USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: The Federal Period 1783-1860, Volume II > Part 23
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11 Laws of North Carolina, 1842-3, p. 113.
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threaten any future suspension with a forfeiture of charter, fine, or tax on bank notes, to limit exchange rates, and to prohibit any bank from accepting in payment of debtsany notes except its own. Most important was a relief bill authorizing the issue of $1,000,000 in treasury notes, to be loaned to the people on land mortgages at six percent. These measures were generally opposed by the whig members, who pointed out the unconstitutionality of treasury notes and the possible violation of the bank charters. Most decisive was the threat of the Bank of the State to go into liquidation in case the relief bill was adopted.12 In the end wiser counsels prevailed and no action was taken. The discussion however showed definitely that the whig party was lined up with the established financial system and that the democrats pandered to the proletariat.
On the whole the legislature accomplished nothing for the improvement of the state save the incorporation of ten acad- emies and two manufacturing companies. However the demo- crats carried the congressional elections of 1843, electing five of the nine congressmen. A celebrated incident of the cam- paign was the visit of Stanly, whig, to Nash County, a demo- cratic stronghold. He had been informed that he would not be allowed to speak. When he arose to address his audience he said, "I realize that I am facing the unterrified democracy of Nash County, but I want you to know and to bear witness that I face you unterrified." Here is the origin of the political phrase, "unterrified democracy." A great democratic gain occurred in 1843 when William W. Holden assumed the editor- ship of the North Carolina Standard. Born in poverty, he became a printer's devil in the office of Dennis Heartt at Hills- boro. Later he removed to Raleigh and was employed in the office of the Star, a whig paper. Through the influence of James B. Shepard he now took charge of the Standard and as editor manifested a power of satire and ridicule, and made such an appeal to the masses that he won the bitter hatred of his former party associates. His defection was denounced as the action of a "little renegade deserter, who is so late from the ranks of Whiggery, that the very Turpentine of their Log
12 Address of Whig Members, Raleigh Register, May 16, 19, 1843.
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Cabins which he got on him when creeping like an Old Coon through the logs of which they were built, is still sticking to his fur." 13
The campaign of 1844, a year for presidential as well as state elections, now became the center of interest. In their state convention, which met in December 1843, the whigs again
WILLIAM W. HOLDEN
committed themselves to Clay for the presidential nomination, declared that a national bank should be established, endorsed distribution, and favored a tariff which in addition to raising revenue would counteract the restrictions imposed on the trade of the United States by foreign nations and "incident- ally afford just protection to American industry." William A.
13 Raleigh Register, July 4, 1843.
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Graham was nominated for governor. The democratic con- vention met a week later. Again the western counties were slightly represented, only nine sending delegates. The plat- form condemned a national bank, approved state banks on specie capital regulated by the legislature, endorsed a tariff for revenue only and also the veto power of the president, and favored the return of Jackson's fine. Michael Hoke, like Graham a native of Lincoln County, was nominated for gov- ernor.
The most notable event of the campaign was Henry Clay's visit to the state in April, 1844. Arriving at Wilmington on April 11, his tour partook of a nonpartisan gala occasion, Clay himself asserting, "I come not as a political gladiator, but as an American citizen. I take the hand of one party as cordially as I do another, for we all are American citizens. I place country far above all parties." The feature of his visit was his entertainment at Raleigh, which lasted a week. The city was thronged with visitors as never before, among the prominent guests being William G. Brownlow of Tennessee and B. W. Leigh of Virginia. Though the occasion was avow- edly nonpartisan, Clay's address at Raleigh was an exposition of whig principles, a plea for tariff for revenue with incidental protection, sound money through a bank of the United States, and distribution. Toward the end of his visit he penned his famous letter of April 17 against the immediate annexation of Texas, declaring such action without the consent of Mexico would be a measure "compromising the character of the nation, involving us certainly in a war with Mexico and prob- ably with foreign powers, dangerous to the integrity of the Union, inexpedient in the present financial condition of the country and not called for by any general expression of public opinion." The effect of the letter on Clay's political fortunes is well known. Evidently his policy was influenced by senti- ment in North Carolina; neither political party had made any official pronouncement on the Texas question but Badger, Stanly and Morehead concurred in the view taken in the letter.14 However the North Carolina Standard under Hol-
