USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: The Federal Period 1783-1860, Volume II > Part 15
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7 Cong. Debates, IX, p. 879.
8 Mangum MSS .: Iredell to Mangum, Feb. 4, 1832.
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from the ticket, regarding the bank as "inseparably connected with the prosperity of the Union and indispensable to the preservation of a sound currency." In the congressional election of 1833 Deberry defeated Bethune, who had voted against the recharter.
In the meantime a rift had developed in the cabinet. The reward of North Carolina's loyalty to Jackson was the ap- pointment of John Branch, former governor and then senator, as Secretary of the Navy. Social matters created ill feeling. Mrs. Branch was one of those ladies of the cabinet who neither
JOHN BRANCH
called on nor entertained Mrs. Eaton, wife of the Secretary of War. After President Jackson appealed repeatedly in behalf of the slighted lady, he decided to reconstruct the cabinet. Secretary Branch's role in the affair showed him to be inde- pendent and headstrong as Jackson himself. He had advised the President against the nomination of Eaton on account of probable unpleasant social relations and had even suggested to Eaton the same possible results if he should enter the cabinet. But the advice was in vain, and when Eaton's wife was ignored socially, Eaton became less friendly with Branch. When Jackson found his appeals in behalf of Mrs.
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Eaton fruitless, Colonel Johnson brought an ultimatum to Branch, Berrien, and Ingham, that they must retire from the cabinet unless Mrs. Eaton was recognized.
When he closed (wrote Branch) I well recollect rising from my seat, and with an earnestness of manner which the extraordinary character of the communication was so well calculated to produce, ob- served, among other things, that no man had a right to dictate to me and my family, in their domestic relations, and that I would submit to no control of the kind. The Colonel undertook to reason the mat- ter with us by observing that, although it might be impracticable to establish intimate and social relations between our families and Mrs. Eaton, he could see no reason why she should not be invited to our large parties to which everybody was usually invited, Tom, Dick, Harry, etc. With the concession he said the President would be satis- fied. We protested against the interference of the President in any manner whatever, as it was a matter which did not belong to our official connection with him. Soon after which Colonel Johnson ex- pressed his deep regrets at the failure of his mission, and we sepa- rated.9
Two days later Branch called on the President and de- clared that before he would accept dictation in family matters, he would resign. Jackson repudiated Johnson's ultimatum, and disavowed any intention of dictating social affairs, stating that his only desire was to protect Mrs. Eaton. Soon followed an interview with Eaton himself, which proved equally fruit- less. The President became less communicative towards the offending members, and finally, after the resignation of Van Buren and Eaton, and acting on Jackson's intimation of a desire to reconstruct the cabinet, Branch also resigned. He was offered the governorship of the Territory of Florida as recompense, but declined, telling Jackson that he had not supported him for the sake of office. Returning to North Caro- lina, Branch was enthusiastically endorsed by his constitu- ents. Jesse A. Bynum and other aspirants for congressional honors retired in his favor, and he was elected without oppo- sition a member of the twenty-second congress in August, 1831.
In the meantime another issue arose, which overshadowed the land question, the bank, the disaffection of Branch, and
9 Raleigh Register, Sept. 1, 1831 : Niles Register, Sept. 3, 1831. Vol. II-12
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undoubtedly did much to divide the friends of Jackson. That was the question of tariff and nullification.
The dominant political sentiment of North Carolina was hostile to the protective policy. It was the only southern state whose representatives in Congress voted unanimously against the tariff of 1816. Similar action was also taken towards the acts of 1824 and 1828. That the vote in the latter year registered the sentiment of the state is attested by a resolution of the legislature of 1827, which declared that "whenever a system is adopted by the general government which does not equally serve the interests of all, then the right rests with any state to question whether the benefits of the Union are not more than counterbalanced by its evils." Nullification, advanced by South Carolina as a possible remedy in the "Exposition," received some approval, especi- ally by that element in the western counties which in 1824 had endorsed Calhoun for the presidency. Cooperation with South Carolina on the ground of commercial ties was advo- cated by the Western Carolinian.
