USA > New Hampshire > New Hampshire churches and the American Revolution > Part 7
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1. stackpole, Miste of Njw Ha, I1, 039.
2. Liwraque, Ing Noz Z. Churches, p. 535.
3. Granito Monthly, ZII, (1889), 296.
4. stata piors of Ka .. H., XVIII, 706.
.
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(3) It is uncertain just what did happen it the saxt sausion, but one thing is sure; th.t slavery za as food as apolished in Mor Hacshire by the adoption of the State Constitution in 1784. Various Fritirs buvo debat-
1 ed the question of when it actually want out of existence there; but we are not concerned with the controveraies.
(4) we have little direct evidence that the churches wers influential In bringing about this change. Practically all that we do have is contained in Jeremy'z Belimap's sermon of July, 1774. He Says :_
"Could It not be Astonishing; to hear thit a people who are contending so s testly for liberty _ro not willing; to allow liberty to others? Is it not _stonishin; to thine tast, at this day, there are in the several coloides upon this continent some thousands of man, women and children in bondage and slavery for no other reason thin that tuoir skin if of a dirkor color tha our own? sucs is the inconsistency of our conduot"!
There is uiso the case of the cuskeress, at Hampton Falls, who liberated hor
- slave Cessar, in 1751 - surely one of the airliest enmalpators in our history 3 Caesar's name later appears on both the Province and School Tax Lists. Over against this wo must set the fact that some New Hampshire people - even among the cassy - were siave-nolders. In 1746, Reverend Timothy Walker jots down u at the sloss of & ousy day: Bought a negro wongh of Captain Clough - I um to 4
siv= === = 100".
And In 1751, Er, talker vought à negro mule - Prince - to
assist him in the arduous labors on his form. b But Prince was subsequently
given zis freedom.
I. The Worst Tone of the loncurity-t-on.
(1) If the pre-revolutionary publications of New Hampshire are an accurate indox, the moral tome of early New Hampshire was on a high piane.
1. 3os Articles 1: Vols. 4 ind 5 of the Granite Monthly.
2. os las, Hist, of Straff. Co., p. 184.
3. Surd, Hist. of Rock, mu Strart. Counties, p. 298.
4. "ELary of Rev. Timothy walker, " in Collec's of the How H. Hist. 100., IX., 141.
... 5. Inid .. p. 145, note 1.
* Fratinoial & Stite Papers of New H., Z, 637.
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Out of a list of 54 books which were published there, we find that 29 wers sermons, 1 And of the remainder some 9 or 10 were on distinctly ralifiona subjects. Also the fest that 256 ministors and missionaries were born in New Hampshire, prior to the Revolution would indicate that the people of those diys were, in someral, 2 bringing up their children with serious audy in view, and that the churches wore wielding a large influence.
(2) Then, the attitude of early Now Hampshiritos towards the theatre was, in general, quite hostile - on account of the effect which they foured it would have on the younger generation. In 1762, - petition was presented to the House of Representatives, asking that the Governor would deny all proposils for & 'Play-House' in Portomouth. 3ut thst the young folks of those days had their gry times, whether or no, is shown in the words of exportation addressed by Rev- erend Isaiah Potter to the youngor members of his flook, at the olose of his ordinition sermon (1772). No exhorted them"to refrain from vain amusements - dumoins and the like - which were altogether unsuitable for the occasion', though customary'."
(3) The practice of laying in a generous supply of rum for these ordinations und other church festivals forms the most striking contrast between those 'good old days' and ours. At the time that the erection of the church at London was begun, 'a barrel of run was purchased for the raising and a great sup- 5
per provided for the mass'. As Thayer has said,
"the huckster's stand, and the portable bar - omitting its alcoholio fumes - Zomorly collected a motley throng at the church door, on ordination days, olending - as it were - pandemonium with paradise".6
But that some attempt was made at a very early date to curb the liquor
evil, is shown ut Dover. In the Court Records of thit ancient town we find the
1. Granite Monthly, V (1681), 390.
2. Curtar, Tho S.tivo Ministry of New K., pp. 846-06. (astimetod from Index 1. ) Provincial Papers of How H., VI, 831.
3.