14 Clay to Crittenden, April 17, 1844 (Crittenden MSS.).
1
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den's editorship, a week before Clay's visit, had come out for annexation, so foreshadowing the action of the national demo- cratic convention.15
In the whig national convention the North Carolina dele- gates naturally supported Clay, who was nominated. But the democrats were at sea. A majority of the North Carolina del- egation was opposed to Van Buren, and Romulus. M. Saun- ders moved the adoption of the two-thirds rule which assured the rejection of Van Buren. The preference of Holden and
WILLIAM A. GRAHAM
Saunders was for Calhoun, but they were in a hopeless minor- ity. The official ballots showed the delegation divided, prin- cipally between Cass and Johnston, until the eleventh ballot, when the entire delegation went for Polk.
The contest for state officers centered around the debates between Graham and Hoke; the former was "more learned, more experienced, calmer, more dignified and more impres- sive," the latter "more nimble, quicker, brighter, and more entertaining." 16 Hoke defended and Graham opposed, the annexation of Texas. The democrats sought to arouse the
15 April 3, 1844.
Nash, Wm. A Graham, p. 541 (Bulletin 7, N. C. Hist. Comm.).
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interest of the common man in the question by pointing out the opportunity for the renter to buy property upon the removal of the slave holders to the southwest. On the other hand the whig central committee issued a confidential circular urging a full vote since a "powerful and united effort is being made to carry this state for Texas and Disunion." 17 Journalistic activity was also a feature of the campaign. In June Loring, editor of the Star, deserted the democrats and established a campaign sheet, The Independent, in the interest of Clay. The editorials of the Standard displayed a sting of sarcasm and ridicule. An example was the following :
" 'Gaps in chickens may be easily cured by giving them small crumbs of bread impregnated with a little soft soap; once or twice is sufficient.'-Raleigh Star.
"And gaps in coons may be easily cured by giving theni small doses of Polk juice in little soft pieces of Clay. This physic will cure them by killing them out-right; once will do."
But the climax was reached when the following burlesque on the leading whigs appeared, the most piquant attack of the campaign :
"For Salt River. The substantial packet schooner 'Scav- enger' will sail by order of the people of the United States for the head waters of Salt River during the month of Novem- ber. She carries out as a passenger the Honorable Henry Clay who, after having sought office at the hands of the said people for more than twenty years, has at length received the appointment of Collector of Customs at the head waters of said river, at which point it is expected he will prove in his official capacity, that high tariffs make cheap goods. He will carry out a strong corps of surveyors, tide waiters, bum bailiffs, etc. ; and as the country is new and unsettled, it is thought that these officers will find constant employment. The following appointments have already been made: Surveyors, Millard Fillmore, of New York, and General Markle, of Pennsylvania ; Berrien, of Georgia, and Morehead, of North Carolina. Tide waiters, Stanly, Cherry, and Palmer of North Carolina, and Pleasants, of Virginia. Bumb Boat Women, Messrs. Mangum
17 Standard, July 15, 1846.
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and Badger, of North Carolina. These last appointments are considered peculiarly appropriate. Mr. Mangum, it is thought, will sing three times a day a song of thankfulness for having been delivered from Mr. Edwards, of Virginia, while Mr. B. will serve as a beacon by standing at the mouth of Old Salt every night with a mammoth cigar in his mouth. The collector, it is presumed, will permit him to while away the long hours by untiring threats of 'Revolution' to intimidate the bats and owls." 18
Stung by such reflections, the Fayetteville Observer issued a number of denunciations of the Standard's policies. The re- sults of the election were a whig victory, Graham defeating Hoke by 3,151 and Clay winning over Polk by 3,390, the latter vote being remarkable as Kentucky and Tennessee were the only other Southern states giving Clay a majority. The dem- ocrats however were elated over the victory of Polk, seeing in it a triumph of policies temporarily rejected by the state. But the new administration did not have smooth sailing. Not only were the whigs bitter in their opposition but disaffection appeared among the democratic leaders.