There is not a day on which we do not see passing through this place (Salisbury) either from this or some other counties of this state, wagons going to South Carolina, with full loads of something to sell. The fact is, that our trade to South Carolina is nearly, if not alto- gether as valuable to our people, as is our foreign trade; in truth it is a great deal more so to all the western counties. As a proof of this we may adduce the fact that scarcely have we a dollar in circula- tion other than South Carolina bills. How do these get here? They are not blown here by the wind. For every dollar of South Carolina money some of our citizens exchange a dollar's worth of something or other they had to dispose of; this is the way they come among us. Now, how much more valuable would this trade be to us, if South Carolina was not crippled by the tariff ? If trade was free as it ought to be, the people of South Carolina would employ themselves more exclusively in raising the staples for the foreign market and buy from us their provisions; where we now sell one dollar's worth of our products we would then at least sell five for they would be able to buy from us.10
Elsewhere in the western counties nullification was con- demned, notably in public meetings on Independence Day,
10 Western Carolinian, Dec. 31, 1832.
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1830, at Ashboro, Hillsboro, and Fayetteville. The legislature of 1830 gave an opportunity to test the conflict of opinion. In the House of Commons Jonathan Worth introduced reso- lutions which, slightly amended, declared that "although the tariff laws as they do now exist are unwise, unequal in their operations, and oppressive to the southern states, yet this legislature does not recognize the right of the individual states of this Union to nullify a law of the United States." After a spirited debate the resolutions were adopted, the opposition being led by Sawyer, Bynum, and Mebane of Bertie. In the Senate no action was taken on the resolution. During the next two years tariff and nullification were widely discussed in the press and public meetings. In the dominant sentiment both were condemned, but fear of disunion over- shadowed hatred of the tariff. Typical were the words of Gaston :- "The people may disapprove the tariff but they love the Union more."
Jackson was not held responsible for the failure to revise the tariff of 1828. 'By November 1832, Congress had made . no reduction, and South Carolina adopted an ordinance of nullification. North Carolina was now forced to take a defi- nite stand. In the legislature an avalanche of resolutions appeared, in which were represented every shade of opinion from the extreme of nationalism to the most radical particu- larism. Of the latter, the resolutions of Sawyer were typical; they declared the Union was a compact between the states, the violation of which each state must decide for itself, that . nullification was the proper remedy against which the Fed- eral Government could not use force, and that a national con- vention should be called to settle the controversy between South Carolina and the Federal Government. On the other hand the resolutions of a joint committee, to which was re- ferred a communication from South Carolina, condemned the tariff as unconstitutional and nullification as revolutionary and subversive of the Constitution.
The debate revealed a variety of opinion. A minority led by J. A. Hill defended the protective principle. Opposition to nullification included, as well as professed nationalists, many who believed that sovereignty was in the states and
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that secession was a constitutional right. Among the people the drift of sentiment was overwhelmingly against the policy of South Carolina. Mr. Macon, then in retirement, voiced the conservatism of the east when he declared that a state could not nullify and remain in the Union, but could secede on paying its part of the national debt. Love, a western leader who had been a member of the convention which ratified the Constitution, said :- "If I understand anything about the meaning of it (nullification) it is intended as a severance from the Union, and is a species of treason, and if not nipped in the bud it may amount to treason of the deepest dye." 11 Interesting was the sentiment of the anti-slavery element in the west. "The Constitution of the United States was not formed by the states but the people," declared the Greensboro Patriot. "The states have no hand in it The * people of the United States called the general government into existence and no power short of that which called it into being could again alter it or extinguish it." 12 In Salisbury the Western Carolinian continued its defense of nullification, but its rival, the Carolina Watchman, declared the doctrine sprang from "pampered nabobs or declining lordlings * * * It is the rank spirit of aristocracy originating in the corrupt conditions of slavery, that has given the lead to nullification. Gorged and fattened indolence in all ages and countries has associated itself with ignorance enlisted under ambition, and finally vented itself in efforts to destroy a virtuous government."
