New Hampshire churches and the American Revolution, Part 9

Author: Worthington, Harriet E
Publication date: 1924
Publisher: 1924
Number of Pages: 330


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The Baptists for the Revolution.


regarding


(1) superficial evidence to the Buntists.


A superficial study of the relation of How Hampshire Baptists to


1. Brian, Amoricin Presbyterian ism p. 171.


2. Blaikis, Presbyterianian in New England, pp. 170-71.


3. Jay Parker, Hist, of Londonderry, Chapter III.


90


the werichn Rovolution would corsainly Load ons to sre conclusion trit they were all on fino poper side of the revolutionary movement. although there is little direct evidence which baars on this question - bithar pro or con - cre c.az.ot f .. il to be impressed by the patriotic Ativities ci (Governor; Istan Plumer, of apping. He was converted by Koverand chop id, in 1779, in only twenty jere ot ago, and be-


ens a Baptist evangelist.


But i'tor several yours he went into politics.


Ag 3


member of the Constitutional Convention, ani of various state una National assemblies, 1 he wod . ceaseless fight for "complete religious liberty'. His main curear belongs to the Next-revolutionary period, but is of some Introspective importante, of course. (2) Relations to Benvisto in ounon Solorios.


Thua, che volution of Her Haagchiro Baptista to those of suissasimsetts


and Thoce fyland would lead to the conclusion that they were outspoken advosites of the Misvolution. For the first yearmumnent 3.ptist Church in New Hampshire has establisn- 2


ed by Coverand Zewski h Smith of Zwarhill, x ss chusetts. and this was none other


thin the Reverend with whose patriotic aruor aus ge futonso that it ture him from church &. F.sily ad sont hin os h anapi .in to the army for five je.rs". Reverend with was also setive in tho foraction of tin farran Aoscol tion (Tirren, 2. I.) in 1767. This was the first association of Baptists in New England, aat as it sent missionaries into La: Kimmyshire, in 1779, is would ssem to have exercised general supervision over the Ker Lmpshire char chos. The revolutionary attitude of the


Corren Association is too well known to need further consent. Another reason for connecting Mer Lapshire Eztists with those in Podle Island is that Rhode Island Baptists casamed la dership for All New England Baptists. "From Bhole Isluxi cita- dels wir uss ragad for religious liberty and for freedom from church tuzation . . . Rhode Island, being tno ronaczvous of New England Baptists, formed the rallying point of att.uk'.


1. Stackpole, History of Haz s., II, p. 296.


Vedder, A short History of the Baptista, p. 313.


3. Cathourt, The Baptists and the marica Revolution, p. 36.


4. Cr.adall, Roligloue jects in Thow Island (1763-83), p. 1.


91


(3) The pubilshe weltin's of Dr. hauard.


Our examination of the puoliahed writings of Dr. hop-rd revealed, however, that he confined himself wholly to religious topics. This raised u very lively muofcion in cur mind. CEut there was ample ground for such, is shown by an inspection of the returns of the Association Tort. There we not only find that this leader ( und semi-31snop) of the low Hampshire Baptists refused to siin the Test, but it further rave la thes there was not a single tow. in which there were any considerable number of Baptiste, but what went in a list of names of those who had refused the West! (It is, however, partly a multar of fateramos, that most of 1 those who refused the Test in these towns ware Autists).


(1) Sommezer Ellay af Westmoreland. p. 167


(2; liphuith bith of Deerfield € -ne 4.1


() Latteren Ballon of Richmond, first church -p. 122 II. Thique who ofusod to 01 21:


(1) .Dr. Samal hop ini Pastor of the Churchas ut


Bruntwood, Nottingham and Str.thua, et al. -


2. 147


(2) Reverend Artemis Aldrich of Richmond, second carel -.- p. 124 Note: Cno Total ihmber' of Buysist Winistars was 5; Hos Tasla ZIZ. (app.)


(1) Brentwood; 18 mon refused to sign 21


(2) Deerfield: 20 " 43


*(3) Gilmanton: 32 " . " · p. 3


57


(4) hopkinton: 21" = = p.