4. Lawrence, The New H Churchas, p. 649.
5. Ibid., p. 394.
6. Granito Monthly, XLI (1909), 300.
67.
following entry - u .dor dte .f u ust 30, 1653; "This Pourt coth ordor th.t 1 nanceforth only one wing t yern shall be Licensed .t Dovar. " etc.
(4) Other evidence that the moral tone of somo of the frontier tomas
wis, after all, on a low plume is found ut Xin;ston: In a letter from Jucob 3 .110] - schoolmister _t Kingston in 1755, wo find;
"Thou ch whole forests of pine md hemlock suver this country and often-timas disturb our senses with their sooty influence, yet 1 this is out a tariffa compared with the sooty conversation which fills every private spirtasat. as well as more public places of resort. Not only tivers .nu rotuilers' s shops .. ro filled with the most poisonous bilderdish, but even the templos of the Most High are not exouptel . . Drinking, Dios th-bro kin;, swir- in;, nd immodesty porvil -. 2 & 3
Standin; of the Clarity in the Curity.
(1) As regras the edpo tion of the clergy, our tuoles of statistics show what a large per cent of them were college-brod men. Theyer gives the ex- sot proportion, as follows: "Forty-eight of the fifty-two sattled ministors in
1764 were college graduates".
4
Dut when we come to the general moral tono szony the ciarzy of New M.myshire - during and previous to the Revolution - wo cre frankly puzzled. To find _ s .r risingly lon; list of those who either foil into into
interer noe drunkenness, of profanity, profligjacy, skoticism, etc. +
Zuko Poter- borough, for example. Two pastors in succession had to be dismissed for immorality: "the pestilent examples of these two men were enough to bring a olight on religion in any place. i tithe of their irmoralities would, it this day, put down the 5 chir oter of a minister almost beyond hope of rodampt ion'. But Thayer says that "the body of the ministers of this period (1700-1800) were men of high chus
1. mint, Historical Menorand, of ancient Dover, Hay M., 1, 37.
2. Collections of the Prot. Disc. Hist. c. II, 34-b (Italics are mine).
3. Londonderry Mad other scotch-Irish towns probably fur ished exceptions to the above. Morison says of them "If, at any time, a min his head hind thoughts of his neighbor he did not whisper it soout in privito scundil but the offender wig the first to hour of it" und Parkor adds; "No people wore more distinguish- ed for their strict und inflexible code of morals". Pirker, Hist. of London
dorry, p. 69.
4. Granite Monthly, Vol. 41 (1909). 64.
5. Lawrence, The Now H. Churches, p. 240
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unter ad azemplary lives". 1
(2) is for the inner] standing of the clesy in the community, wo mist not forget that in quite .. member of cases the minister exercised : donolo office - either is pastor and teacher, or as pistor mi physician; which added considerably to their importance. And that the minister mist be carofil to preserve outward descrum La illustrated in the case of one who was dismissed from his parish bacause, in making a pastoral call, "he greatly lowered bis professional dignity by clambaring; over the riils of the fense, instead of casing 2 in by the site as a Clergyman should"! , We are uncertain whether the case of the minister who was dimissed "for driving his horse "Do fest up-hill" is one
of breich of decorum or of crcalty to animals. 3 By 1776, times had changed somswhut from the days when a candidato - soin; to the place of his ordination - "was presseded by a lamm procession - led by a bani of martial malo". Bat it still holds larsuly true, for the earlier part of our period, that the minis- ters wer3
"the only publicly shested man in the in towns; that their hands were crowned & with magnificent wiss, ul they vore voner ted aa a superior order of boin s".
7. mpg Frontiar Church /a 4 sosial Institution.
(1) But we should not overlook, in conclusion, the important ralation which the church bore to the community as a "Social Centre", This 19poot of ohurob life is made plain by Stackpole, who says;
"The law that all persons who were able should go to the place of worship, on sundays, was rigidly enforced in the early days . . . But pravious to the Revolution, roin; to meting was practically optional, although the majority prefermed to y, sodass this was the busiest way of aveing all the neighbors. The Congregations on Sunday were social assemblies besides being - at least nominally - religious".