With the tariff issue unadjusted and nullification impend- ing, came the campaign of 1832 in which Jackson's reelection was the preeminent issue. The opposition to his candidacy was even less than in 1828. Only three delegates attended the national republican convention which nominated Clay, and no state convention in his behalf was held. The main interest in national politics was the vice-presidency. For that honor Van Buren was the choice of Jackson, but there was a strong feeling in North Carolina that Van Buren favored protection and that he was federalistic. In the Baltimore convention
11 Carolina Watchman, Oct. 20, 1832.
12 Patriot, Dec. 8, 1832.
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which nominated Jackson, six of the fifteen North Carolina delegates gave their votes for the vice-presidency to Barbour of Virginia. After the national convention adjourned a state convention met at Raleigh, and framed a Jackson-Barbour ticket. It is interesting to note that the Barbour element was almost exclusively eastern, only three western counties send- ing delegates to the convention, while the west was apparently satisfied with Van Buren. The result of the election was an overwhelming victory for Jackson. The vote for Clay was insignificant; he did not carry a single county. In six counties the Jackson-Barbour ticket had a majority over the regular ticket; strange to say, four of these were western, Cabarrus, Davidson, Montgomery, and Rowan.
It is evident that there were elements of discord in North Carolina during Jackson's first administration. In his second term these elements were strengthened and cemented, result- ing in the rise of an opposition party. The process of realign- ment is revealed by sentiment on two measures.
First of these was the policy of the administration toward nullification. Although the prevailing sentiment in the state repudiated the South Carolina doctrine, the measures taken against it were not unanimously approved. The Force Bill was too drastic for party leaders. In the Senate both Brown and Mangum were out of sympathy with it and refrained from voting. In the House three of the congressmen opposed it, and one of them, Carson, went so far as to repudiate openly Jackson's administration.
Ile now rose to perform a solemn duty; such a one as he had once hoped would never have been his lot, and one which filled him with the deepest regret ; it was to part with a number of gentlemen with whom it had been his pride and pleasure heretofore to act. But the hour was come in which he was called to separate himself from them. He regretted this the more, as he knew it would oper -. ate as a banishment of himself from the regard of a man whom he: had delighted to honor; a man whom he had served, if not with as much ability, at least with as much honest zeal as ever son felt; toward the person and reputation of his own father. Never had his: heart known such a feeling of devotion toward any human being, unconnected with himself by blood, as toward Andrew Jackson. But he had arrived at the spot where they must part, etc.13
13 Congressional Debates, IX, 1826.
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With the exception of Carson, there was no formal break with Jackson over nullification. Incipient revolt was checked by the compromise tariff of 1833 and a repeal of the ordinance of nullification. However Jackson's financial policy precipi- tated a breach in the party lines. Not satisfied with the failure of the bank to secure a new charter, he brought about a with- drawal of the federal funds from the bank and its branches. This produced profound financial stringency. Moreover it
WILLIE P. MANGUM
raised the constitutional question of executive control over the national finances. In North Carolina there was already a financial depression due to the liquidation of the state banks. This was now increased by Jackson's action, because discount rates were raised. The depression seems to have been especi- ally strong in the western counties, where money was always difficult to obtain.
