USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: The Federal Period 1783-1860, Volume II > Part 14
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12 Ibid., 242.
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Now came the defence of his acceptance of the honor. He pointed out the ineffectiveness of the thirty-second article in that it debarred those who denied the truth of Protestantism, which he had never done, and that Protestantism was divided into so many sects that it was impossible to find a universally accepted statement of its truth. All other phases of the issue he discussed in a manner that held the rapt attention of the convention for two days. Especially impressive were his con- cluding words : "If we rest the fabric of the Constitution upon prejudices, increasing and mutable prejudices, we build upon sand; but let us lay it on the broad and firm basis of natural right, equal justice and universal freedom-freedom of opin- ion-freedom, civil and religious-freedom as approved by the wise and sanctioned by the good-and then may we hope that it shall stand against the storms of faction, violence and in- justice, for then we shall have founded it upon a rock." 13
At the opposite extreme from the radicals stood Macon, who declared that no human power had a right to prescribe any particular opinion as a test of fitness for office. "If a Hindoo were to come among us, and was fully qualified to discharge the duties of any office to which he might aspire, his religious belief would not constitute any objection, in his opinion, why he should be debarred." 14 The votes on the proposed amendment illustrate the divergency of opinion. Mr. Edwards proposed that all religious tests as qualifications for office are incompatible with free government; it was defeated by a vote of eighty-seven to thirty-six. Another member then moved that no person who should deny the being of God should be capable of holding office; it was also defeated by eighty-two to forty-two. Propositions of a similar nature submitted by Holmes and Daniel were also rejected. Evidently the domi- nant sentiment of the convention favored some constitutional recognition of Christianity, and in the end the amendment introduced by the committee of twenty-six was adopted, which substituted the word Christian for Protestant, the vote stand- ing seventy-four to fifty-two.
Other amendments adopted by the convention were the re-
Ibid., p. 305.
14 Ibid., p. 246.
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duction of the term of the attorney general from life or good behavior to four years, biennial election of treasurer and secretary of state, the election of militia officers by general law instead of by the legislature, voting viva voce in elections of officers by the legislature; equalization of the poll tax, the same to be levied on free males between twenty-one and forty- five years and all slaves from twelve to fifty; exclusion from office of those holding federal offices and also the exclusion of all office holders from the legislature; restrictions on private legislation by placing divorce, alimony, and legitimization of children under general law, likewise the restoration of citizen- ship to those convicted of crime; and forbidding the enactment of any private law unless thirty days' notice of application for the same shall have been given. Impeachment by the House of Commons and trial by the Senate were also pro- vided for. Amendment of the Constitution was likewise pro- vided for, either by a convention, called by a two-thirds vote of the legislature, or by legislative enactment, the proposed amendment to be approved by three-fifths of the legislature which initiated it, two-thirds of the succeeding legislature, and final ratification by the majority of people. The form of the Constitution was also altered; it was now divided into articles and sections, instead of the continuous forty-six sections of the original.
The convention adjourned on July 11th. Its work was submitted to the people and was ratified by a majority of 5,165. The convention marks an epoch in the development of governmental institutions in North Carolina. It not only made government more democratic, but it also did much to remove the heritage of English conceptions of the basis of government. It lessened but did not abolish sectional preju- dice. Undoubtedly a more liberal epoch opened before the state. Questions of economic and social importance now had a better chance. At the same time there was a new align- ment of political parties taking place and public questions tended to have a party rather than a sectional interest.
CHAPTER IX FEDERAL POLITICS, 1824-1836
JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY AND THE ORIGIN OF THE WHIG PARTY
The profound discontent and spirit of revolt illustrated by legislation on trade and education and the movement for constitutional reform were not limited to local affairs. There was likewise dissatisfaction with the rôle of North Carolina in federal politics. In the electoral college the state's vote from 1800 to 1830 was surpassed only by Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia; and in 1820, 1824, and 1828, it was equal to that of Massachusetts (15 votes). With the exception of 1808 the North Carolina vote was undivided, yet the state had a small share in the distribution of federal patronage, only one office of high distinction being given to a North Carolinian under the Jeffersonian regime, the Speaker- ship of the House, which was held by Macon for six years. This was a record comparable only to that of Tennessee and Delaware, whose votes in the electoral college were far less than that of North Carolina.