1. Granite Monthly, Vol. 41 (1909), 64.
2. Inid., Vol. 12 (1880), 439-500.
3. Lawrence, The Nos H. Churches, p. 88.
4. Ibid., p. 21b.
5. St. ckpolo, Hist. of Her il., 11, 303.
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(2) Besides this indirect soolil miotioning, there wora savoral waya in which the early churches consciously functioned as sosial institutions. Ona of these is illustrated by the Brimingwith which was held at wover - described as follows:
"After the landable example of the ladies in divers towns in this aud the neighboring; provinces . . . . . about 4 ladies et ut the minister's house in Dover, some of mahon brought with this flux iul cotton to spin, and others the yara rasdy szun; nul after speh lay the fly in a very Industrious und agradable rammer, thay Senarously presented to Mrs. 33lknap the fruits of their labor . . . they .ve : " the utmost order und 1
decency, and were entertained with the best refreshments the season afforded".
The early singing-Schools, which were usually held in the metinyhouse,
and the Ordination Facets , and Roof-raisings, afford other examples of the sosial functioning of the frontier churches.
(3) But this direct social functioning as -as compared with the present-day church- very restricted and meagra. The chief sosial importance of the frontier church lies in its all-day prograz of services. The moralny service was followed by a noon recess which silored those who came from a dis- tance to ast their lunch, and enjoy a brief ropena, before the long afternoon service set in. Rovarand Frawrick 2, Tolls has called Attention to this aspost of frontier church life, as follows;
"in these days everybody went ic church . . . for the Lostin ;- house was the ono plico in all the region whois averybody s. w svoryordy else, .m! where every bit of losal imasip was in circulation. Tan long nooning was given up to argument and conversation. Can be ate the in the fam preceding
the Revolution, there envie where the face of the hour were more 2 Suly circussed vue at tas
1. Life of Dr. Salud, (edited by nie Granddaughter), p. 64.
2. Hist. of Newbary, Vt., p. 69. Itilica uro mine.
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OUTLINE OP CHARTER SIX
IST HAMPSHIRE CHURCHES AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Tho Soope of our Present Inquiry . 72
3. The Political amul Soonomio Situation on the Zve of Rebellion 72
(1) The great popularity of Governor Wentworth
(2) New Hampshire's response to 'the alam of Lexington'.
(8) Tentworth rotires from in bayousiole situation
(4) Various economic explanations for ias Revolt
(5) Ho adequate "casus belli" foand, thus far
C. Attitude of the Congregationalists tomaris the Revolution . 75
(1) The Influence of Congressticaalias, in amoral
(2) The Election Sgruon; jumiol Lungdon
(3) Other Protagonista for the Patriot Quase
(4) Jaremy Belknap, the Patriot Preacher and Historian
(S) Minutes of the General Association of Congregational ministers in Her Harpshire
(6) leading Congregational Patriots
(7) The Revolutionary activities of Congregational ministers (arranged in a tamlar vlow)
(8) Jose Conclusions is to Congregationalista and the Revolution
Do ittitade of the Presbyterians towards tho fuvolusion 33 (1) President "heslock, of Dartmouth, -oi his yruc .. rions situation