In Congress there was a definite revolt against Jackson's leadership. In the Senate it came with the resolutions of censure adopted in December, 1833. It was here that Senator Mangum broke with the party, for he voted in favor of the
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resolutions. Later, in February, 1834, he made the adminis- tration the subject of a caustic philippic, in which he said :-
The principle of this administration! As far as I know, and I make the declaration under a full sense of responsibility, this ad- ministration has put forward no principle as a test principle, as a party principle, except the principle of election and office. The ad- ministration came into power as a reforming administration to put down abuses, lop off excrescences, restore economy, and bring back the Government to a sound, simple, and healthful action. The great questions before the country were the tariff, internal improvement, and economy. I am bold to say that not a single pledge, either ex- pressed or implied, by the opponents of the late and the friends of the present administration has been redeemed. 1
The only great principle, until this of the deposits, which the friends of the administration were required to support, was the prin- ciple of office. Is the fact not so ? 14
In the House of Representatives the test of party allegiance was applied in a series of resolutions on April 4, 1834. The vote on these disclosed practically an equal division in the North Carolina delegation. On the first resolution, that the United States Bank ought not to be rechartered, the division was seven to six; Bynum, Conner, Hall, Hawkins, McKay, Rencher, and Speight voting aye, and Barringer, Deberry, Graham, William B. Shepard, A. H. Shepperd, and Lewis Williams voting nay. On the second resolution, that the pub- lic deposits ought not to be restored to the Bank of the United States, the vote was six to seven, Rencher now voting in the negative. On the third resolution, that state banks should be continued as places of deposit, the division was likewise six to seven, while on the fourth resolution, to appoint a committee to investigate the conduct of the Bank of the United States, only Shepard and Williams were among the nays. Later, on April 19, Barringer, Bynum, Deberry, Shepard, Shepperd, and Williams favored, and Hall, Hawkins, McKay, and Speight opposed, a resolution that the custody of the unap- propriated money of the United States constitutionally be- longed to Congress.
These votes indicate a permanent cleavage in the Jack-
14 Congressional Debates, X, 687.
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sonian democracy. In the spring of 1834 all opponents of Jackson drifted together and assumed a new party name, whig. In North Carolina Jackson was immensely popular with the rank and file. It was therefore necessary for the leaders of the new party to find some issues besides opposi- tion to the executive. These were at hand in local politics. The burning questions in the state were aid to internal im- provements and revision of the state constitution. These causes were now championed by the whigs. And as these measures were especially popular in the western counties, the whigs found in that region their greatest support and strength. It is notable that most of the congressmen who revolted against Jackson were from the west,-Barringer, Deberry, Graham, Rencher, Shepperd, and Williams, and likewise Sena- tor Mangum. Undoubtedly these leaders realized the neces- sity of economic improvement in their section and felt that Jackson's financial policy, which raised discount rates, would tend to delay that development; and so they took the leader- ship in the revolt against his administration.
The first test of party strength within the state came in the fall of 1834. The legislature was democratic and adopted a resolution instructing the senators to vote for a resolution expunging from the records of the Senate the resolutions condemning Jackson's removal of the deposits. This was directed at Senator Mangum, his colleague, Bedford Brown, being loyal to Jackson. Mangum, however, declared that the legislature, like himself, was a servant of the people and had no right to control his actions. He therefore refused to obey the resolution of instruction, but when the democrats carried the succeeding state election, he resigned and was succeeded by Robert Strange, a democrat. Such was the alignment of parties as the year 1836 approached.
CHAPTER X
RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT AFTER THE REVOLU- TION
THE REVIVAL OF 1800-RELIGIOUS DISSENSIONS
The collapse of an old order and the rise of a new regime were phenomena not confined to things political and economic. Religion also felt the impulse of new life after 1800, resulting in a different outlook and organization from that of the eighteenth century. The course of this change must now be traced.