The explanation of this humble place of the state in the party councils was mainly its loyalty. No use of the patron- age was necessary to conserve its allegiance. Another cause was subservience to Virginia leadership. Dependence on the Old Dominion for markets produced subordination to Virginia in political affairs. "Already has Virginia as a matter of course on the subject of the coming election," wrote the editor of the Fayetteville Observer in 1823, "tacked us to her skirts to follow whither she leads; and without condescending to ask our opinion, placed us on her side of the question. This state of things must be changed. North Carolina must make herself heard and must assert her dignity. She must take an
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elevated stand and show to the nation and to her revilers that she has a will. She possesses also the ability to maintain it. * * It is the same with the states as individuals. Those only who cease to respect themselves, will lose the respect of others." 1
The leader who contributed most to perpetuate the humble place of North Carolina in national affairs was Thomas Jef- ferson. To establish his party, he needed the co-operation of New York. This was secured by assigning to that state the vice-presidency, a custom continued from 1800 to 1824 with the exception of 1812. The training school for the presidency was. the Department of State, headed in succession by Madi- son, Smith, Monroe, and Adams. The loyalty of other states to such manipulation was secured by appeal to sectional feel- ing and by appointments to less prominent offices, the Treas- ury going to Pennsylvania in 1814, and Georgia and South Carolina being represented in the cabinet from that year. In time the Virginia hegemony produced unrest. "Who could ever dream of being President at this day," wrote Balch, "without an alliance with Jefferson, Gallatin, Macon, and Smith of Maryland, and a host of others who are accounted the patriarchs of the Democratic party? He might as well at- tempt to train the Mississippi back upon its sources." 2
Moreover the type of political leadership in North Caro- lina, especially after the second war with England, showed no vision regarding the interests of the nation or the state. On the whole the North Carolina delegation in Congress was reactionary toward the prevalent nationalizing tendencies. While a majority voted for the recharter of the second bank and the internal improvement bills of 1816, there was no sup- port of the tariffs of 1816 and 1824, and only one member, Vance, of the mountain district, supported the bill for surveys for internal improvement in 1824. Macon, the dominant figure of the North Carolina delegation, was notably out of sympathy with the process of nationalization and his ideal of individualism through states rights, with a strict interpre-
1 Quoted from the Western Carolinian, July 8, 1823.
2 Balch to Wm. Polk, Jan. 9, 1824 (Polk MSS. Library of Con- gress. )
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tation of the powers of the Federal Government, dominated his North Carolina colleagues.
Restlessness with the New York-Virginia coalition reached a climax in the presidential campaign of 1824. The liberal element in local affairs had secured appropriations for in- ternal improvements, and the western counties were by 1823 at the point of revolt over the question of more equitable rep- resentation in the legislature. The time was therefore ripe for protest against the conduct of national politics. Leader- ship was taken by the western counties in 1823. The Western Carolinian, of Salisbury, a newspaper recently established, vigorously advocated the candidacy of Calhoun for the presi- dential nomination, while Crawford, acknowledged candidate of the Virginia-New York alliance, was strong in the eastern counties. The latter had the support of the Raleigh Register, the oldest party organ, and also of Mr. Macon. The principal issue was the political machinery of the day. Since 1796 presidential nominations had been made by a congressional caucus, and in North Carolina presidential electors were nomi- nated by a caucus of the state legislature. Controversy over the matter reached a climax in the legislature of 1823. Charles Fisher of Rowan introduced resolutions instructing the state's senators and requesting its representatives to use their influence to prevent the nomination of candidates for Presi- dent and Vice-president by the congressional caucus. There followed a long and exhaustive debate, in which the theory of the caucus and also the relative merits of Calhoun and Crawford were ably presented. The principal defense of the caucus was by eastern leaders, Blacklege of Beaufort, Bynum of Halifax (Borough) and Strange of Fayetteville (Borough). The ablest criticism was by Fisher, representing the west, and two eastern federalists, Iredell of Edenton, and Stanly of Newbern. However the resolutions did not have the support of all the anti-Crawford forces, probably because they were based on the right of instruction, a custom which had aroused as much criticism as the caucus. Moreover the resolutions were supported by two federalists and so tended to revive the fires of ancient partisanship. Hence the reso-
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lutions were indefinitely postponed by a vote of eighty-two to forty-six, after prolonged debate.
