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ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 03562 7840
GO 974.2 W899n Worthington, Harriet E. New Hampshire churches and the American Revolution
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https://archive.org/details/newhampshirechur00wort
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
NEW HAMPSHIRE CHURCHES AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
A DIESERTATION SUBMITTED TO. THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR TEC DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
BY
HARRIET E. WORTHINGTON
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS HOMEM, 1924 auch, 1925
Allen County Public Library 900 Webster Street PO Box 2270 Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270
PORSWORD
TILA 113G IND SAGACIOUS CLERGYIAM, THOMAS HOCKER, DECLARED THIS PRINCIPLE THAT THE FOU DATION OF AUTHORITY 15 BASED IN OHS FREE COMSMAT OF THE PEOPLE . . . (283 V.ICE OF A GLERSTIAX IN THA .ILSINASS SPEAKING THE ORDS OF EXPIRA!) . . .
THEY DELANDED A HS
.
CALVIN COOLIDGE
(In an address delivered before the Y. M. C. i. at Abuny, New York, April 13, 1923)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Para
Introdoution 11
I Survey of General Religous Conditions 1
II Introduction and Growth of the Earliest Denominations 12
The Congregationlista 13
3. The Episcopalians and the 3. P. G. 20
IIX
Churches planted during the Mid Colonial Period
30
Å+ Quakers and their "Meetings" 31
Scotch-Iris Presbyterians
IV The Rovolt against the Standing Order, and the Establishment of Bantiat Churches, and Various Sects 45
Inter-relations of the Church and State - as ragirds Bincation, slavery, etc. 58
New Hampshire Chrabes zed im Amoriom Esmint ion 70
Summary and Concluding Discussion 98
(Appendix)
٨٠ Tables of Statistios 1.
B. Bibliography · P. XVIII.
Map (inside of book cover)
PACKHOFLEEGHEETS OZ ASSISTAIDE (Ses the last pass of this volume).
11
INTRODUCTION
SIGNIFICANE POINTS IN EARLY HEY HAMPSHIRE HISTORY
Five Indian captives from the shores of New England were the source from which sir Ferdinando Gorges - "the father of American colonisation" conceived his great desire to mixe plantations in the New World. These nativas were brought into Plymouth harbor by Captain "oymouth, in 1605. Gorges hin- self says, "this accident must be acknowledged the meanes, under God, of pat- 1 ting on foote, and giving life to all our Plantations". His colleague, Joha Mason, had been Governor of Newfoundland, and on his return was appointed jeers- tary of the Plymouth Council, neuer which all the original grants in New England were made.
Under those men there were established two settlements on the Pascatagza River, both of which belonged definitely, to what is known as "the plantation- or Corporation
type" of colony (usually called "a Proprietary Colony"). That is, all of the original emigranta to the shores of the Pascatuqua were either servants or 2
officers of the trading corporation whose seat was in Old England. Too first arrival was David Thomson in the good ship "Jonathan" (1623); he and his company put up at Little Harbor." Soon after (William und) Mward Hilton brought out another shipload of 'servants' and materials and established the first permanent 3
first settlement at Hilton's Point (or Dover Point). These carly settlements were referred to by early Massachusetts writers under various names, William Bradford
1
1. Gorges, "A Briefe Karration of New England" (p. 8 in Baxter's Reprint).
2. (See Belknap, Hist, of Now H., I, 14- re 'a fresh supply of servants' (1674). 3. Sea the series of controversial artiolos by Pago, Soales, Koyer, and Libby, in The Granito Monthly, LIV (1922), 205, 269, 163, and 364.
. Thomson himself was an 'indentured servant', i.e. he was bound to render service to the company for a term of years. His indenture his bom printed in Vol. 2 of the Han H, Cansado Meal Record. The original Kas, is in the possession of the lassa. Historical Society.
We used the John Farmer edition of 1831 (2vols. in one)
111
1
Edward winslow refers to the same as 'Pascatoquack'.
refers to Thomson's settlement as' Paskataway'. 2 Christopher Levett oleurs up this confusion for us,
by saying; "The next place I cms to was Pennamay" -(the Indian nme for the
Little Harbor site - nowadays called Odiorne's Point) 3 - "where one ui. Thom-
son hath made a Plantation . . About tro English miles further Zust I found
a treat River and a food harbour, called Pascattamy". This indicates that the whole revlon around the Pascataqua River was referred to under one general name (Paskataway, Pascattaway, or Pascatoquaok) in just the same way as it is today. 5 As late as 1663, this region is still designated by an English travel- 6 er as 'Pasoataway' or 'Pasoatique'.