69


(5) Zadason; everybody sigled; fer Baptists hore 81


1. Of Connecticut Batlats, Fiiton says that their opposition to the principle of Var in zamoril, mads than rather unpopular until their patriotism was actually proved by active service. Flitos, Rali . Influences in Cons. (1766-83), p. 68.


. (some signed a statement re religious principles). Note: Zon. Mr. Batchelor Caitor of state Papers says it is assumed that these 73 - on a seur to list refused.


92


(6) Hottinhmm: 25 men refused to siz - p. 108


* (7 & 8) Richmond (two churches) 73 refused p. 123


(9) Strath m: 42 men refused to siin p. 147


(10) "astmoralund; 6 men refused to sign p. 158


(11) "o_re: 61 uskers _nl 10 others refused p. 156 Note: The totil mmour of Baptist towns wis 11 (seo ?ble III, App. )


(6) Conclusion is to New Impshire Bintists And the Revolution


in


It is connection with the Baptist denomination that our researches


have brought out the most interesting; contrast with other colonies. It is par- ticulurly strikin; when we compare New Hampshire with Virginia. £ Thers, "the pendulum of the Baptist clock never swung :it hout striking freedom and quality at 1 & 2


every stroke". Although the Baptist clergy of New Hampshire stood three to


two in si ning the Test , one of the two who refused was Dr somuel shepard. And the influence of this one man was probably far greater than the combined infinance (Lebanon)


of the three who sigmed. The fact that there was only one Baptist town where every- body signed ,themont ives still stronger confirmation of the conclusion which wo believe our thesis has proved to be unquestionably correct; namely, that the majority of the New Hampshire Baptists did not support the revolutionary movement prior to, and during;the year 1776.


F. The Factors of the Revolution.


(1) Lack of sufficient Evidence. Speaking of American Makers as a 3 whole, Humphrey says that their position of non-combatanoy bec.mo untenablo.


As rogirds Now Zumpshire ukers, we are forced to buse our conclusions almost


· Soo footnote on bottom of p.ge 91.


1. Zeller, Comparison of Denominationil Forces - - - in Vir'inia, p. 36.


2. For further comparison with other colonies soo Miss Smock's thesis on Now York: "iss jolfermoser's, also on Virginia; Miss atorson's, on Delaware; Er. Crandall's on Phodo Island; Miss Barr's, on : ennsylvania; Kiss hoa's, on Zew Jersey; and Mr. Beck's, on Georgia. (ill of the love are on file at the U. of C. most Library)


3. Humphrey, Nationalism at Woliion in America, p. 132. Ho quotes, also, from suokus, who says the Revolution greatly weakened the makers.


entirely on the Association Test, And the evidence which it furnishes cannot - in every Caso - be regarded as conclusive. Zepecially is this trae when the junkers are the ones udar consideration. For this mme afforded umbriip to certain New Amminire cit- izans who didn't wish to comit themselves - when the Association Test was join; tho rounds. Ko Zzath, of "g.ro, belongs to this class: "He was out in the French tur, but when the Revolution came on he refused to sign the fast and had himself classed sa ,


-


murer. But he soon changed his mind, onlisted, and served honorably for six years". Otis J. Rommoad says. "I think thay ( the uskors) took no attitude towards the war is un 2 or .inization". But the fact that one of the pre-revolutionary protest meetings was held at the Friends' Jestin ;- honse in Dover seems to indicate that cort.in groups of Now Hampshire ers were Wildly supporting the proper curs. (Wadleigh Notable Events) -


Citato


(2) Association Test Retums from mar Sowas. 2-0013, Vols. VIZI and XXX)


1. Dover: no returns sent in from hera.


3. Rochester: 22 Quikers refused VIII, 276 4. Weare; 41 'aukars refused VIII, 291


5, Kensington: 12 quakers rafused VIII, 244


6. Barrington; 12 VIII, 13


7. Eppin ;; 11 mon refused more VIII, 232 8. Hawks ( or Danville) '4 : ukers refused VIII. 239


somersworth; no returns sent in.


1J. Brentwood: 18 men refused; Baptists hore also VIII, 21 11. Exeter: Incomplete returns


12. Durham-102: 14 Men refused in Loo VYII, 250


13.