(2) Other Presbyterian Patriots
(3) Tories among the Presbyterian Clergy
71
(4) The synod cf Bow England and its meeting in 1776
(5) Asscotation Test Foll-Oill of Presbyterian Ministers
(6) Association Test Returns from Presbyterian towns
(7) Conclusion as to Presbyterians and the Rovolucion
The Baptista and the Revolution regarding 89
(1) Superficial evidence rd the Baptists
(2) Relations of New Hampshire Baptists to those in other colonies
(3) The published writings cf Er chopard
(4) Association Tost Roll-2.11 of cuptlat Ministers
(B) Association Test Returns from Baptist tomas
(6) Concinsion us to Few Fimpshire Baptists and the Revolution
P. The Cuskara und the Revolution 92
(1) Lack of sufficient evidence
(2) Association Test Returne from Quaker towns as to
(3) Conclusion y4 the Tuskers and the favolation
G. Episcopaliana and the Revolution , 9
(1) Bard Times for the Ciarumont Church
(2) The famous "Tory Hole" pour fluresont
(3) the Portsmouth Churok during tho zovolation
(4) Indications that St. John's mo patristic
(5) Conclusion as to the Episcopalians and the Revolution
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CHAPTER SIX
NE: HAXP JURE CHURCHES AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
A. The Scope of our Present Incuirr.
In order to keep our question of the relation of the New Hampshire Churches to the American Revolution within practi: . I sounds, re sha.1 - in the present charter - limit the discussion Ianaly to the attitude of the glory. That we are justified in thus concentrating Attention upon the ministerial members of the community, la evident when ve recall the weil-sst.slished fact that the olergy of revolutionary days were the chief moluers of public opinion 1 in their respectivo parishos. And as regards Now Hampshire, in particular, the cases are extremely rare in which the attitude of any one of the churches differed astorially from that of its Pistor we spokosin. Te re further con- fixing the discussion to the early part of the revolutionary period - fior to (and partly including; 1776 - in order to ascertain, If possible, what purt the New Hampshire clary played in preparing the minds of the people for revolt, and in bringing a out the suuden chinge of public opinion ra; ring Independence. But before we can discuss this problem intelligently, it will be necessary for as to make a brief survey of the political and economic situation from 1768 on;
3. The political and Zoononie Mtnation on the Av de Romaliion.
(1) Thore hud bein considarible agitit!or it E ;; Hampshire over the Stamp Act; but when, in 1767, John wentworth returned to Her Mapshare as Royal Governor, his advent was hailed with delight.
Governor Wentworth that it prevented New Hampshire Pron entering Into the Non- importation Agreement with the other colonies, in 1770. Svan thu Ssu crisis failed to impair the harmony betroan "urt-wirth wiu t' peggio of his nisive stato.
1. This was especially true of New Hampshire, because the daily press med source- ly cans into existence there, prior to 1776. The New H. Azette was og un in 1756 and another weekly started in 1764 (Hurd, p. 08) Mr. Frank Miller calls the New H. Gazette ' the oldest newspaper in America'.
(see Catalog of Dover PIL at the John Crear Library)
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It was not until the Governor secretly hired carpenters to go to Boston - to build curracks for Gage's troops - that he and the people came to logger-nads.
(2) This was in July 1774. Five months later we find Paul Revere 8posding northwaris with such ominous tidings that it caused the Minute-men of Portsmouth to mid fort Millian and Mary, und captura the perder und munitions there. £ In mother four months, 'the sisrm of lexington and Concord' was broad- Casted through' the country-sides and hills of Now Lumrshire, and hundreds of rittrecruits stroumed from town and farm towards Cambridge - 'going like a flock 1 of wild geese, they hiruly mmew why or whither'.
In Derryfield; "stark loft the mill low or its osrrings, and soizin; his musket and powder hom-without stopping to put on his cost - started for the scene of war. Robert Keknight left his axe sticking in the troo he was felling. Another unyoked his ezen in the road, and followed ox the heels of stark".2
(3) Sven after the call to arms, Governor Fentworth 'determined to plant the root of peace in New Hampshire, ' and he made common cauce with the people ag Jats 33 Hav, 1775 - by protesting Against the British seizure of two food ships in Portsmouth harbor. But shortly afterwards, an expo led member of the :ssembly took refuge in the Governor's house and the people trained a Gun upon the Mansion and domandod his release. "horoupon, wentworth 'conceived himself to be insulted',
and soon sailed for Boston. 3
Thus quietly withdrew from the revolutioniry scono a man who left not an enemy in all of New Hampshire', and when his biographer 4
terms the most loyal friend that that Commonwealth ever had.
(4) Although New Hampshire was now fully committed to the Revolution, and rallied around the new Government which was set up in Exeter, we should not fail to note that there was nothing in the internal political situation in the province
1. Granito Monthly, 64 (1922), 8.
2. Browne, "Derryfield in the Revolution" Manch. Hist. Jason. Coll's, III. (111.) Introdu. 2. Belknap, Bist. of How H., p. 386 (and S. P. G. Abstracts for 1774).
