slavery question in the Territories ; Democrats who condemned "all this fuss about the nigger"; Democrats who were ready to go out of the Union now that Lincoln had been elected. In the early days of the session the lines of cleavage in the Democratic party shaded so fine that the sentiment of the majority seemed to drift one way and then the other as the questions of policy were presented.
The Arsenal Issue.
In the matter of property rights as well as in other relations between the United States and the States this country has traveled far since 1861. According to the southern rights view, the right of secession carried with it ownership of government property within the seceding State. Missouri secessionists had no doubt that the arsenals as well as other government property would belong to Missouri the day that they adopted an ordinance of secession. They had, the first two months of 1861, no doubt Missouri was going to secede. But pending that action possession of the arsenals and the disposition of the contents gave great concern.
The United States had two arsenals in Missouri. One, the smaller, was at Liberty. This had been of considerable importance when Liberty was on the border of the Indian country and the principal frontier community, previous to the Platte purchase. At the beginning of 1861, the Liberty arsenal contained some hundreds of muskets, ten or twelve cannon and a large amount of powder for those days.
But the St. Louis arsenal was one of the most important in the whole country. Those were the days of river transportation, it must be remembered. The St.
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Louis arsenal was the supply depot of war material for the entire West. It occu- pied fifty-six acres of ground, was surrounded by a massive stone wall, except upon the river frontage. Within the enclosure were four great stone buildings forming a square. In January, 1861, the St. Louis arsenal contained 60,000 stands of arms, nearly all of them Enfield and Springfield rifles. In all of the South, outside of Missouri, there were only 150,000 muskets. In addition to these rifles the arsenal contained 1,500,000 cartridges, 90,000 pounds of powder, several siege guns, the field pieces to equip a number of batteries, a large stock of equipment of various kinds. There were ordnance shops and machinery for the manufacture of war material. The arsenal was on a slope to the river's edge with hills of considerable height to the west and south. In the growth of the city these heights were afterwards graded down.
Maj. William Haywood Bell, a West Pointer, a native of North Carolina, an ordnance officer, had been in command at the arsenal for a long time. With him were a few staff officers. The workmen were unarmed. There was practically no guard save watchmen at the beginning of 1861. The few United States soldiers were stationed at Jefferson Barracks, several miles below the city. Bell had been at the arsenal so long that he felt himself a St. Louisan. He had in- vested in St. Louis real estate.
Southern rights leaders in Missouri were fully agreed that the arsenals at Liberty and St. Louis, with their contents would become state property when secession took place. They disagreed as to the policy which should be pursued by them before secession. The younger and more impetuous wanted immediate action. They planned to get control of the arsenals before the State seceded. They advocated forcible seizure, arguing that such course would insure secession. The older leaders counseled waiting for secession sentiment to develop. They insisted upon legal forms.
On the 8th of January, Brigadier-General Frost, commanding the state militia at St. Louis, went to the arsenal and had a talk with Major Bell. He reported to Governor Jackson that the interview was satisfactory. He said:
"I found the major everything that you or I could desire. He assured me that he considered that Missouri had, whenever the time came, a right to claim it (the arsenal) as being on her soil. He asserted his determination to defend it against any and all irre- sponsible mobs, come from whence they might, but at the same time gave me to understand that he would not attempt any defence against the proper state authorities. He promised me, upon the honor of an officer and a gentleman, that he would not suffer any arms to be removed from the place without first giving me timely information, and I promised him, in return that I would use all the force at my command to prevent him being annoyed by irresponsible persons. I, at the same time, gave him notice that, if affairs assumed so threatening a character as to render it unsafe to leave the place in its comparatively unpro- tected condition, I might come down and quarter a proper force there to protect it from assaults of any persons whatsoever, to which he assented. In a word the major is with us, where he ought to be, for all his worldly wealth lies here in St. Louis (and it is very large), and then again, his sympathies are with us."
Frost immediately issued a confidential notice to the militia officers that "upon the bells of the churches sounding a continuous peal, interrupted by a pause of five minutes, they should assemble with their men in their armories and await further notice." A copy of the notice was carried at once to Blair. In those days each
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side had trusted men who reported promptly every move of one to the other. Archbishop Kenrick was seen and asked to prevent this use of the Catholic bells. Blair sent a copy of Frost's notice to General Scott with his interpretation of it as meaning the plan of the State to get possession of the arsenal. Montgomery Blair in Washington, Governor Richard Yates of Illinois and President-elect Lincoln indorsed Frank Blair's request that somebody be sent to supersede Bell. In a few days Major Bell was ordered East and Maj. Peter B. Hagner of the District of Columbia was sent to the arsenal as ordnance officer in control.
