USA > Missouri > Missouri the center state, 1821-1915 > Part 53
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Governor Hancock Jackson by a Scratch.
Trusten Polk rendered the shortest service of any Missouri governor. He was elected by a considerable plurality in 1856, defeating Robert C. Ewing, the native American, and Thomas H. Benton, who ran independent. But soon after his inauguration Polk was elected United States Senator, the only governor of Missouri to go direct to the United States Senate. Lieutenant-Governor Han- cock Jackson became governor under extraordinary circumstances, as narrated, by Walter Williams. The vote on lieutenant-governor reported by the secre- tary of state was: Hancock Jackson, 41,623; William Newland, 41,237; John W. Kelly, 17,766; Charles Sims, 1,508. The president of the senate announced that irregularities in certain counties had failed to be noticed by the secretary of state, and with these not counted William Newland was elected. The speaker of the house, however, immediately announced that in his opinion Jackson's majority of 386 should stand. There was confusion in the joint session, until finally the speaker of the house put a motion before the house declaring Hancock Jackson the nominee, which motion was carried by a vote of 84 to 37. Mr. Jackson thereupon ascended the stand and took the gavel from the president of the senate.
Nine days later Polk was elected Senator and Hancock Jackson became gov- ernor. In 1860 the Breckinridge Democrats put Hancock Jackson forward as their candidate against Claib Jackson, but could muster only about 11,000 votes for him.
Eccentric Governor "Bob" Stewart.
"The most exciting and brilliant canvass known to the history of Missouri politics," according to William F. Switzler, was that between Robert Morris Stewart and James S. Rollins in 1857. Switzler said that soon after Stewart's inauguration, "he met Major Rollins, his old opponent, at the Madison House, in Jefferson City, and, extending his hand and approaching him, said: 'How are you, Jim? Where's your trunk?' Being informed it was at the Madison, the governor said: 'You must be my guest while you are in the city, and I will send for your trunk.' And he did so, and Rollins became his guest, and very soon the acerbities and personal animosities of the recent canvass were drowned and consigned to oblivion in the water glass of Rollins and the wine glass of Stewart.
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"Many characteristic anecdotes of Governor Stewart are told as occurring during his administration. I have not space for a tithe of them. Let one suffice. Stewart was not a teetotaler, but, proverbially, loved his enemy, the glass that exhilarates and cheers. It is said of him that on one occasion while under its influence he visited the penitentiary. Being governor and ex-officio a member of the prison inspectors, he had the freedom of the 'pen.' Curiosity prompted him to go from convict to convict and ask, 'What are you in here for? Are you guilty or innocent?' Perhaps as many as fifty were thus accosted, and all of them without exception protested they were innocent and victims of false swear- ing enemies. As he retired from the prison he encountered a squad of 'trusties' engaged in digging a cistern in the front yard of the warden. To those who were plying the windlass he propounded the same question : and all of them with one accord said they were innocent. Observing a man in the cistern filling the tub with earth with a spade, he called to him, 'You fellow down there! What are you doing with stripes on your clothes? Are you guilty or innocent?' The man answered: 'Well, Governor, to tell the truth, and I will not tell you a lie, I am guilty; I did break into a store in St. Louis and steal two suits of clothes and a watch, and they proved it on me.' Whereupon the governor said: 'Get into that tub, you rascal; pull him up; now come with me to the mansion, for I will pardon you and send you home, for no such rascal as you are shall stay here and corrupt the morals of the innocent convicts in this penitentiary.' And he did pardon him."
The first proclamation appointing a day of prayer and thanksgiving ever issued by a Missouri governor was by Governor Stewart in 1858. It was sug- gested to him by Rev. Dr. Prottsman, then a resident of Jefferson City. At the governor's request Dr. Prottsman wrote it.
Stewart probably owed his election to his energetic efforts to push through the Hannibal & St. Joe Railroad. Many Whigs in Marion, Macon and other counties along the railroad voted for Stewart, much more than enough to make up the majority of 334 which he had over the Whig candidate, Major Rollins. It was largely through the good work of "Bob" Stewart at Washington that Congress voted a grant of 600,000 acres of fine agricultural land and the rail- road was assured. In recognition of these services hundreds of Whigs voted for Stewart.