The local political machine was also attacked by Beall of Iredell, in a resolution calling for the nomination of electors by districts instead of the general ticket system. This would rob the legislative caucus of its prerogative and throw the nomination of electors in the hands of the people instead of the state politicians. The resolution was defeated, and before the end of the session a legislative caucus composed of 80 of 196 members nominated a Crawford electoral ticket. The issue of caucus versus the people was thus stated by the Western Carolinian. "Freemen of North Carolina! Are you willing to sanction so flagrant a usurpation of your rights and privileges as this aristocratic minority attempted to palm upon you? Shall we tamely yield our election and franchise, and become the willing slaves, the miserable panders of a minority of only eighty members of our Assembly, out of one hundred and ninety-six-who have taken upon themselves to meet in conclave and attempt to forestall the sentiments of near 500,000 republican freemen of the State? No: the slum- bering spirits of our Revolutionary forefathers, from the blessed realms of eternity, will rebuke us if we do."
The opponents of Crawford, defeated in the legislature, appealed directly to the people. During the spring of 1824 meetings were held in the various counties which selected presidential electors. Calhoun was at first the favored candi- date; but in March, 1824, an aggressive movement for Jackson set in, led by Colonel William Polk and supported by Archibald Debow Murphey and others, and after March 16, by the West- ern Carolinian. The campaign was the most vigorous and exciting since the decline of the federalist party. Ten of the fifteen congressmen attended the caucus that nominated Crawford, while the Raleigh Register, organ of the dominant party, and also Mr. Macon, supported him. On the other hand the Star, the Western Carolinian, and papers of minor im- portance endorsed the Peoples' Ticket, headed by Jackson and Calhoun. An important factor in the campaign was the feder- alist element, which endorsed Adams and had an able organ, the Fayetteville Observer. As there was small hope of carry-
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ing the state for Adams, a compromise was made by which the federalists agreed to support the Peoples' Ticket with the understanding that the electors should cast their vote for Adams, Calhoun, or Jackson, whichever had the best chance for election. The victory of the Peoples' Ticket was com- plete, winning 20,177 votes to 15,396 for Crawford. An inter- esting feature of the returns was the sectional alignment of the vote; the Peoples' Ticket carried twenty western counties, four along the coast, and eight in the middle east; Crawford swung the vote of nine western, three coastal, and seven mid- eastern counties,-an alignment very similar to that of the whig and democratic parties a few years later. The North Carolina electors met and cast their vote for Jackson. No candidate having a majority in the electoral college, the elec- tion was thrown into the House of Representatives, resulting in the choice of Adams. For him the representative from the Quaker counties of Guilford, Randolph, and Chatham voted.
Although Jackson was defeated, the election had a moral significance in North Carolina. The state had revolted from Virginia leadership. "Henceforth the cant of early times," wrote William Eaton, "which used exceedingly to annoy me, shall be heard no more; it will not in the future be said, that North Carolina floats up or down stream as Virginia may or not. I need not tell you, that this has often been declared and that heretofore in estimating the political course of our state, it has been determined on what Virginia had agreed on; you well know the fact has been so. Now however she has taken a course after her own, and I rejoice at it." 3 The revolutionary tendency begun in the presidential election was reflected in the congressional elections of 1825. Of the four- teen congressmen elected, eight were new members, four of the retiring members having voted for Crawford.
Four years later Jackson again carried the state. Al- though his majority was overwhelming, the campaign was not without political significance. His opponent, John Quincy Adams, had considerable strength. In response to a demand for more democratic methods of nomination, his supporters