St. Louis Organizers.
Among the leading citizens of St. Louis who were against both secession and coercion were Hamilton R. Gamble, Uriel Wright, Robert Campbell and James E. Yeatman. They called a monster mass meeting in St. Louis early in January. Resolutions were adopted declaring that "the rights and property of all sections of the country could be better protected within the American Union than by destroying the government." They also indorsed the new Crittenden peace propo- sitions, entreated the government and the seceding States to stay the arm of military power, and advised a state convention "to protect the union of the States and the rights and authority of this State under the Constitution."
On the IIth of January Mayor O. D. Filley sent to the common council the following :
"A very general and unusual excitement prevails in our community, and, although I do not apprehend that any actual disturbance or interference with the rights of our citizens will ensue, yet I deem it best that all proper precautionary measures should be taken to prepare for any event. I would, hence, recommend that the members of the council, from each ward, select from among their best citizens such a number of men as the exigencies of the case may seem to require and organize them to be ready for any emergency. Our citizens are entitled to the full protection of the laws and must have it."
On the 12th of January Archbishop Kenrick published a card to the Catholics of St. Louis advising them to avoid all occasions of public excitement :
"To the Roman Catholics of St. Louis :
"Beloved Brethren: In the present disturbed state of the public mind, we feel it our duty to recommend you to avoid all occasions of public excitement, to obey the laws, to respect the rights of all citizens and to keep away, as much as possible, from all assemblages where the indiscretion of a word, or the impetuosity of a momentary passion might endanger public tranquillity. Obey the injunction of the Apostle St. Peter: 'Follow peace with all men and holiness, without which no man can see God.'
"PETER RICHARD KENRICK,
"Archbishop of St. Louis."
The Committee of Public Safety was organized. At the head of it was Oliver Dwight Filley. The other members were Samuel T. Glover, Francis P. Blair, Jr., J. J. Witzig, John How and James O. Broadhead. These six men received their commission to act from a mass meeting of unconditional Union men. Republicans, Douglas Democrats and Bell and Everett Democrats united in this movement. They had but one plank in their platform-"unalterable fidelity to the Union under all circumstances." Previous to the 11th of January a little group of Union men
FRANCIS P. BLAIR
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met in Mr. Filley's counting room from time to time and planned the course which was followed. The Committee of Public Safety was an evolution. When the six men had been chosen, they made the Turner hall on Tenth near Market street the headquarters. Their meetings were held daily.
The personal composition of the Committee of Public Safety was most fortu- nate. Mr. Filley was from Connecticut, a descendant of one of the families which came over in the Mayflower. Mr. How had been reared in Pennsylvania. Mr. Witzig represented the great influx of German population. Mr. Blair was of Kentucky birth, the son of a Virginia father. Mr. Glover was a Kentuckian. Mr. Broadhead was of Virginia parentage. The widespread sources of St. Louis population were well represented in the formation of the group. Glover and Broadhead were lawyers of high standing, known personally to Mr. Lincoln. John How had been mayor two terms and was a business man of wide influence. Witzig had the confidence of his fellow countrymen. Blair was the Washington connection. He had served one term in Congress, and was Representative- elect. To tell what manner of man the chairman was detracts nothing from the honor due the men who were his associates on the committee. Familiarly he was called "O. D." He was kindly and approachable. When the Committee of Public Safety had won, when it had become safer in St. Louis to be a Union man than a secession sympathizer, the spirit of retribution was indulged. Men were arrested and punished for words. Mr. Filley protested. "Let them talk," he said. "If they do no overt act, do not disturb them." But behind the kindly disposition was the spirit which knows neither variableness nor shadow of turning when right is at stake. When cloth was wanted to uniform the force he was recruiting, O. D. Filley gave his word it would be paid for, and his word was accepted where another man's note would have been asked. That was the repu- tation the chairman had in the community.
In the Presidential campaign of 1860 there were "wide awakes" on the Re- publican side and "broom rangers" on the Democratic side. Two months before the inauguration of Lincoln, armed organizations, built upon the political clubs, were drilling in St. Louis. Those whose sympathies were with secession were "minute men." This organization came into existence early in January. Simul- taneously began the formation of union clubs, which were called "union guards," "black jaegers," "home guards." The Minute Men had headquarters in the Berthold mansion at Fifth and Pine streets.