Sandwich: 9 men refused here


VIII, 141-2


14. Richmond; 2 Baptist churchas bere also: eviuunco inconclusive 15, Nottingham Test (Inison) only 1 refused - - VIII, 263 Esta: of the & ramining Maker torna we can find none which sont in any returns from the Test.


1. Little, Hist. of game, Ham H., p. 116.


2. Letter to B. :. dated Concord, November 14, 1924.


94


as to


(3)


Conclusion to the walkers and the Revolution.


We forbear any conclusions as to the corporate attitude of New Hershire Makors towards the Revolution, as we have not secured sufficient evi- dence to support any conclusions, either pro or con. The above faible simply regis- ters what we would naturally expect, viz: their religious opposition to the principle of war, in general. That many of them may have followed the example of Mr. Heath, and have given actual aid to the cause, in either service or money, we do not doubt. * (e.g., 14 members of Dover Mtg. were disciplined for enlistment) -see Butler, 0,69. G. Episcopalians and the Revolution ..


(1) Hard Times for the Claremont Church.


Our interest here centers chiefly in Reverend Ranna Cossit, of Claremont, whose cimrch bore the brunt of the anti-Tory persecution in New Hampshire. Reverend Cossit was interned at Claremont durin; the course of the war - "except as far as the ministrations of religion were concerned; " i.e. he could visit his country 1 parishioners in case of sickness or death. But he kept up regular services in the 2


Claremont Church - "not omitting even the prayer for the King". we have already mentioned, in a previous section, the way in which President wheelock of Dartmouth, and a party of his elders, trisd to rid the Connecticut valley of Torias; They handled both Reverend Cossit and tho aged Schoolasustar, Bumal Cole, pretty roughly. And in 1775, the S. P. G. received a Letter from Mr. Cossit (dated December '74) in which he 3


told them of 'a providential escape from a party of 300 men who threatened his life. " But in 1778, tho Claremont Committee of Safety permitted Reverend Cossit to go to


E3w York - to buy provisions for his family. chile there, he wrote to London that his parishimmers and communicants at Claremont had greatly increased - 'though in sundzie places the churches have dwindled away'. Some had fled to the King's army,


1. Perry, Hist. of the imer. Colonial Church, I, p. 580.


2. Dijest of the S. P. G. Records, p. 48


3. (Hinchcliffe) Sermon before the S. P. G., 1776, p. 37 of the appended Abstracts. But in 1777, the House of Rap's hid a C'tee examine the Friends' Records in Dover, Hampton Falls; Seabrook, et al. (siebert, p. 3)


95


same were banished, and some dead. In this letter Reverend Cossit also s_ys ho radeivod frequent insults sinoo ho was made a prisonor (April, 1775) uml that he and his congregation hud boon cruelly persecuted by finos "for refusing to fight w'Minst their Kin;". 1


(2) The famous Pory Pole - nour Claremont.


In view of theso porsecutions, it is not surprising to find that the Church of England folk had a secret rondezvous - the famous "Tory Hole" of Claremont. It was a circular doprossion in such a remote and in ccessible spot 2 that it was not discovered by the patriots until after peace was declared. The


returns of the association Test show that 31 mon at ci-romont, including; Futher Cossit, refused to sigs. 3 So it seans certain that Tory Holo must have sean sana lively times, and it was doubtless one of the links in the British chin of con- munication between New York and the Canadas. * Even after the conclusion of the Har, these Claremont Torier did not become reconciled to the new Covaramont. siebert Jays;


" some of the non-jurors (to the Association fast, etc. ) wers us unforgiving us the Revolutionists. A notable instance of this is disclosed by the petition of two Charemont man to Governor General Hiluimind at webao, re- questing permission for their own and 45 other familles of Claremont to settle in that province. They complained of being 'overourdened with Usurpation, Tyrone, und Oppression from the Hands of Violent man' und that they were impatient to find an asylum in their Royal Master's Dominion . . . . These petitioners sent Captain Summer to luebes with a letter from the clerx, wurdens, ind vestry men of their church"."


(3) The Portsmouth Church durin; the Poyolution.