4. Mayo, John wentworth, p. 195.
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to marrant rebellion. £ We will next inquiry into the economia situation, and sse whether or not it will furnish an adequate "Casus belli';
"Tho psychological ofrect of the iaconian controversy which lasted through three or four generations was," says now, "to instill into the settlers of Bar Hampshire an inherited Jitterness against - governo- mant thut lent ite ald and favor to so utiompted imposition upon the of what they regarded as an unjust clain".
In Sabine we read:
"Collisions between the revenue officers and the marina and ship-owners of Portsmouth; and cotween the juanisnon of the "ging's Woods" _il tm lumbarers of the interior had been frequent. Inmesi, tos "10,0:3" and sunyara" hid whipped the deputies of the :x=veyor-Jumsral so often wxl Bu severaly that th teim "oven-lux" was quite an significant s phrase is that of "lynch law"' in our own ting",
Ind 3. ckus furnishes the following signifiount testimonys
#"one of the linda within the front of Www fimpshira were ever the free property of the peuple . . . baforo tho lato .merless hr, and quit- rents wore rosorred upon the lunds which were granted by their govur- nors until the American Revolution pur an and to them".'
(s) 'ithough Haley his sald that 'tho rovolt in New Ramme hiro was 4 chiefly politiosl', se hiv, fulled to find any adequate explanation of the course of events in either the political or economia situation. For, as Amond points out. Haw Hampshire suffered litte from the effects of the xivisition act . as compared with the other colonies. It may so that a careful examination of the relation of the Churches of New Hampshire to the Revolutionary agitation my aring; to light the true nature of the rovolt in this Province. Before pissin; on to this - the main object of our researchos - let us recall the curious foot that not a single crop of Patriot blood was aned on the virgin soll of Now D & 6
. Hampshire during the whole course of the war!
1. Subing, merioan Loyalista, p. il. ( Introduction)
%. Snow, ilist, Address xt portsmouth, p. 16.
3. Buckus, Hist. of the Buntists, II, 533.
"The Revolt in Now H.", Ormite Monthly, 43 (1911), 277. Ibid., p. 477.
5. 6. Snow says that How H. - "tho! the very first to blaze up in resistance to the stump Act, wis among the last of tho colonies to turn mor face ueliberato ly tohard Revolution" (Hist. address, p. 27) And Mr. C.S. Brigham Says :- "The new H. Gazette was suspended in Jany'76 because of it's attack on Independence "(letter to H.E.W. from Amer. Aut. Society, 2/12/25)
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0. Attitude of the Conte Ation lists towards the revolution.
(1) The Influence of Con. tionlisa in semanal.
"The importance of Contractionalizm in the Revolution mia", says
Humphrey, "about oqual to the weight of New England mimis Rhode Island.
the New England stites axcont the Litter it was the established religion, and a Puritan theocracy was waging the Revolution". 1
Other writers on this period 2 Jive abudant evidence to this same effect.
(2) The Zlection Sarmon and its Influanos, 3 mal Inaion.
.
But the Kor Rumpshire ministers of 1763-83 formed a semi-'articul.to' trong - so far as extant evidence of their attitude (as prezerred in sermons, correspondence, etc. ) is comerned. The "Élection surmon" - a Ner Anglind insti- tution, instituted in 1633 - was, a.ys Bapbrey, "one of the most powerful instro- ments imaginible for the creation of public opinion". But our reserrohes à.yo not brought to light any copies of, or quotations from, New Hampshire election sammons a.eller the 1784 The natrest approach to a revolutionary election semcon paaring Somewhat upon Net Rimshiro history, is that preached by sammel Lan;on it "startowa, Massachusetts, in 1775. 3 As Lingion was pistor of the Portsmouth Church up a.til. 1772, the revolutionary stand which he took in this saruon (and also in the Dudleian Lecture which he delivered at Harvard College the same year; reflects, perhaps, the political ideas with which he may have 4
inoculated his Portanouth congregation. But that there is ample room for doubt on this point is shown in a letter from Honorable Charles H Batchelder, of Port mouth. He says: "Of the IN imes of Tories arrested in 1776, Paarse,
1. Humphrey, Nationalism al Palladion in America, 1775-82, p. 48.
2. see Thornton, The first of ia American Revolution, p. XXXVIII; Van Tyna, "The Influence of the Claray, etc.," . R. A., XIX, 56; lumin;, The Conce- nationalists, 265; Lavin," Religious Controversy as affecting the American Revolution of 1775, "Amarican. VIII (1913), 417.