In six weeks sixteen companies of the Home Guards had been formed. The Minute Men were numerous. The drills were nightly. There was little attempt at secrecy. In the central and northern parts of the city the Minute Men were strong. South of Market street were the strongholds of the Home Guards. Every hall was an armory.
The Minute Men.
The best authority on "Missouri in 1861," from the southern rights point of view was Thomas L. Snead. He was a St. Louis newspaper man, connected with the Bulletin which was owned by Longuemare and which took the southern rights side in the campaign of 1860. In the winter of 1861 Snead gave up his news- paper relation. He went to Jefferson City and was in the confidence of the secessionists. He assisted Governor Jackson in his correspondence. Snead knew
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the organization and plans of the Minute Men. He named three men as foremost in the movement-Basil W. Duke, a young lawyer from Kentucky, about twenty- five years old; Colton Greene, South Carolinian by birth, a young merchant of delicate physique and retiring manner ; and Brock Champion, a bold, enthusiastic young Irishman. The organization was started on the 11th of January, the day that forty regular soldiers arrived from Newport Barracks, and marched to the, custom house on Third and Olive streets to protect the sub-treasury and the $400,000 in gold. The troops had been sent as the result of a letter from the assistant United States treasurer, Isaac H. Sturgeon, to President Buchanan suggesting that such protection was advisable in view of the public excitement. If there had been wild talk before, it was nothing to what this show of authority by the government aroused. Papers issued extras. Great crowds filled the narrow streets around the postoffice. Threats were made to resent this insult to St. Louis. The news was telegraphed to Jefferson City. Governor Jackson sent word to the general assembly. Senator Parsons offered this :
"Resolved, That we view this act of the administration as insulting to the dignity and patriotism of this State, and calculated to arouse suspicion and distrust on the part of her people towards the federal government.
"Resolved, That the governor be requested to inquire of the President what has induced him to place the property of the United States within this State in charge of an armed federal force."
General Harney, commanding the district, acted quickly. The forty regulars marched away to the arsenal and the insult to Missouri became only a reminiscence with the general public. But Duke, Greene, Champion and a few others met that day and began to plan definitely for the future. Snead said:
"Never was there a finer body of young fellows than these Minute Men. Some were Missourians; some from the North; some from the South, and others were Irishmen. Among them all there was hardly a man who was not intelligent, educated and recklessly brave. Some who had the least education were as brave as the bravest, and as true as the truest. Most of them fought afterwards on many a bloody field. Many of them died in battle. Some of them rose to high commands. Not one of them proved false to the cause to which he then pledged his faith.
"They established their headquarters at the old Berthold mansion, in the very heart of the city, at the corner of Fifth and Pine streets, and also formed and drilled companies in other parts of the city against the time they could arm and equip themselves. They were hardly three hundred in all, but they were so bold and active, so daring and ubiquitous, that every one accounted them ten times as numerous.
"Like Blair and the Home Guards, they had their eyes fixed upon the arsenal and expected out of its abundant stores to arm and equip themselves for the coming fight. In that arsenal were sixty thousand good muskets, while in all the Confederate States there were not one hundred and fifty thousand more. They were barely three hundred men, and more than ten thousand stood ready to resist them, but for the love of the South, and for the love of the right, and for the honor of Missouri, they were willing to peril their lives any day to get those muskets. And they would have got them or perished in the attempt but for the advice of their leaders at Jefferson City. These counseled delay. They believed that it was better to wait till the people should, in their election of delegates to the con- vention, declare their purpose to side with the South. They never doubted that the people would do this; never doubted that they would elect a convention which would pledge Missouri to resist the subjugation of the South, and would put her in position to do it. Sustained by the voice of the people, and instructed by their votes, the governor would then order General Frost to seize the arsenal in the name of the State, and he, with his
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brigade and the Minute Men, and the thousands that would flock to their aid could easily do it."
Sweeny and the Regulars.