As the Portsmouth Church was loft without a Pastor (by the


death of Reverend Brown, 1773) there was no one for the Church of England folk there to rally around; So over-zealous p.triots wrecked vengeance principally on the church building itself. True, there were a number of Portsmouth loyalists


1. (Yorke) Sermon before the j. 2. G. 1779, p. 46 of the appended Abstracts.


2. Gr mite Monthly, IV (1881), 174.


3. Provincial Papers of Nav. H., VIII, pp. 219-20.


siebert, The Royalist Refu cos of Raw H., pp. 22-3.


4. Hammond in his Torios of Now H., p. 25, says; "Here meetings were held in safety for a lon; timo, ind travellers were sheltered und fed, and passed on their journey".


96


1


whose property was confiscated ind who wore banished, in 1776. But of the Jo persons who refused the Test in Portsmouth - of whom to ware "notoriously jis- 2 Affected to the Common Cause" - we do not learn that any of them were subjected to mob violence. In 1774 or 5, Reverend Mathor Byies of Boston had been appointed by the J. P. d. to succeed Reverend Brown -t Portsmouth. But, "when he was on the point of removing there, such distractions took place in New Hampshire as rendered 3


his removal unsafe". So Reverend Bylos was one of the numerous Britishers who 'went to Halifax'. (1)


(4) Indications that t John's was patriotic.


In 1782, the annual report of the Society shows that Episcop lian- ism had not been completely eztin nished in Portsmouth aurin; the course of the


war. The writer says: "The church at Portsmouth, which had been much damaged in the beginning of the troubles, hath I_tely been repaired; und a Ir. Adams - a young min bred st Dartmouth College - officiates chora to a very decent congregation. But during the 10 years interim batwoon Brown und Adams, there is only one incident on record regarding the Portsmouth Church. That is the will of Honorable Theodoro Atkinson in 1779 y by which he left a legacy of 200 pounds to st. John's church - the interest of which was to be used for bread to be given to the poor. This was


The brad wis placed on the brass covers of the ousptismal called the "church dole". 5 "ullin ton says that Wir atkinson brought the weekly font every Sunday morning.


dole, himself, as long as he could be woout; she also indicated that some form of services were hald by the people of this church during the war, 11 "the prayers for the King were obliterated from the Prayer Books by the simple process of pustin; over them slips of paper on which were printed prayers for Congress and the success of the patriot army . . . . Honey was scarde and the prayer books were too costly to be cast aside. later an English officer, finding; one of these old prayer books in the little church, cut out a leaf as a rollo". (See hote I-a on p.97)


1. Jubino, Amoriçin Loyalists, pp. 117, 137-8, 150, et al.


2. Provincial Papers of low H., VIII, pp. 269-70


3. (Hincholifrø) Sermon before the J. J. G., 1776, p. 36 of the appended Abstract.


4. (Hoors) Sermon before the . P. C., 1782, p. 43 of the appended Abstract.


5. Perry, Hist. of the imer. Colonial Church, p. 678


6. "illin;ton, Historic Churches of America, p. 143.


97


(5) Conclusion .a to the Episcoo.lians suudi the Revolution.


The fore going; would saan to indicate that the Episcopalfans of


Portsmouth wars - as a whole - swept from moorings of loyalty by the rising; tides of patriotic ardor. But th fast that pourly one-half of those proscribed, in 1 (b) 1778, wors from Portsmouth - the main seat of Episcopalianism in New Hampshire made us cautious of conclusions. Further inquiry brou nt valuable information


direct from Portsmouth. Honorable Charles H Butchelder writes, 2 "of the 15 nmres of Tories arrested in 1776, Rinde, Shelfe, warner and stavors (and possibly John Fierce) were connected with st. John's . . . It is evident that those few Corles ( the fifteen) had no very strong Episcopal preponderance, and the smillness of their murber - as compurod with the tot I cimars of the association Fast - shows that t. John's was in no sense Tory in its simnothing"