First of all the foreign policy provoked criticism. The election being taken as the nation's approval of the annexation of Texas, the matter was taken up in the Senate in the last months of Tyler's administration. Involved with it was the perplexing problem of slavery extension. For this Senator Haywood offered a solution in a bill annexing Texas, with the consent of the Republic of Texas, as a territory, and setting aside its land north of latitude 34° as a part of the Territory of Nebraska, in which slavery would be prohibited.19 The bill making no progress, the author threw his support to the Benton bills, one of which embodied the joint resolution by which Texas finally became a part of the Union. To the last the North Carolina whigs were opposed to annexation. In the legislature of 1844 they introduced in the House of Commons a resolution approving annexation if it could be accomplished without compromising the rights, interests, and honor of the Union, but it was defeated. Senator Mangum and the entire
18 Standard. Oct. 30, 1844.
19 Cong. Globe, 28 Cong., 2d Sess., Appendix, p. 154.
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whig delegation in Congress from the state voted against the resolution of annexation.
More delicate was the Oregon question. The democratic platform having demanded reoccupation, Polk asked Congress to terminate joint occupation with England, after an offer of the line of 49" as a boundary between the two nations had been rejected. At once the expansionists replied with the slogan, "54° 40' or fight." The President, however, with his eye on Mexico was not unwilling to compromise, and let the facts be known. The first inkling to the public that such a policy would satisfy the administration was a speech by Senator Haywood on March 4 and 5, 1846. In it he declared that the honor of the nation was committed to compromise before Polk's election, that reoccupation could only mean the territory south of 49°, for north of it there were no American settlers, and that his own state was opposed to radical ex- pansion and he must follow its wishes rather than the demo- cratic convention of 1844, which had no right to bind the party. At these views the Northern democrats were incensed. Han- negan of Indiana remarked that if Senator Haywood correctly represented Polk, then "James K. Polk has spoken words of falsehood and with the tongue of a serpent." Senator Allen charged that Haywood, having attained the confidence of the administration, was attempting to drive him from the chair- manship of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Polk, on being questioned, evaded all responsibility by denying that Haywood was authorized to speak for him. But the speech was evidently inspired, since the line 49° was finally adopted as a compromise.
The democratic financial policy included the sub-treasury and the reduction of the tariff. The former was provided for in August, 1846, without disagreement among the North Caro- lina democrats. The readjustment of the tariff however proved more difficult. In 1843 a bill to reduce rates had been submitted by Mr. McKay, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee and congressman from the Fifth North Carolina District, but it was rejected. Then in 1846 came the Walker Tariff. With difficulty it passed the House, among the op- ponents being the three whig congressmen from the state,
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Barringer, Dockery, and James Graham. In the Senate the outlook was less promising on account of the opposition of two democrats, Jarnegan of Tennessee, and Haywood. When Polk appealed to the latter for support of the bill his reply was, "I would rather die than to vote for it." 20 Finally Senator Haywood, realizing that his convictions and those of
SENATOR WILLIAM H. HAYWOOD
his party were in conflict, resigned on July 25, and the Senate passed the bill by a majority of one a few days later. In "An Address to the People of North Carolina" he gave five reasons for his opposition, viz. : that the bill was different from the bill of 1843 which had helped win the democratic victory of 1844, that it would result in a deficit on account of the Mex- ican War, that it did not give industries time to readjust from