3. Extra utiles, was spont wout a year, 1777, as pustor of the Portsmouth march, preached the Election armon it " tartom, Conn., in 1753 (also of a revolu- tionary nature). 3:@ Humphrey, 92. cit. b. 48.
4. Sprite, mails of the american alatt, , 457 (for aztriste From inion's Aleotion arion aso, Humphrey, p. 661.
* The sermon preached in "76 by" Rev. Carl West of Dartmouth" [Massa] was before the Massa. Legislature (Headley, Inplain: + Clergy ... Chab. I
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Forray, Little, and Troddwill Appear on the records of the north (Con ;re ; tional) 1 Church'. In spite of old worth ;mirch n.vin; four of its members reported 5
"notoriously Jis if.octed to the common cause", w fuel justified in ol issing' __- don s a potemaist is theRevolution.
(3) Oteor Prot , paiste for the triot Case.
mother Ame Haspshire cler Prin in the omne cl _35 is Reverend Dr. Samuel Havan wno ws Bottled over Old outh Cuurch, .ortsmouth, in 1752 and who continued in this office a.til lon; Iter tho close of the Revolution. of him Brewster writes:
"Dr. Havan es Jawing "son of liberty', - Avin; the whole weight of his cour ctor, influence lui exertion to tr arioun c use. nga the news of the Battle of waxin_ton re snad .ortamouth, he xi nis family sut up pod part of the night main ; outlate"."
But oven in the duso of Dr. Hivon, wo nivo not puan dole to soouro my irent evilonce pejand mere titles of commons to indicate that ho helped to prup .ro the popular mind for revolt. The list of his polished serions includes;
1. ", convention permon pre chod _t the request of the Jongre- ;Ationil Ministers of As: Hmpshire, 1760. .
... ': Sercon on the douth of worp 11, 1761.
3. . jarmon upon the lostor .tion of 28.00, 1763.
4. aron pra shes trorid p " s3 cms itts And published at tue ra uaat of the stuuents, 1768. 4 5. arion prasched at odfield was chugetta, 1771.
6. An Zlection armon osfore the Jener.l Court of New Hampshire. 1766.
Here: to have omitted ordination a funeral sermons from this list.
o regard the lon; oreik of seventeen para oetngon the Hodfield,
Massachusetts) sermon um the sercon rra chon before the Joneral Court of How
1. Letter to HI. 2. ... - uted .ortssouth, November 46, 1924. Ho -130 mentions Robertson .nd Zamiarson us pain; on the records of the south ( Unitarian) Church.
2. Browater, Paroles xit Portsmouth, mr. 519-2.
sprawa, ascale of the more and it, I, aus.
4. 40 italicize those which may h.vo cont inod revolutionary ideas.
77
Hampshire, as the most significant thing; about this list. A similar ores occurs in the only other list of sermons of New Hampshire olor y (besides those of Dr. Belknap) which we have been able to find. Ha refer to the seven published sermons of Rovorend Sammel Mellintook, and especially to his sermon on "Herodias", in 1772, und the twelve years elapsing oetwoon it and his "sermon at the Commencement of wine 1 & 4 How Constitution in New Hampshire", (1784). To the past of our knowled 3, the only other New Hampshire clergymin who might be classed is a Protagonist for the
Revolutionary cause, is Reverend Samuel Hutchins of Ise.
Scales says that "his
2
sermons were alive with his pitriotio sirit which enthused his hearers". But not one of these sermons has been preserved - so far _s we can ascertain - nor do as Hutchins later bo- we know of any of the dites on which they were delivered.
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