The division of New Hampshire into the Upper and Lower Plantation, and the return of Captain Wiggins with about thirty families, in 1633, marks the real begiming of organized community life in this colony. They proceedod to establish a compact town on Dover Heck - thus reinforcing the original set- tlement at Dover Point - (or Dover Kock). They first called this town Bristol, then Hortham (1739) and finally Dover (1651).
Meanwhile the original settlement at Little Harbor nad been largely dispersed, and in its place we find out a small group of colonists in the Lower Plantation, located at Strawberry Bank. By 1653 they had become sufficiently
1. Bradford's History "Of Plimoth Plantation". p. 186 in the Massachusetts General Court Reprint.
2. Einslow, "Good Hewes from New England", pp. 350-357, of Young's Reprint in Chronicles of the Filmin Pathars.
3. Packett, Portsmouth Raporda, p. V.
4, Lovett, "A Voyage into New england, " p. 90 in Baxter's Christopher lerott of the York.
5. This region is called 'Piscataway' by early maker writers and Jones says that the name included the meetings 'both in New Hampshire and King'. (The Takers in the American Colonies, p. 119).
6. Josselyn, An Account of two voyages to New England, pp. 31 and 150-3.
numerous, however, to apply to the General Court of Massachusetts for incor- poration as a town - asking that their name be changed to Portsmouth. Court acceded to this and also made them a large grant of land on the mainland - though they added the reservation that they were 'leaving the proprietors to 1 their just rights and interests'. This enlarged settlement is referred to by Tuttle, as follows; "The first considerable settlement in New Hampshire was made on Great Island (now New Castle) and there, for the next seventy-five years, 2 was the seat of government of the Province".
This brings us to one of the curious features regarding early New Hamp- shire settlements, namely, that of the four original towns, Hortham (Dover), Strawberry Bank (Portsmouth), Exeter, and Hampton, only one of them as ever 3 formally incorporated, and that one by the General Court of Massachusetts; In the case of Exeter this informal status was the natural outcome of wheelright's having bought his lands of the Indians -though reserving to them 'free liberty 4 of fishing, fouling, hunting, And planting' within the limits of the deed. How natural then that here at Exeter should have been established the first independ- ent township republic in the New world. "It was an infant democracy founded on the Bible". 5 In the case of Hampton, we can find no record of its having ever been formally incorporated, although it was settled (1638) under the diroot super- vision of the General Court of Massachusetts, who considered that the territory 6 came within the limits of their grant from the Plymouth Council. Both Exeter
1. Stato Papers of How He, XXIV. 267.
2. Tuttle, Historical Papara, Chapter I. p. 103.
3. State Papers of Mys H., XXIV, 134, 695, and 743.
Dover was incorporated
as a city by the State of Now H. in 1856. See Americana, Vol. VII
4. Belknap, Hist, of Key B., 1, 5 ..: .
5. Stackpole, Hist, of Kes H., 1, 43-44.
6. Joseph Dow, in his Historical address delivered at Hampton, says that the settlemant 'was not allowed to bootzze a town' until June, 1639. (p.7)
and Hampton assumed corporate functions, however, at an early date.
This influence of Massachusetts over the early affairs of New Hampshire was further strengthened by the union which took place in 1641. At that date the four towns united in asking Massachusetts to take them under her care. Belknap says that "had not the wiser people among them sought a union with Massa- 1 chusetts, in all probability the settlements muat have been deserted". Massa- chusetts was so glad of this opportunity to extend har authority that she road- ily granted the concession demanded by the towns, namely, that 'the Test' by which Massachusetts required all voters and office-holders to be church members, 2
was dispensed with, so far as New Hampshire was concerned. When, in 1679, New Hampshirites learned that the Masonian heirs were trying to have the King dis- solve the union, they petitioned the King to amex them to that province. And when Usher arrived in Portsmouth as Deputy Governor of the newly constituted Royal Province of New Hampshire, "the people submitted with extrema reluctance
to being under a government distinct from Massachusetts".
3
Not only was New Hampshire thus closely bound to Massachusetts politically, but the manner in which all but the first two settlements were made greatly strengthened this tie; that is, we know of only two towns, Dover and Portsmouth, 4
whose inhabitants came to New Hampshire directly from overseas. (This, in spite of the fact that all of the four original towns were maritime, being on tide-water as far inland as Dover.) In the case of Exeter, "the first settlers
1. Balknap, Hist, of New H., I, 17.
2. Ibid., p. 31 Snow says this occurred 2 yrs. after their union. (Hist. Add. , p.11) The cordial relations between the two colonies is further illustrated by the large donations made by the New H. towns toward the erection of a new brick building at Harvard, in 1669. (Belknap, p. 64)
3. Ibid., pp. 123-4. Bell says that up to this date New H. should be spoken of as 'Colonial'; afterwards, as 'provincial'. Collections of the New H. Hist. Society, VIII, 455.