20 Polk, Diary, July 23, 1846.
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existing to new schedules, that the whole financial program of the party should go into force gradually, and that the pre- vailing conception of a tariff in North Carolina was that of revenue with incidental protection, to which the Walker Bill did not conform.21 Therefore for the sake of party harmony and because he did not endorse the interpretation of tariff policy in the legislative instructions of 1842, he resigned. His action was praised by the whigs and condemned by the demo- crats. The Standard declared Senator Haywood to be "an apostate deserter who never will be able in the course of the longest life to expiate one hundred part of the political trans- gression which he has this day committed." 22
So far the democratic disaffection was limited to Senator Haywood; but in the matter of the public lands a real breach was threatened. The policy of distribution was of distinct interest to North Carolina, for thereby funds might be secured for local internal improvements. But to this policy the national democracy was opposed, standing, in contrast, for lower prices and more liberal terms to the purchasers of pub- lic lands. Hence the graduation bill of 1846 was received with apathy by five North Carolina democrats, H. S. Clark, Reid, Daniel, Dobbin, and Biggs. Through the personal influence of the administration the first four voted for the measure on its last reading, but Biggs was absent; all had been among the nays on the previous votes.23
Such was the federal background for state politics in 1846, a year of state elections. The party conventions met early in January. The whigs adopted resolutions in favor of a tariff for revenue with incidental protection and distribution of the proceeds of public land sales, condemned the sub-treasury, and recommended Governor Graham for re-election. The demo- crats endorsed the national administration and nominated Green W. Caldwell of Mecklenburg for governor. Their con- vention also marked a step in party organization, for the first time voting being by counties rather than individuals, and a democratic state committee replacing the previous central
21 Raleigh Register, Aug. 25, 1846.
22 July 29, 1846.
23 Raleigh Register, July 21, 1846.
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committee. In the campaign the democrats were handicapped by a division within their ranks. Caldwell declined the nom- ination. An aspirant for his place was Walter F. Leake of Richmond County, who was approved by democratic meetings in Anson, Union, Montgomery, Mecklenburg, Lincoln, and Catawba counties. But the democratic state committee as- serted itself by nominating James B. Shepard of Raleigh. Mr. Leake however remained in the race until May, when the state committee, after examining the claims submitted by both candidates, decided in favor of Shepard. A feature of the campaign was the democratic attack on the whig policy toward internal improvements, notably the price paid by the state at the foreclosure of the Raleigh and Gaston mortgage. During the summer occurred the defection of Haywood and the threatened breach over distribution. It was not surprising therefore that the election, which occurred in August, dis- closed another whig triumph, Graham being re-elected by a majority of 7,859. Commenting on the result the Standard said: "Federalism with its lawyers and banks and corpora- tions and merchants to sustain it, has won the day and now we suppose the Whigs will have Railroads, Turn-pikes, and state indebtedness and high taxes to the heart's content. So be it. '' 24 The legislature of 1846 repealed the congressional district law of 1842 and created new districts, to which action the democrats applied the term "raynermander," from Ken- neth Rayner who introduced the bill. The result was a whig victory in the congressional elections of 1847, the party car- rying six of the nine districts. In 1846, also, Mangum was re- elected United States Senator and Badger, another whig, re- placed Haywood.
It was during the state campaign of 1846 that the Mexican war opened. At once the question of its origin and also its conduct became matters of party controversy. The whigs were loud in their criticism. The legislative candidates of the party in Johnston County issued a circular denouncing the war and demanding peace. Governor Graham in his message of November 17, 1846, criticized the executive policy which
24 Aug. 19, 1846.
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resulted in the war and said: "It still remains a momentous question, under our institutions, whether Congress can be superseded in the power to make war and the authority given to the executive only to effectuate the will of the legislature, can be used to determine and settle the policy of the country in matters of boundary or any other." In the legislature the whigs prefixed to a resolution appropriating money for volunteers a preamble declaring that the war was caused by executive action. It was carried in the Senate by a majority of one but was rejected in the Commons by a majority of three. Early in 1847 a series of public meetings was held de- nouncing the war and demanding peace. The Raleigh Register urged the election of whig congressmen as a means of hasten- ing an end of the conflict.25 A similar attitude was taken by leading whig representatives at Washington. Senator Man- gum in 1846 was among those who doubted that a state of war existed by action of the Mexican government and there- fore objected to the military appropriation bill. In 1848 four of the North Carolina congressmen, Barringer, Clingman, Donnell, and Shepperd, voted for the Ashmun amendment to the Hudson peace resolution, which declared the war unnec- essarily and unconstitutionally begun by the President. Senator Badger voted against confirmation of the treaty of peace because it added territory to the United States and thereby gave new life to the slavery issue.