It is evident, thon, that the Fortamouth Church and the Clar mont Church were separated not only by the entire width of the state, but also by the far wider chass that opened between the Loyalists And Patriots. hile Reverend Cossit on the Connecticut wis contiming; to read the prayers for the King, the Vestrymen of ? St. John's ware busy pastin; up their Prayer Books. At first Lance the attitude of New Hampshire Epsicopalians seems to be a fifty-fifty proposition. But we must


remember that st. John's was the larger, ami by far the more influential, of the two churches. Jo wo muy fairly conclude, than, that the majority of the Church of Englund folk in New Hampshire farpred the Revolution; or, at least, that they sided 4 in with populer cause after the movement was wall neder way. note Fra: Dolores Bacon says That in his anger, he cut out the page of prayers for Congress, etc. with his sword" (see p.96)


.1b) Ammond, Torios of New H., p. 22 (See also, Sabine, p. 137)


2. Those reported in the lasociation fest returns as being "notoriously disaffected to the common causo".


3. Charles A Batchelder; Letter to E .... dited Portsmouth, November 26, 1924. He also nmes six of the fifteen who belonged to either the Forth or south (Congregational) Church, lenzing only four of whom he says: "The others I do not know sout without further investigation".


4. The Association fost does not include _ny returns from Holderness.


-


OUTLINE OF CHAPTER SEVEN


SUNDIARY AND CONCLUDING DISCUSSION


Pago


A. Summary


(1) Synthesis of the foregoing Conclusions


(2) An Analysis of the Association Test


(3) Tabular View of the Test Returns


(4) Summary of the forepping Table


(5) Obervations (based on the Tabular Tiow)


B. Consinding Discussion . £ 101


'(1) The right viewpoint


(2) The real nature of the revolt in New Hampshire


(3) The churches as transmitters of political propaganda


(4) Evidence in support of this interpretation


(6) Review of the argument - chapter by chapter


(6) A brief re-statement of our conclusions


C. Valedietory


104


99


CHAPTER 33VSH


SUMMARY AND CONSEIDING DISCUSSION


1.


(1) Synthesis of the fore oin . conclusions.


In attempting to summarize the various conclusions of the fore oing chapter, we have found that a survey of the Association Test Returns of 1776 h:s ogen most productive of definite results. We have limited this curvoy to those towns where nine or more men refused to sign the Test. But we first wish to call attention to several significant facts regarding the Test,


(2) An analysis of the Association Test of 1776.


(3) While it pled jed the siemers "to resist by foroe any hostile soto of Gre.t Britain a pinst the Colonies" it did not cormit tham to Indapenience. 1


(b) The Selectmen of the various towns Allowed the people plenty of


time for deliberation, md used no compulsion. 2 at the Heat in -house door three sabbaths".


In ono town, "this paper stood up


(c) The Returns represent only sixty-six per cent of the (male)?


population in 1776. 3


(d) "Refusing the Test did not, alone, mike a man & Loyalist; nor 4


did the signing of it make him, in fact, a Revolutionist".


(0) It is evident, then, that we must proceed with considerable caution in attempting to base any definite conclusions upon the Roturns of the Test, slone. But, when tiken in conjunction with the various groups of evidence offered in the precodin; chapter, the followin; Tabular View becomes highly significant,


1. State Papers of You A., X, 2.


2. This., p. 99. The returns saum that it was signed by the various towns all the way frun Way to November.


3. Hammond, Torios of Now H., p. 7. Hote also thtt the returns fron Dover, Exeter, Hamover, Holderness, Derryfield, et al, are either missing or incomplete.


4. Ibid., pp. 10-11.


100


1


(3)


Tibular View of the Association Fast Returns (from al towns where nine or more refused to sign).


1. Barrington (12) y kar roup here (sos Tible Y, App. ) - Brentwood (18) Large Bintist church here (Table III, App. )


6. Chesterfield (13) A antist Group hore (Whole III, App. )


4. Claremont (31) Episcopal Church here (Suole IV, App. )


Dearfield (2) } that Chinch mare (Male III, App.)


6. Dunbarton (10) A Presoyterian proup here (Table II, App. )


7. doping (11) A Maker group horn (Tabla V, app. )


Gilmanton (56) A 3:ptist Church here (fable III, app. !