3 Eaton to William Polk, Dec. 11, 1824 (Polk MSS.).
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called a state convention,-the first party convention in North Carolina. It met in Raleigh in December, 1827. Delegates were present from thirteen of the fifteen electoral districts. William Davidson presided. Gaston made the keynote speech, a committee was chosen to form an address to the people and also to select an Adams electoral ticket. The character of the movement was interesting. Prominent was the old fed- eralist element, led by Gaston. Some of the former Crawford faction also joined in; their views were well represented by the Raleigh Register. There were also experienced poli- ticians, Lewis Williams, John Long, W. S. Blacklege, and Dr. David Caldwell. Prominent also was the Quaker element, ably represented by Jonathan Worth, Moses Swaim, and Aaron Coffin. An attempt by the Adams members of the legislature to establish the district system of choosing electors, which might have divided the state's vote, failed. On the other hand the Jackson forces showed a distinct gain in the campaign over that of 1824. Some of the Crawford men of that year now supported him, notably Mr. Macon. The Jack- son electoral ticket was made up by district conventions whose nominations were guided by a legislative junto at Raleigh. The appeal made for the respective candidates was not different from that in the nation at large. Jackson carried the state by a majority of 23,939; Adams carried only nine counties, six eastern (Beaufort, Brunswick, Carteret, Jones, Pitt, and Pasquotank) and Guilford, Randolph, and Iredell in the west.
Although the victory of the Jacksonian democracy was overwhelming, unanimity within its ranks was in a few years broken, and a rival political organization, the whig party, came into existence. For the cleavage there were a number of causes. One was tlie conflict of state and sectional interests. The political and social structure in the United States in the early 'thirties resembled that of an empire rather than a united nation. Three great sections, each with distinct eco- nomic interests, contended for mastery in national legisla- tion. These were New England, which desired a protective tariff to support its manufactures, the pioneer West, which demanded cheap land, and the Southi, which opposed protec-
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tion. New England also opposed cheap land, which would induce migration of its laboring population, and offered as an alternative the distribution of the proceeds of land sales among the states for internal improvements and education. Such a policy and its immediate results might have received the support of the South, which needed more funds for do- mestic purposes ; but to diminish federal revenue by distribu- tion would undoubtedly create a greater dependence on the tariff and so aid the cause of protection. A similar result might follow if the Federal Government itself should engage in works of internal improvement. Consequently national politics was characterized by sectional bargaining, and the choice before each North Carolina leader was that of sup- porting the alliance of the-South with some other section or of working in the interest of his state, irrespective of sectional alliances.
An early indication of this trend was shown in the federal debates on internal improvement. Since the bill of 1817 providing federal funds for internal improvements, over which the North Carolina congressmen were about equally di- vided, was vetoed by Madison, the attitude of the state's dele- gation had become more conservative. Only one member favored the bill of 1824 giving the government the right to make surveys, and the North Carolina vote was uniformly against the internal improvement bills of the Adams admin- istration. Pertinent were the views of Macon. "If Con- gress can make canals, it can with more propriety emanci- pate," he wrote in 1818. ""Be not led astray by grand notions or magnificent opinions ; remember you belong to a meek state and just people, who want nothing but to enjoy the fruits of their labor honestly and to lay out profits in their own way." 4 When Congress made an appropriation for the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal in 1825, he rose in the Senate and said, "I rise with a full heart to take a last farewell to an old friend which I have always loved and admired-the Constitution of the United States. " 5
However by 1830 better means of transportation was a live
4 Dodd, Life of Macon, p. 310.
5 Ibid., 345.
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issue in North Carolina. At the same time there was a move- ment for the encouragement of manufacturing. Here was a basis for a new sentiment in regard to internal improvement by federal aid. When the rivers and harbors of North Caro- lina were included in appropriations, expediency outweighed constitutional scruples; a majority of the congressmen voted for such an appropriation in 1831. Indeed William B. Shep- ard favored the passage of the 'Maysville Turnpike Bill over Jackson's veto. However the principle of federal aid was put to the test in the legislature of 1830. Resolutions were adopted in the Commons denying the right of Congress to carry on works of internal improvement within the states, but they were lost in the Senate. A similar fate met the reso- lution approving the veto of the Maysville Turnpike Bill.