Governor Stewart became a strong Union man. He returned to St. Joseph and edited the Journal. In 1863 he concluded that he wanted to see service in the field. Governor Gamble encouraged this ambition by giving a commission to recruit a brigade. Switzler said that Stewart "raised several companies, which he turned in to fill up regiments, not being able to withstand the impor- tunities of his friends. After giving away his last company he concluded he would raise a regiment himself. Luckily, General James Craig, of St. Joseph, arrived in St. Louis and met Governor Stewart at the Planters' House. 'Jim,' said the governor, greeting the general, 'I want $20.'
"'What for, Bob?'
"'I have given away every soldier I had, and now I want to raise a regi- ment.'
"'What's the $20 got to do with that?'
"'I want to buy a drum.'
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"The general concluded that the surest way for him to get the drum would be for him to buy it himself, and so he escorted the governor to a music store and purchased for him a bass drum. The governor put the strap over his shoulders, and, with a drumstick in either hand, started down the street, beating vigorously. In the evening the general, in passing a corner, saw a man sitting on the curbstone fast asleep, or something worse. In front of him was a bass drum with the head beaten in and his right hand holding to the handle of the stick, which was inside the drum. It was Bob, and the general had him taken care of, leaving on the train for military duty in the Northwest. The gov- ernor did not raise a regiment or any more men, and shortly returned to St. Joseph. He associated with him Col. Broaddus Thompson, a stanch Union man and brother of the late Confederate general, M. Jeff Thompson, and they got out a prospectus for a new Union paper to be called the Nucleus, but the paper never materialized."
Negro Suffrage.
In the 24th general assembly which met in January, 1867, the legislature voted to submit an amendment to the Drake constitution striking out the word "white." This amendment was submitted in November, 1868. Negro suffrage was defeated by a majority of 18,817. Two years later at an adjourned session of the 25th general assembly which met in January, 1870, the 15th amendment to the Constitution of the United States, granting negro suffrage was ratified by the Missouri senate and house.
Governor Fletcher's Opportunities.
Governor Thomas C. Fletcher died a poor man. During the war and at the close of it he had opportunities to make a great deal of money but ignored them. Looking backward upon these experiences, he said: "The State had large ac- counts with the government. On one occasion I came to Washington to adjust some of our claims, obtain their allowance and received a check from the Treas- ury Department for $1,800,000. That slip of paper I carried around in my vest pocket until the rest of my business was transacted and I was ready to leave. From Washington I went to New York. On the evening I arrived in New York a gentleman who dealt largely in financial transactions called on me at my hotel, and we chatted for some time about Missouri. I had the check for $1,800,000 in my pocket and knew what I was to do with it the next day, but never men- tioned it. In the morning I walked down to the bank with which the State did business and deposited the check, to be paid on the coupons of Missouri state bonds. The bonds went up seven cents that day. They had been at forty-nine cents. I didn't make a dollar, although I could have made a small fortune by using the knowledge of what I was going to do with that check. The gentleman with whom I had been talking the night before came to me and wanted to know why I hadn't given him the information. Later on I collected $3,000,000 from the government and applied it on our bonds, which kept going up until they reached par, but I never made anything out of the advance."
Humanitarian Views of Governor Brown.
In the messages of the governors of Missouri are many expressions of high- minded, humanitarian views, some of them in advance of the times. Governor B.
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Gratz Brown urged upon the State a different treatment of law breakers: "In criminal matters, as in other social appliances, property is but too apt to assert an undue elevation above labor, and forget that theft and conversion of others' possessions does not differ very widely from obtaining another's labor with intent to evade a payment. Yet the punishments are widely different. Imprisonment for debt has been abolished, and we are content to provide civil remedies for restitution. Might it be well to look in the same direction for a corrective to the other kind of criminality, and in cases of trivial larcenies, enforce restitution to the party aggrieved by asylums utilizing the labor of the party offending. Abandon the revenges of society, and teach its industries. The conscience of the condemned, instead of brooding over degradation, might thereafter stand in some measure acquitted of obligation and reproach. It is the thought of the ablest scientist of the age that the adoption of such measures, cutting off the supply of criminals by educational reform schools, and correcting minor offenses through industrial restitutions, would result in such large reduction of the numbers in state prisons, that they could be treated with greater regard to the offenses for which they are incriminated, and something like a moral hygiene brought to bear that would go far to work a reformation over them."
Governor Hardin on Pardons.