4. Even the Dover settlers of 1633 landed first at Salem, Mass., and went overland to Dover Hook.
were composed in about equal proportions of theelright's parishioners from Kont Wollaston, in Massachusetts, and of his friends and connections lutely arrived from England". 1 And in Hampton we find that "of the seventy-five original grantees who threw in their lot with Stephen Bachiler, two-thirds were fros eastern England . Those people had arrived in Massachusetts in 1635-7,"
2 1.0., some three years previous to settling at Hompt on. During the middle period of New Hampshire settlement, the Scotch-Irish began coming to southern New Hampshire, in large mmbers,
(in 1719) via Boston, 'the Hub' and distributing centre
for all of northern Now England. And finally, when "The Great Migration" of 1761-71 sat in, the whole tide of new settlers which poured up the valleys of the Merrimsok and Connectiont Rivera, was composed of those who had lived in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. During that decade pormment settlements were commenced in about one-third of all the present towns in this 3 state. Thus were the two Commonwealtha of New Hampshire and Massachusetts bound together not only socially and politically, but - us ensuing chapters will show, in detail - the introduction and organisation of the various rolig- lous denominations was such as to bind New Hampshire to her Mother Colony of Massachusetts by an even stronger tie.
Another very significant feature of New Hampshire's settlement lies in the fact that but ony representative member of the Old world nobility over settled hars, and that even that one left no posterity. Sir Francis Champernowao -
1. Ball, Hist. of Exoter, p. 11
2. Sanborn, V., The Grantees and Settlement of Hampton, p. 22.
3. Lawrence, The Nos H. Churches, p. 14.
4. From 1699-1741 (forty-two years) Nassa, and New H. had but one Royal Governor botween thom, Those made their residence in Boston, of course, whither papers wars forwarded for their signatures.
٧٤٤
and
youngest son of an English Lord, kinsman of Gilbert, Raleigh, and Gorses - settled at Greenland about 1639, and throughout his long years of residence on the Pascataqua was a loyal supporter of the proprietary authority of Sir Ferdinando.
"Hero dwelt for many years that noblast born and bred of all low Hampshire's first planters. Grand old English ouks planted (as tradition has it) oy the'Captain's' own hands, still lift their vigorous heads over the fertile meadows - true Herne's o.ks. unique in New Hampshire, a scene as soutifal as that from windsor Castle over Duchat Mead".1
With the passing of this nobleman, we my almost say of New Hampshire,
as a whole, what Soales his said of the town of Strafford, viz .; "Thore Wul absolutely no aristocracy and no proletariat; no man who did not met his neigh- bor on equal tema". 2 True, there were communities like Hatfield (Londonderry) where "the Wentworths and many loyal subjects to the Croma formed almost a separate = colony in the town" - known as The Forlish Runa. True, also that the first settlers at Concord were carefully selected from various towns in Massachusetts by a Committee of the General Court, (on the basis of character and means); and that no newcomer was permitted to settle at Hampton without the permission of the Freemen. 5 All the foregoing to the contrary, the student must admit that the social fabric of New Hampshire, as woven during the pre-Revolutionary days,
1. Tuttle, Historigal Papers, p. ili, note. (Chapter. 1, "Sir Franois Champernovas". )
2. Scales, Hist, of Strafford Co., p. 403.
3. Manchaster Mist, Anca, Collections, VI, p. vii (Introduction)
4. Bouton, Histor Concord, p. 59.
b. This permission could not easily be secured as is shown by the vote passed by the Freeman in 1639; to wit; "Liberty is Given to im. Fuller, of Ipswich to come and sit down here as a planter and smith, in case he bring a car tificato of approbation from the elders".
Dow, Hist. Andreas at Hampton, p. 12.
.
vili
was of a remarkably homogeneous and oven texture.
Another important reason for this social democracy was the break- down of the English system of land tenure which the Proprietors of colonial New Hampshire (and their heirs) had tries to establish there. Tho Masonian Controversy was of too complicated a mature for us to more than mention hare. But the importance of its outcome is shom in i recent address at Portsmouth;
"The successful opposition of the settlers to the attempts to collect quit rents, and the consequent dafest of the English system of land toonre, with its inevitable stratification and gradation of soolety, wers of inoulouable importance in the development of a commonwealth whose very corner-stono was to be the social and economic liberty of the individual".