In the letter he wrote about the danger to the gold, Assistant Treasurer Sturgeon called attention to the defenseless condition of the arsenal. Washington also acted upon that suggestion. Lieut. Thomas W. Sweeny, with a few regulars, was sent from Newport Barracks to take station in the arsenal. Sweeny was a one-armed Irishman. There was a good deal of interest felt by the Minute Men to know how Sweeny stood on the issue of secession. Many St. Louis Irishmen had joined the Minute Men under the leadership of Brock Champion. Other Irishmen had sided with Blair and the Home Guards. John McElroy in "The Struggle for Missouri" has told of the testing of Sweeny :
"One day a man presented himself at the west gate of the arsenal and asked to see Captain Sweeny. Sweeny went to the gate and recognized an old acquaintance, St. George Croghan, the son of that Lieutenant Croghan who had so brilliantly defended Fort Stephenson, at Lower Sandusky, in the war of 1812, and who afterwards was for many years inspector-general of the United States Army. Croghan's grandfather had been a gallant officer in the Revolution. It was a cold day, and Croghan wore a citizen's over- coat. On their way to the quarters, the guards properly saluted Sweeny as they passed. Said Croghan, 'Sweeny, don't you think those sentinels ought to salute me ?- my rank is higher than yours.' At the same time he threw open his overcoat and revealed the uniform of a rebel field officer.
"'Not to such as that, by Heavens!' responded Sweeny, and added: 'If that is your business, you can have nothing to do with me. You had better not let my men see you with that thing on.'
"Croghan assured him his business in calling was one of sincere friendship; but he would remark while on the subject, that Sweeny had better find it convenient to get out of there, and very soon, too.
" 'Why?' asked Sweeny.
"Replied Croghan : 'Because we intend to take it.'
"Sweeny in great excitement exclaimed : 'Never! As sure as my name is Sweeny, the property in this place shall never fall into your hands. I'll blow it to hell first, and you know I am the man to do it.'
"Nine months later Croghan was to fall mortally wounded at the head of a cavalry . regiment while attacking the Union troops near Fayetteville, West Virginia, while Sweeny was to do gallant service in the Union army, rising to the rank of brigadier-general of volunteers, and commanding a division, and being retired in 1870 with the rank of brigadier- general."
A Commissioner from Mississippi.
While events were crowding at St. Louis, Reynolds and the secessionists were working incessantly at Jefferson City to have Missouri declare for the Con- federacy. Mr. Russell came as a commissioner of the State of Mississippi to urge that Missouri secede. The lieutenant-governor gave him a dinner with Sterling Price, Governor Jackson and Speaker McAfee present. The legislature assembled in joint session to hear the commissioner. Reynolds planned an im- pressive reception with the members standing as the commissioner entered. John D. Stevenson, afterwards a general in the Union army, then a member of the house, objected to the program. He asked :
"Are we here, Mr. President, to do homage to the ambassador of some foreign country ?"
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President Reynolds: I understand, sir, that this is a joint session of the general assembly to listen to an address from the commissioner of the State of Mississippi, and I hope for the honor of all parties that the member from St. Louis will take his seat.
Representative Stevenson: Shall I have a chance?
President Reynolds: Take your seat.
A Voice: Good.
Representative Stevenson: I desire to have a chance -.
President Reynolds: Take your seat.
A Voice: Better !
Representative Stevenson: Mr. President, I can read, sir, the rules that govern this body, and I suppose, if I am well informed, that when the president rules me out of order, it is his duty to state why he so rules.
President Reynolds: The business of this session is to hear a speech from the commissioner from Mississippi, and all other business is out of order.
Representative Stevenson : I understand that the president commands the members to rise.
President Reynolds : I will change it to a request, and I hope that no member of this general assembly will have the indecency to refuse to rise.
Representative Stevenson: Oh! That will do, sir.
Loaded Legislation.
The military bill which was being pressed in the legislature aimed at more than organization in support of the southern rights movement. It was intended to abolish Blair's Home Guards. One of its provisions was that the commanding officer in each district must disarm all bodies not "regularly organized and mus- tered into the service of the State." Had the bill passed in February or March it would have given Frost authority to take all guns found in the possession of the Home Guards. Governor Yates had sent two hundred muskets from Springfield. These guns had been hauled under cover of beer barrels to Turner Hall and dis -. tributed to the Home Guards. Giles F. Filley had bought fifty Sharp's rifles, the crack fighting piece of those days and had armed the men in his factory. A fund of $30,000 had been raised by private contributions to get more guns for the Union companies. All of this was known to Governor Jackson and the secession- ists. It added to their anxiety about the military bill. The State was not well prepared for fighting. In February, Harding, who was in charge of the armory at Jefferson City, reported to the governor that the State had about one thousand muskets, two six-pounders without limbers or caissons, forty sabres and fifty- eight swords. He said these swords were of such antiquated pattern that they "would not be as useful in war as so many bars of soap."
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