With such a political background it is not surprising that partizanship and discontent characterized the state's rela- tion to the military conduct of the war. In May, 1846, Presi- dent Polk called on Governor Graham to raise a regiment of volunteers, consisting of ten companies and field officers, ap- proximately 1,000 men. More than three times the number asked for responded, most of whom were from the region west of Raleigh. The ten companies chosen were drawn by lot; the company officers were chosen by the volunteers and the field officers were appointed by the governor. This policy was somewhat at variance with the tradition of the state militia, in which the field officers were chosen by the commissioned
25 Register, July 30, 1847.
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officers. Democratic criticism was afforded an outlet when Governor Graham announced as field officers Robert Payne of Edenton (Colonel), John A. Fagg (Lieutenant Colonel), both anti-war whigs, and Stokes of Surry, a democrat and a West Pointer (Major). If the election had been left to the company commanders their choice for Colonel would undoubt- edly have been Louis D. Wilson of Edgcombe. But he was a democrat of political ability and ambition. However he finally received an appointment in the army of the United States and died of yellow fever in Mexico. In December the regiment was formally called into federal service. The terms were that each soldier and officer should furnish his own clothing, for which an allowance of $3.50 per month was given with an advance for six months, and that mileage should be computed at 50 cents for each twenty miles to Wilmington and Charlotte, the places of mustering. All the companies except one from Rowan refused these terms. A new organization was neces- sary, secured by an appeal of the governor to the militia offi- cers of the counties. In addition two companies were organ- ized for the regular army of the United States, which were attached to the Twelfth Infantry. The legislature rallied to the cause by appropriating $10,000 for equipment and author- izing the governor to spend $10,000 additional at his discre- tion. Yet discontent did not vanish. The mustering officers being tardy in reaching the state, a number of desertions oc- curred. At length in March, 1847, the companies left for their destination in Mexico. There the regiment of volunteers added nothing to the fair name of the state. Colonel Payne proved to be vain and incompetent. A crisis was reached in September, 1847. A wooden horse which he used in met- ing out discipline was raided and broken to pieces by Virginia troops. When they made a second raid to destroy the debris, Colonel Payne fired, killing one and wounding others. There- upon all the officers in his regiment requested his resigna- tion. The matter being referred to General Wool, that officer dismissed Lieutenants Pender and Singletary. A number of officers again submitted their resignations, but General Wool pacified them and the two dismissed lieutenants on appeal to the War Department were reinstated. Although the state
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troops had no part in any of the leading battles of the war, a number of North Carolinians in the regular army gained dis- tinction and experience which prepared them for their part in the larger War of Secession, notably Braxton Bragg, James G. Martin, and Joseph Lane.
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CHAPTER XV DECLINE OF THE WHIG PARTY, 1848-1852
MANHOOD SUFFRAGE AND SLAVERY EXTENSION
In 1848 the whig party in North Carolina seemed impreg- nably entrenched. Its leaders had brought about the construc- tion of railways with state aid, had inaugurated a public school system, and had initiated a policy of professional care for physical defectives-measures which truly mark a new epoch in the social history of the state. Moreover the whigs had redeemed North Carolina from the sway of the Jack- sonian democracy, carrying the presidential elections of 1840 and 1844, and also securing a majority of the congressmen in 1835, 1837, 1841, 1847, and 1849. But the supremacy of the party was near its end. Beneficial as was its legislative program, its spirit and many of its policies were at variance with the genius of the plain people. It found staunch allies among the banking interests and the manufacturers. Its use of the patronage was notorious. Its attitude toward American expansion and the Mexican War was extremely partisan, bor- dering on disloyalty. Finally, two issues arose concerning which its leaders were confused and its policy was uncertain, resulting in inglorious defeat at the hands of the democrats.
The first of these was the question of senatorial suffrage. The Constitution of 1776 restricted the franchise in senatorial elections to fifty-acre freeholders. This was at variance with the Bill of Rights, which declared that all power was vested in the people. Yet the restriction for many years worked no hardship and aroused no criticism, because land was cheap and could be obtained, especially in the more western coun- ties, by payment of an entry fee. But at length the choice lands were taken up, and with the advance in the tax rates
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