9. Humpstand (21) a Brutit strap here (Table III, app.)


10. Henniker (22) Uncertain; Kurd, Hist. of Werr. & Belknap Co's, p. 347.


11. Hinad la [10] ] Bastist group here (Nable III, App. )


12. Hopkinton (14) A Baptist church here (Table Ilt, app. ) Kouno (15) A Antist group hers (Tablo III, App. ]


*14. Kensington (20) A Junker group here (Table V, App.)


* 15. Kingston (14) & E, ist group hora (Tablo III, App.) 16. Log (14) Evidently some junkers here (see Table V, App. )


17. Londonderry (10 : Trorasbaterias cutrones hers (fable II, App. )


18. New Boston (47; Presbyterian Church hare (Tible II, pp. )


19. Hey Market (38) No church or group of any sort here.


Nottingham (25) 3 .otist church here (Tabla III, Aop.)


Pozbroko ( ?! Presbyterian Church hare (fable II, app.)


:1. 22. Portsmouth (29) Episcopal Church (et al) hore (Table IY, App. )


¥23. Richmond (73) Two Bantist churches and also Su kkers (" bles III and V).


24. Rochester (44 ) A mmer "Heating; here (Table Y, App. )


25. Julen (35) \ Presbyartan church hora (fable II, pp. )


26. Sandwich (3) i h kar group here (Table V, App. )


27 . Stratham (42) A Butist charoh hore (Publa III, App. )


*28. Faure (41) Both Suntists and makers here (Tables III and V).


29. Winchester (15) wattled Minister was a Nory Congregationalist.


(4) Sumary of the forovoing Toble,


(1) No. of Biotist towns where nine or more refused 11


(2) No. of mikor towns where nine or more refused 6


(3) No. of Presbyterian towns where nine or more refused 5


(4) No. of Episcopalian towns where ning or more rofused 2


(5) No. of Congregational touns where nino or moro refused 1


(6) Tows having no church or group - 2


(7) Tomms havin; both Baptists And Quakers 2 Total number of towns where nine or mora refused 29


* Some Sigmars have malicious reasons for refusing to sign.


101


(5) Observations (based on the Tubular Viow).


In view of the fact that out three towas are found, amon; il the twenty-nine, in which none of the smaller denominations were represented, the avluence seems to us quite conclusive that the corner te influence of the smaller Denominations was quite conservative, in 1776. ilthough Hummoni says thit som who refused to sign were undoubted Patriots, and supported the war to the extent of their 1 moral And financial ability, it is self-evident that no man would have refused to sin his ho been an a fit tor for Revolution or hid ha openly ex rossed himself in favor of Revolt prior to the Cost. To take our stund hare without any fear of son- tradition. It is evident, than, that neither the individual attitudes, nor the corporate attitude, of the smaller Denominations furnish an adequate explanation of the sudden change in public opinion which occurred in New Ampshire, ourly in '76.


S. Soaniuding Discussion


(1) The right viewpoint.


The only way in which we have been able to arriva it a clear under- standing of the relation of the New Hampshire olurcres to th amarican Revolution is by regarding the church is a social institution furnishing the only "community centraa" of that day. ) Of speciil significance was the lon; "nooning" between services on the Siobath.when the miestions of the hour wore thrashed out butzeen neighbors who otherwise had little intercourse. Let us sos, now, how the n.ture of the revolt, itself, lends simific nce to this point of view. (2) The real nature of the revolt in lley Sungchira.


In the writings of & keen observer who lived through all those days of stress, we find the following explanation of the situation; After quoting from the conciliatory resolutions adopted by the Axeter Convention in Jumu -ry, '76, * Belknap comments upon them,as follows;


1. Porien of May B., p. 11.


' This convention set up the lot provisional state lovt. in America.


102


"Such was the language and suck the sentiments of the people of that time. And hid the British Government - on the removal of their troops from Sceton - treated with us upon the principle of roconciliation. they might, even then, h .. ve preserved their connection sitn ue . . But, in the course of a


Le mont ba, wie not only found our potitions disregarded. . . . out their Acetile intentions bocace so evident that there could be no Lops of estety for us without dissolving; our connections with them. Britain had engaged


foreign mercenaries to assist in subjujatin, us. Justice required that we should - in our turn - court foreign aid. But this could not os had whilst we acknowledged ourselves suojects of the Crowd asiiust which we were struggling.




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