The Revolution shattered the religious forces of North Carolina. Readjustment to a new regime was as much a problem for the churches as for industry, trade, and political thought. For this statistics bear witness. In 1790 the popu- lation of the state was 393,751, of whom 50,000 were heads of families. The exact proportion of church members cannot be ascertained, but 30,000 is a liberal estimate, leaving an uncultivated spiritual field of 363,751 souls. Yet the condition within the churches was not very favorable for the task before them. The Presbyterians had probably the largest member- ship. They were strongly intrenched in the piedmont and along the upper Cape Fear; but most of the loyalists in North Carolina were of Presbyterian stock and after the Revolution many of the Scotch on the Cape Fear emigrated. In the pied- mont section a number of the Presbyterian pastors had been active in the Revolutionary cause, notably Humphrey Hunter and Thomas McCaule, who served in the army; but for this very reason some of the congregations had declined. More- over strict Calvinistic thought and discipline often leads to spiritual revolt; witness Rousseau in France, the English deists, and Benjamin Franklin in America. It is not strange,
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therefore, to find that in North Carolina the traditions of Calvinism were seriously questioned at the close of the war. "The pastors shed tears over departed worth," lost in battle, we are told, but they grieved most over the living "who had renounced the religion of their fathers, and embraced a cold skepticism that promised only a life of licentiousness and the vain hope of annihilation." The Baptists had the largest op- portunity in North Carolina. They covered a greater territory than any other denomination, being grouped in two associa- tions, the Kehukee in the east and the Sandy Creek in the piedmont, the latter being the third oldest association of Bap- tists in the United States. Their rapid growth in the South toward the middle of the eighteenth century was little less than a profound social movement. Their extremely demo- cratic organization fitted in well with the ideals of the plain people while their style of preaching and type of thought made a popular appeal. The Baptist membership in 1790 was 7,742, surpassed only by the Presbyterians who, with the Independ- ents, had been estimated at 9,000 in 1762. But there were certain inherent weaknesses in the denomination. Individual- ism was too strongly intrenched in its polity for an organized diffusion of the faith, and there was a strong tendency toward dissensions over certain ordinances of the church.
So much for the two largest denominations. There were also the Quakers, well organized in some of the eastern and at least one of the piedmont counties ; but they were a distinct social class rather than an aggressive denomination. The Moravians had a worthy and heroic history, but not until recent years have they sought an increase of membership. The progress of the Lutherans and German Reformed had been seriously checked by the interruption of intercourse with Europe during the war. Most significant was the condition of the Anglicans. Throughout the South the Church of Eng- land was prostrate. Among its communicants in North Caro- lina were a number of Revolutionary leaders and its clergy were as a rule true to the patriot cause. But its tradition of close alliance with the British colonial system was a serious hindrance, there was no local episcopate, and early efforts to organize the diocese of North Carolina failed.
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Evidently there was an opportunity for a church that had an organization suitable for a distinct propaganda, that was free from doctrinal disputes, and that was thoroughly conse- crated to some elemental Christian truth which would appeal to the people. In Methodism the hour and the opportunity met. Its pioneer preachers made their appearance in North Carolina in 1772. The prevalent opinion is that the growth of the Methodist societies was checked by the Revolution, that many of the British preachers returned to England, and that the native circuit riders were popularly regarded as loyal to the Crown to the injury of their cause. Such a conclusion is not in accord with the facts, so far as North Carolina is con- cerned. In 1776 the membership of the societies in the state was 683; by 1783, the year of the Treaty of Peace, it had risen to 2,229, and the number of circuits was then increased from four to ten. A step toward independence from the Church of England was taken in 1779, when the preachers of North Carolina and Virginia appointed a presbytery of three with power to ordain themselves, then others. Through the in- fluence of Francis Asbury this action was disavowed until Mr. Wesley could be consulted. In 1784 consent was given and the Methodist societies took on the clothes of a church at Baltimore. The next year the first Annual Conference was held near Louisburg at the home of Green Hill.
The mechanism of the new denomination was well suited to the task before it. The bishops were the generals, the presiding elders the captains, the circuit riders the soldiers of the line. All were engaged in a spiritual warfare; in con- trast to the call of the congregation in the Presbyterian and Baptist polities, they were sent to the people. Not since the days of the Jesuit fathers in the French northwest had this country seen such an aggressive projection of the Christian faith ; hardly since the days of St. Francis had Christianity known a religious type similar to the circuit rider. Like the friars, he knew no place of abode, parsonages not being au- thorized until 1800. The meagre salary of sixty-four dollars made poverty truly evangelical and, with the views of Bishop Asbury, made marriage practically impossible for the ma- jority. The circuit riders preached at every opportunity,
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wherever a few could be gathered together, slave or free. Intensely evangelical, they were never satisfied without some manifestation of grace, the conviction of sinners or the re- joicing of the redeemed. They also wielded an intellectual influence. Some time between 1780 and 1790 Cokesbury School was established on the Yadkin, the first preparatory school in America under Methodist control. A few years
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