A larger division of opinion prevailed on the kindred matter of the public domain. The desire of the pioneer West for cheap lands and of the South for a lower tariff resulted in a coalition in 1829, led by Calhoun, Edwards of Illinois, and Duff Green of the United States Telegraph. By this the South should support a more liberal land policy, and the West in return would aid in the fight on the "Tariff of Abomi- nations." Realizing the existence of this agreement, New England took the initiative. A resolution by Hunt of Ver- mont in 1829 directed the Committee on Public Lands to inquire into the expediency of distributing the net proceeds of the sales of public lands among the states for internal improvements. This was an offer of financial aid to the South to check its alliance with the West. The attitude of the southern and western coalition toward it was well ex- pressed by Speight, of North Carolina :--
"Take the public lands away from the sinking fund-have a tariff sufficient to prohibit exportation, and, I say, what, sir, is to be the result? Why, sir, direct taxation. And, next to that, follows ruin to the Southern States; our slaves, our land, etc., will be taken and sold to pay the tax. Importation being stopped, it necessarily prohibits exportation, and our staple being cotton, just as much as is wanted for consumption, by the manufacturing states, will be bought at their own price,
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and the balance will sink with us * I have always had my doubts as to the sincerity of the policy." 6
In the vote on the resolution, eight of the North Carolina members were among the ayes and four among the nays. Evidently a majority of the North Carolina congressmen were not in sympathy with the southern and western alliance. In the meantime Benton introduced into the Senate a bill for more liberal terms in the sale of land. It received the support of the North Carolina senators, in fact of all the southern senators except two. When it reached the House the North Carolina delegation was divided ; five favored tabling the reso- lution and six opposed such action. Of the former, four were from the western counties, Deberry, Rencher, Shepperd, and Williams; of the latter, four were from the east, Allston, Dud- ley, Speight, and Hall. There was thus a large minority among the North Carolina congressmen who were opposed to the western and southern alliance. Leadership in opposing the reduction of land prices was taken by Clay, who advocated the distribution of proceeds among the states. In July, 1832, a bill embodying his views passed the Senate, Brown and Man- gum of North Carolina opposing it. It was postponed in the House, four of the North Carolina members voting against postponement. The views of the North Carolina minority were well stated by Williams.
If this publie property of the Union should be surrendered, then, (admitting the proceeds of the sales to amount to three millions of dollars) his own state of North Carolina would have to pay from one hundred and fifty thousand to two hundred thousand more than if the Government retained it, in the shape of bounty to soldiers, augmen- tation of the navy, and paying the current charges of the Government.
If these lands should not be equally divided among the states, then North Carolina would lose that amount of revenue entirely ; but if, on the contrary, the proceeds were to be equally divided, she would gain that amount. He asked, therefore, whether it was reasonable in the new states to eall for the setting apart of the whole of this publie property exclusively ? Were not the old states asked to do for them what they would be far from doing for the old states? Suppose he should put in a similar claim in behalf of the old states of this Union ; would the gentleman from Alabama yield the motion for support. The gentleman, he pereeived, shook his head. He knew it must be so.
6 Cong. Debates VI, 539.
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Then by what rule of equity could the gentleman ask him to do what that gentleman publicly, in his place, declared himself unwilling to do for them ? 7
Another question of importance was the recharter of the United States Bank. Jackson's hostility to the institution, whose charter would expire in 1836, was well known. His opponents decided to make the bank an issue in the presi- dential election of 1832. Hence the national republican con- vention, which met in December 1831, endorsed the bank, and on the advice of Clay, Webster, and McDuffie, the officials of the bank applied for a renewal of the charter. If Jackson approved the measure, lie would thereby surrender one of his favorite "isms." If he vetoed it, the strongest financial interests in the country would work against him. A bill rechartering the bank was passed in 1832, but was vetoed by the president. Toward the recharter and the veto sentiment in North Carolina was divided. For support of the President there seemed to be ample ground, because the bank, by requir- ing the state banks to redeem their notes in specie, had undoubtedly forced into liquidation the State Bank of North Carolina, the Bank of the Cape Fear, and the Bank of New- bern, thereby causing great commercial depression. On the other hand, the veto contributed to the existing depression, for the bank and its branches became more conservative in regard to their loans. Moreover one of the needs of the state was a stable paper currency, which the bank alone offered. Hence the sound money element favored the recharter. "Whether right or wrong," wrote James Iredell to Mangum, "that bank is at this time very popular in our state. I believe, indeed I know, it has done us vast good, and as yet we have felt no evils from it. Where is the check upon the state banks if it is not to be found here?" 8 However only four of the North Carolina congressmen voted for the recharter, Bar- ringer, W. B. Sheppard, A. H. Shepperd, and Williams; both senators, Brown and Mangum, opposed it. However William R. Hinton, elector on the Jackson-Barbour ticket of 1832, refused to support Jackson after the veto, and withdrew
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