Charles H. Hardin made Missouri one of the most satisfactory of governors. He was honest and conservative. He attended strictly to the people's business. But he was the dryest campaign speaker that ever took the stump in Missouri. At the end of his term he decided to make a tour of the State, as he said, "to render an account of his stewardship." He had a prepared speech, and he went over the details of his administration in a statistical and prosy fashion. The people, out of respect for his high office, listened and 'tried to appear interested, but failed miserably. After he had gone over other ground, Gov. Hardin reached the penitentiary. He told how many convicts were on hand when he was inaugurated. He stated the number that was confined at noon of a recent date. He reported how many had been turned loose under the three-fourths rule. He continued :
"During my term of office I have granted so many of what are called square pardons. But, my fellow citizens ---- "
Here the governor would push his spectacles high on his forehead, look out over the audience, and impressively conclude,
"I never pardoned ary horsethief in the lot."
And that always brought down the house. It was the only thing the governor said that received a smile or a response of any kind.
Waldo P. Johnson on Confederate Disabilities.
Waldo P. Johnson, in the years immediately following the Civil war, was wont to say, "I doubt very much if any man who was in the Confederate army or whose father was in the Confederate army will ever be governor of Missouri." Judge Johnson sat in the United States Senate until after the Battle of Bull Run and until after his resolutions looking to peace were defeated in the summer of 1861. He then joined his fortunes with the Confederacy, was wounded in battle and went to Richmond as one of the two senators from Missouri. From personal
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experience he knew political conditions at that time in the North perhaps better than any other Missourian. He would add to the remark just quoted, "I doubt this for the reason that just about the time the delegates assemble, and are about to nominate some man like Cockrell or Vest, the convention will be inundated by telegrams purporting to come from the eastern part of the United States, but in reality manufactured in the City of St. Louis, saying that this is a Presidential year, and the nomination of an ex-rebel for governor of Missouri may endanger the election of a Democratic President, as well as defeat some Democrat who is running for justice of the peace in Maine."
But even Judge Johnson did not realize the rapidity with which war dif- ferences would be healed in Missouri. He did not foresee how soon the time would come when Missourians would reject the dictation of politicians outside of the State.
In 1870 the Liberal Republican ticket, which carried as the result of the his- toric "possum" policy, elected six state officers who had been in the Federal army and three others who had been Union men. This election was effected by the action of the Democrats in making no nominations.
Governor-B. Gratz Brown, colonel of a Missouri regiment, United States volunteers. Lieutenant Governor-John J. Gravelly, colonel of Eighth Missouri Militia, United States volunteers.
Secretary of State-Eugene F. Weigel, major of Second Illinois, United States volun- teers.
State Treasurer-Samuel Hays, Union man.
State Auditor-Daniel M. Draper, in Federal army.
Attorney General-Andrew J. Baker, in Federal army.
Register of Lands-Frederick Salomon, colonel of volunteers, United States army. Superintendent of Public Schools-Ira Divoll, Union man.
Judge of Supreme Court-David Wagner, Union man.
The Candidacy of Hatch.
In 1872 the Democrats and the Liberal Republicans held separate conventions and agreed on a ticket which gave both parties representation and which included two ex-Confederates. The Democrats desired to nominate William H. Hatch for governor. Colonel Hatch was an ex-Confederate and came very near receiv- ing the nomination and would have done so but for representations that the effect outside of Missouri might be damaging to the Democrats. The nomina- tion was given to Silas Woodson who had a record as a war Democrat and a Union man. The officers elected were:
Governor-Silas Woodson, war Democrat.
Lieutenant Governor-Charles P. Johnson, in Union army.
Secretary of State-Eugene F. Weigel, in Union army.
State Treasurer-Harvey W. Salmon, in Confederate service.
State Anditor-George B. Clark, in Confederate service.
Attorney General-H. Clay Ewing, Union man.
Register of Lands-Frederick Salomon, in Union army.
Superintendent of Public Schools-John Montieth, Union man.
Judges of Supreme Court-Henry M. Vories, Union man; Washington Adams, no record ; Thomas A. Sherwood, Union man.
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Cockrell's Narrow Escape.
Two years later, in 1874, General Francis M. Cockrell was apparently the leading candidate for governor. He was barely beaten by Charles H. Hardin on the argument that it would be bad politics to put an ex-Confederate at the head of the ticket. Hardin had attended a session of the Claib Jackson legislature at Neosho but had, after that, remained neutral in his home at Mexico, Missouri. Cockrell was given the United States Senatorship by the legislature in the following winter. The Democratic state ticket in 1874 had upon it three ex- Confederate soldiers and one Union veteran.
Governor-Charles H. Hardin, member of Governor Jackson's Neosho legislature and afterwards neutral.