Thus wo ses why we might naturally lock to provincial New Hampshire . for a solidarity of public opinion on any great quest lom. And when we examine later into the forces which molded and controlled public opinion during the revolutionary pariod - we shall see what a fertile soil was hers offered for the rapid spread of political propaganda.
During all these years of How Zapshire's development there had been pushing up, beside her, the beginnings of two other states - Muine and Vermont. But Maino was not separated from Massachusetts and admitted to the Union until 1820; while "The New Hampshire Grunts", or Vermont, wers admitted soon after the close of the Revolution. Thus Es E-mpshire stands out as the only one northeastern
of the thirteen original Colonies on tro, frontier. And when the Peace of 1763 was signed with France - ending many dagades of bloody Indian warfare - wo find New Hampshire a well-or;inizod Commonwealth of sturdy Anglo- jaxons ulfted by a strong social solidarity, schooled in the arts of self- defense, practised in solf-government, and ready to play an important part in the days of crisis and struggle soon to follow.
1. Snow, Hist. Address , at Portmonth, 1923, pp. 16-17.
1x
(Supplementary Note to the Introduction)
In connection with the Tercentenary Celebration of the first settlement in New Hampshire, a Pageant was given in Portsmouth, August 19, 1923. This historical play "was acted, sung, and danced by citizens of portsmouth, Dover, Exeter, Greenland, Isles of Shoals, Kittery, How- castle, Newington, and Rys". In it, Virginia Tanner has given an excel- lent bird's-eye view of the early history of New Hampshire. Spisodo I introduces early explorers and characters as follows;
1. Passaconamy - the great Sagamore of Penacook
2. Martin Pring, with tho "Speedwell" and the "Discoverer"
3. Father Champlain visits the Indians of the Pisoataqua
4. Captain John Smith comes exploring (Isles of shoals)
5. David Thomson is visited by Captain Miles standish from the Plymouth Colony
1
OUTLINE OF CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTORY SURVEY OF RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS
A. Church organisation, disciplina, doctrine, eto. 2
(1) The non-religious motives of early settlers
(2) Granting of the globe and church taxes
(3) The Half-Hay Covenant
(4) General state of finz in ohren disciplino
(5) The same condition in organisation and dootrim
(6) Indefinite status of many early churches 5
B. Characteristic features of church growth
(1) The 'Nascent Energy' of Few Settlements
(2) Apparent growth of the churches by new towns being set off
(3) Confusion arising from other sources
(4) Religion in the home of the Puritan settler
(5) The general procedure in public worship
(6; The "Great Awakening" of 1741
(7) Religious hysteria during this and other revivals
(8) Criticism of the Awakening and Edwarda' defense of 1$
(9) Infinenco of the frontier upon the development of the churchos
.
2
CHARTER ONS
SURVEY OF GENERAL RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS
Church organization, discipline, doctrina, eto.
(1) There were certain conditions which Affected the early life of all the New Hampshire churchos. Chose we will now take into review --- 43 3 back ground for the chapters which follow. In the first plico, the planting of churches was retarded in the orly yoirs of New Hampshire history by the non- religious motives of the proprietors and sottlers of the Pisout.qua Colony. such - degree did this .ffoot religous istitutions, that, "out of twenty-sevon or twenty-oi, hit towns in that section of the state, thoro were not found --- at the end of two centuries - more than five toms affording an adequate support for the pre chod gospel". 1
(2) Secondly, the taking of all inhabitants of a town, and the renting of the globe - for church lands ) - for the support of the gospel min- istry,united church interests mid town interests very closely. In most early records we find that the first minister was called by the town, and not by a body of church-folk; again we find instances where the Church und town united 2
in extending i call to a chosen minister. Then the fuet that the grants oz many towas required the inhabitants to establish the gospel ministry within a specified term of years, (and set aside . ponerous section of land for the support of a minister) tended to attract unconverted "en into the ministerial
1. Lawrence, The How H. Churches, p. 12. He also notes the formation of the "'isostajua Missionary .oulety - early in the 1800's as a result of the dirth of churches in eastern New H.