Lieutenant Governor-Norman J. Colman, Union man.
Secretary of State-M. K. McGrath, in Kelly's regiment, C. S. A.
State Treasurer-Joseph W. Mercer, lost an arm in the Confederate service.
State Auditor-Thomas Holladay, no record.
Attorney General-John A. Hockaday, no record.
Register of Lands-George Deigel, in Federal army.
Superintendent of Public Schools-Richard D. Shannon, no record.
Judges Supreme Court-Edward A. Lewis, no record; Warwick Hough, staff officer under Lee, Polk and Taylor, C. S. A .; W. B. Napton, no record.
How Vest Was Beaten for Governor.
In 1876, the year of the Tilden-Hayes campaign, George G. Vest would have been nominated for governor but for the fact that telegrams were received and shown to delegates urging that a Union man be chosen to head the ticket in order to help the national ticket of the Democratic party. These telegrams appeared on the face to have come from New York. Vest's friends believed that they originated in St. Louis. The defeat of Cockrell and Vest for the nomination of governor seemed to carry out the prediction of Judge Waldo P. Johnson. The ticket elected in 1876 was headed by a Union man. It carried three ex-Confederates.
Governor-John S. Phelps, colonel of Phelps' Cavalry, U. S. A.
Lieutenant Colonel-Henry C. Brockmeyer, colonel of Enrolled Militia.
Secretary of State-M. K. McGrath, in Kelly's regiment, C. S. A.
State Treasurer-Elijah Gates, colonel of a Confederate regiment in Cockrell's brigade. State Auditor-Thomas Holladay, no record.
Attorney General-Jackson L. Smith, Union man.
Register of Lands-James E. McHenry, no record.
Judges Supreme Court-Elijah H. Norton, Union man; John W. Henry, Union man.
Railroad Commissioners-John Walker, no record; John S. Marmaduke, Confederate general; James Harding, in Confederate army.
In 1876, under the new constitution, began the four-year terms of state officers. In 1878, the off year, the Democrats elected John McHenry register of lands and Richard D. Shannon superintendent of schools, neither having any war record.
A National Appeal to Missouri.
In 1880 Missouri Democrats received appeals from the national leaders to put forth a ticket which would help in the Hancock campaign. They again
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nominated a Union officer for governor, and distributed the other nominations between Union men and Confederates.
Governor-Thomas T. Crittenden, lieutenant colonel Seventh Missouri Cavalry, Mis- souri State Militia, Federal.
Lieutenant Governor-Robert A. Campbell, Fifth Regiment, Missouri State Militia; adjutant Henderson's Brigade, Federal.
Secretary of State-M. K. McGrath, in Missouri State Guard, Kelly's Regiment, C. S. A. State Treasurer-Philip E. Chappell, Union man.
State Auditor-John Walker, no record.
Attorney General-Daniel H. McIntyre, lieutenant, Tenth Missouri Cavalry, Marma- duke's Brigade; also, captain in Shelby's Brigade, C. S. A.
Register of Lands-Robert McCulloch; at the breaking out of war he raised a company and reported to Governor Jackson; was lieutenant colonel First Missouri Cavalry; also commanded McCulloch's Brigade, C. S. A.
Judge Supreme Court-Robert D. Ray, Union man.
Railroad Commissioner-George C. Pratt, Union man.
Disappearance of the War Record Issue.
In 1882 the successful Democratic ticket contained one Union man and two ex-Confederates.
Judge Supreme Court-Thomas A. Sherwood, Union man.
Superintendent of Public Schools-William E. Coleman, color sergeant, Second Mis- souri, First Brigade, C. S. A .; lost a leg at Allatoona, Ga.
Railroad Commissioners-James Harding, major in Price's army; major of artillery, C. S. A .; and Archibald M. Sevier, quartermaster sergeant, Eighth Missouri Cavalry, U. S. A.
The next quadrennial election gave the head of the ticket to an ex-Con- federate, Missourians declining to be influenced again by the arguments in behalf of the national campaign. The successful ticket had upon it three ex-Confederates and two ex-Federal officers :
Governor-John S. Marmaduke, major general, C. S. A.
Lieutenant Governor-Albert P. Morehouse, Federal army.
Secretary of State-M. K. McGrath, in Kelly's regiment, C. S. A.
State Treasurer-J. M. Seibert, too young to enlist.
State Auditor-John Walker, no record.
Attorney General-B. G. Boone, no record.
Register of Lands-Robert McCulloch, a Confederate brigadier.
Railroad Commissioner-William G. Downing, a Union man.
Judge Supreme Court-Francis M. Black, in Federal army.
After this election of 1884 the war cut very little figure in the make-up of state tickets for Missouri.
Missouri's State Finances.
The management of Missouri, financially, after the war made a fine record. In 1865 Missouri had a debt of $36,094,908. On the Ist day of January, 1869, this indebtedness had been reduced to $21,675,000, a decrease of $14,419,908 within four years, beginning January 1, 1865, and ending December 31, 1868. Proceeds derived from sale of stock owned by the State in the Bank of the
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State of Missouri, payments for railroads sold, together with interest and dues paid into the treasury by railroad companies and the collections by Gen. John B. Gray from the United States for reimbursement of war expenditures, con- tributed mainly to such an extraordinary reduction of the public debt within the period named.
The stock held by the State in the Bank of the State of Missouri amounted to $1,086,300. In 1866 this stock was sold to Capt. James B. Eads for $1,178,- 635.50, and as payments therefor were made in bonds and coupons the state debt was correspondingly reduced.
Payments made by purchases of railroads and interest and dues paid into the state treasury by railroad companies from January 1, 1865, to December 31, 1868, amounted to $6,006,038.
Under the act of Congress, approved April 17, 1866, Gen. John B. Gray collected the sum of $6,472,289.35 as indemnity to the State of Missouri for military expenses incurred during the rebellion.
Receipts into the state treasury from the sources named, and which were applied to the reduction of the state debt, amounted to $12,048,598.40.
Deducting the above amount, or $12,048,598.40 from $14,419,908, the aggre- gate indebtedness retired within the four years ending December 31, 1868, there remained to be accounted for a balance of $2,371,309.60. The amount with- held from the public schools in consequence of the suspension in 1865, 1866 and 1867, of 25 per cent of the state revenue ; bonus paid into the state treasury by banks in lieu of all other taxes; surplus funds arising from the military taxes levied in 1865 and 1866, and from the interest tax of 40 cents on the Sico val- uation levied in 1867 and 1868, together with miscellaneous receipts, accounted for this balance.
Advance of Missouri Bonds.
Missouri bonds advanced steadily from the war time ebb to the class of "gilt edged" and then disappeared from the market. In 1865 the highest price paid for Missouri bonds was 79, and the lowest 51 per cent. In 1866 the highest price paid was 93, and the lowest 71 per cent. In 1867 they sold as high as 95 per cent. All past due coupons went with the bonds that were sold in the years 1865, 1866 and 1867; thus a bond sold in 1867 had attached to it the coupon due July 1, 1861, and all subsequently matured coupons, for which the purchaser of the bond paid no additional consideration.
In 1870 Missouri bonds were worth 87 per cent of their face value. In 1871 they sold as high as 891/2 per cent.
In 1873 the fund commissioners sold bonds at 921/2 per cent. In 1875 the fund commissioners sold 3,687 state funding and state renewal funding bonds for $3,623,746.50, or at a fraction over 98.28 per cent. In 1876, 425 renewal funding bonds were sold for $441,951.31, or at a fraction over $1,039. The average price paid for 4,112 bonds sold in 1875 and 1876 was $988.73 per bond. In 1876 the highest price paid was $1,045.03 per bond, and in 1875 the lowest price paid was a fraction over $950 per bond.
In 1879 the market value of bonds having ten years to run was 10334. In 1881 they were quoted at IIO.
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Since the early part of 1881 but few Missouri bonds have been on the mar- ket. They were picked up from time to time by savings banks and trust com- panies at such rates as would yield 3 or 37/2 per cent on the investment.
In 1881 and 1882 a few bonds were sold on a basis of 31/2 per cent, so that in 1882 a bond having ten years to run was worth 120.94. At no time dur- ing the years 1883 and 1884 could as many as fifty or one hundred Missouri bonds have been bought on the open market. From January 1, 1883, purchases were made on a basis of 3 per cent, consequently a Missouri bond having ten years to run was worth 12534.
School Fund Certificates.
As the State prospered, bonds were cancelled and certificates in corresponding amounts were placed in the public school fund. The form of certificate was :
"The State of Missouri-To All Who Shall See These Presents, Greeting: Know ye that it is hereby certified that the State of Missouri is indebted to the State Board of Education of said State as trustees for the public school fund of said State in the sum of two million, nine hundred and nine thousand dollars, payable thirty years after date, upon which sum the State hereby promises to pay to the State Board of Education, as trustees as aforesaid, interest annually at the rate of 6 per centum per annum, out of any money in the state treasury not otherwise appropriated, payable on the first day of Jan- uary of each year.