2. Ibid., p. 48. This happened in the case of Londonderry, also ( in 1639) where the town appointed 3 men as a committee, to join with the session of the Londonderry Church 'to prosecute . c.ll' for the services of Mr. . Davidson, as minister. (Manchester Hist. issoc. Collections, V, 225)
3
profession, * und to aid in the establishment of churches in commuities whore
2 thors was out little real religious interest. This largely explains the reason why so many of tho early churches became extinct. At least twelve of 2 the churches in the Piscataqua racion had become extinct by 1856. (3) another factor which really retarded the churches was 'the Half-
Day Covenant'. This was an arrangement by which unconverted but respectable parents might present their children for baptism without anterin; into the 3 Church Covenant, or assuming the obligations of fall membership. As the
disaffection regarding church taxation increased, and the churches were throm more and more upon their own uotive membership for support, this larso group of Half-may Covenanters presented a serious problem and a real handicap. (seo Stxokpolo II, 310).
(4) te should .ilso pote the poneral stite of fine which character- ised church disciplina at this period. Many con rejations were divided as to whether they would adopt the Cabride or estminster platform, i.e. the Congregational or Presbyterian form of church government m discipline. whom of the churches allowed the minister wie they had called to make his own choice 4 in the mitter, and some adopted & mixod form of disciplim. In Guffstoma, they adopted the name "Con Temational-Presentorian Church" .** But this indefinite
1. Lawrence, The Now H, Churches, pp. 318-19, 240 and 376.
2. Ibid., p. 12.
3. Ibid., pp. 48, 126, und 322.
4. Ibid., p. 166.
* This is testified to in the memorials presented to the Synod of Phila- delphis by three Now England ministers in 1740 - "In these papers the strong conviction is expressed that many of the members of the synod were in an unconverted state". House, The Constitution ] History of the Presbyterian Church in the Vein i. (Part II) pp. 16-17.
** Lawrence, The New H. Churches. p. 171.
status did not continue loa; sooner or later, practically ul the Presbyterian
1 churches were swallowed up by Congregationalisn. The reasons for this change are so well stated in a recent thesis, that we take the liberty of quoting at sono longtà;
"The Presbyterians and Congregation.lists differod little in doctrino. Both ware Calvinistie in theology, und for this reason there was a tendency for the two to co.ilesos . . . The acceptance on the part of the state church (Congregational) of Presbyterian ministers, and the re clarity with which they received Presbyterian laymen into their church is evidence that the Congregationulists were not fundamentally Opposed to Presbyterian principles. When the Presbyterians, however, Attempted to organize uui support onmarch of their own, opposition
Ansy were rewarded to some extent as in- traders smi a umnally drivon of? exiled or absorbed by the coloni 1 church"
(5) Kot only in church discipline uid this state of 'which' prevail, but also in church organization und doctrine. The organization of a church society usually consisted in the adoption of a mutual covenant by a group of some 6 to 12 men, who simply pledged themselves to a godly walk and to ong.co in tho various ordinices of the church, etc.,But there is generally nothing said in regard to articles of faith. In Francestown, the Congregational church
3
w13 organized in 1773, but Articles of faith were not adopted u. til 1811.
This is bat an extreme instance of a condition which was common to all the Now Hampshire churches. An english observer - writing in 1676 - quuintly observos 4 that "what religion they have comes from Boston or 'the Connecticut!". While
1. This process was even more marked in Maine where All of the former Presbyter- ian cmarobes became Congregational. Soe Frommun, "skotch of Presbyterian- ima in Maine", Ha He Bangaltony, I, (1845-6), 260.
2. Lemley, The Influence of the Churches in the Colony of Massachusetts (1763-83). pp. L1-3. The attitude of the Standing order towards the Presbyterians was, however, wach less severe in New Hampshire. (Italies are mine)
3. Lawrence, Tho Non H. Churches, p. 165.
4. Perry, Bist, Collections Relating to the Amer. Colonial Church, p. 14 of Vol. III, on Massa. (Reprint from the lambeth KES., no. 841)
6
this is true in a general sense, these church covaninte wero purely 'homespun' composition - ramned sy the local or visiting diving - And mike no bothorsono references to ezict doctrine.
(6) Ajda, the ameri status of many of the early New Hampshire charles was such as to make us wonder "when is a church not a church"? In many cases the settlers built a meeting-house and hired pre sching from timeto time, us t.sir ma.as ilomod. Ofte the tom voted to "settle" a minister :hoz no church organisaties existed and did not exist oven for some yors after the minister wis settled. ind in many places wo find the people in scattered suttle- monts meeting in houses, barns, and in the open field - u.willing to forego the privilege of he rin; the gospel moss .3, even tho' their poverty prevented the ercetion of s Emuse of orship. In our Tioles of Statistics we h.vo included only those churches which cither had been organized, or which had built a mest- in -house and enjoyed regular preaching by a settled pastor, In the Supplementary lists, appended to the Sales, we have included the guar anized Tuens, in towns where there mas occasional preaching or meetings for publie worship.
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