"This certificate of indebtedness is issued under and by virtue of an act entitled an act to consolidate the permanent school fund and the seminary fund in certificates of in- debtedness of the State bearing 6 per centum interest, and to provide for canceling the state bonds and certificates of indebtedness now held in trust for said funds, approved March 23, 1881.
"In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the great seal of the State of Missouri to be affixed.
"Done at office in the City of Jefferson this first day of July, 1881.
"THOMAS T. CRITTENDEN, Governor.
"MICH'L K. MCGRATH, Secretary of State."
A curious fact about the certificates is noted in the form. In the one given nothing is said about the character of the instrument. The language simply shows "the State of Missouri is indebted to the 'state board of education.'" A few years later the thought seems to have occurred to the state administration that somebody might cash or hypothecate one of these school fund assets. Into the body of the new form was printed: "This certificate is non-negotiable." Still later the description was further elaborated. These certificates bore the following: "This certificate of indebtedness is non-negotiable, non-convertible and non-transferable, and shall be sacredly held and preserved in the state treasury as part of the school fund of the State."
A Three Per Cent Proposition.
In 1897 New York capitalists made a proposition to fund the entire debt of Missouri in bonds bearing three per cent. This offer was made to Governor Lon V. Stephens, coming without inquiry or solicitation on his part. The state indebtedness was then $4,900,000. It was bearing three and one-half per cent, which had been considered very low.
"I have been thinking of the proposition," Governor Stephens said at the time. "It is certainly very flattering to the State. Acceptance would save us Vol. I -25
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one-half of I per cent on our interest account" (about $25,000 annually at the present indebtedness) "but I am not sure that it will be wise to make the change. We should, probably, have to make the new bonds run a stipulated time. The bonds, as they now stand, can be called in and paid at any time, thus saving the whole interest. We shall within sixty days take up at least $150,000, and pos- sibly $200,000, of these bonds."
The governor inclined to the opinion that it would be better to continue pay- ing 31/2 per cent and to retain the privilege of canceling the debt in any amount and at any time.
Governor Francis' Diplomacy.
Within three months after Mr. Francis became governor he had established such personal relations with the lawmakers as enabled him to make his admin- istration effective. He gave a series of receptions in the mansion. He dined the senators and representatives, twenty at a time. When he went to lunch he was accompanied by clairmen or whole committees to talk over pending legis- lation. With the needs before their eyes, the legislators passed appropriations to refurnish the mansion and to make it worthy of the State. To the credit of the Francis administration was placed this first appropriation since the Civil war. On the recommendations and personal arguments of the governor the first Australian ballot law, the schoolbook commission and uniform text-book law, the reduction of the tax rate, the appointment of a geological survey com- mission, and a long list of what properly may be termed as constructive laws of the State, the value of which the years have shown, were placed upon the books.
Distinguishing Characteristic of Governor Stone
Conservative forcefulness might be said to be a distinguishing characteristic of William J. Stone. One of the best illustrations of it Was given at a conven- tion of governors of Southern States held at Richmond 111 1893. Missouri's chief executive became the strong personality in that gathering. Each governor had with him a staff of from two to ten gentlemen deeply interested in the sub- ject of immigration. These gentlemen were prepared to talk. But speeches were tabooed from the beginning. The first rule which the governors adopted sent every proposition to a committee without debate. When this committee met it had before it a stack of suggestions a foot high. The entire collection was turned over to a subcommittee composed of Governors Stone of Missouri and Foster of Louisiana and Mr. George Armistead of tennessee The bulky mass was ignored. A brief pointed address, without reference to politics, congratu- latory upon what the South had done in the way of development and hopeful as to increased immigration, was drafted. When the convention met again this address was read and adopted. Governor Brown immediately moved adjourn- ment sine die. The whole thing was over. Some of the older men in the body, accustomed to the old southern style of much freedom of speech in convention, were a little dazed. As they went out of the convention and to their hotels they asked each other why it was necessary to come to Richmond if this was all that was intended.
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The address was in the handwriting of Governor Stone, of Missouri. It was written after a frank discussion, in which the other members of the sub- committee, Governor Foster, of Louisiana, and Mr. Armistead, of Tennessee, agreed with the Missouri governor that something short and clean cut, without politics or rancor, was what the situation called for.
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