USA > New Hampshire > New Hampshire churches and the American Revolution > Part 6
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tithe Brentwood Church increased with great rapidity, and hud branches in Bpping, Lee, Nottingham, Hawke, Hampstead, Hortniwood, Julisuury, Cunter- bury, london, Chichester, Meredith, and many other places, and included within its compass about one hundred members"
This seems to have been the only denomination in New Hampshire whose proath #Ls not checked by the Revolution.
(6) Ten yeurs after the conversion of Dr. Shepard, the Baptist movement Suined its greatest momentum in the Revival of 1761. shepard aescribes this, him- self, in a, letter to Isado Backus - the historian of New England Baptists, par excellence - as follows;
"I baptized forty-three in Meredith in one day, mi such a solemn weeping on the shore I never before saw. The ordinance of baptisa seemed to carry universal conviction through them, even to a can. The wife, when she saw her husband going forward, began to wep to think sne was not worthy to 80 with him; in like minner the husband, the wife; the pirant, the onild - so that that lamentation and weeping, methinks, may be compared to the in- habitants of Hadagrimmon in the valley of Kalgiddon".4
(7) Burraga says that only ning Baptist churchos had been organized in 1770-79; and that as many more were organized in 1780 us in all the previous decade. This ingathering was due partly to the efforts of two missionaries which the warren
1. Vedder, a short fist. of the Baptists, p. 313.
2. Sprague, Annals of tho Amer. fulpit, VI, 136-7.
3. Cummings, Tho Baptist Churches in How a., p. 7.
4. Sprague, Annals of the imer. Pulpit, VI, 136.
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association of thoue Island sent up the Valley of thuit river. These man pre chol on both sides of the river as far up as : oodstock, Vermont, sinning; muny converts. 1 That this rapid growth was not confined to New Hampshire is shown by Jeorge &. Horr. As says that in 1760 there were only sixty-nine Baptist churchas in all Now andland, is aminst two hundred of hty-six in 1790 - more than a four hundred per cent in-
creaso in less than cha generation! "There is no such record of rapid ;ruwth 2
on the part of any other denomination in the entire history of How England".
(8) This great revival movement of 1780-1 was not confined to tho Baptist, however. The Presbyterians at the Dartmouth College Church experienced
a revival of extraordinary powor under Professor Ripley. ":99k-days were like
3
Sabbaths and audiences were s solemn is the grave". And. in the Congregational Church at Commish, the people experienced a thorough revival under the pre ching of Rovarend Mr. Powers (1780). 4 But it was the Baptists who profited most by
this great revival; in fact, they increased so much during the year 1780, that a letter was printed in a Boston paper in which a New Hampshire ministar of the Standing Order give vent to his feelings thusly;
"Alas, the consequence of the prevalence of this seot ! thay c.mso divisions everywhere. In the state of New Hampshire, where there ry miny new towns, if this seot gets footing imon; them, they hinder their settling lerned, pious And orthodox Ministers" ! "
(9) In addition to the powerful stimins of the Revival, there was a more material reason for their rapid increase - in certain of the towns; n.maly, that-towards the close of the century, Baptists began to secure exemptions from church taxation thus following up t.a opening made by the pokers, Lizers)6 šena Hence, 8.38
1. Burrage, The Bastiats in May Sneland, p. 89.
2. Delicious History of How England, p. 168. (Edited by Plattner and Fenn) Horr also says that the most important single fotor in promoting Baptist growth was the Great Awakening (Ioid., p. 9).
3. Lawrenos, Tho Naw H. Churches, p. 536.
Ibid., p. 457.
5. Bhokus, Fist, of tin Buntists, 11, 533-4.
6. Although the Quakers were the first to secure exemptions, in fam i., the Bintists of New England were the leaders of this fight to secure exemption from church taxation. When the tax ca tea was Opposed, the Baptists insisted that church taxation, without representation, was equally unjust.
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1
Stuckple, "some buoume Baptists in nume, ani for : 891300"4 iiso, in some cases, the "New Light" members of Congregational churches, went over to the Botists. 2 is a more general reason for increase of this sect in New Hampshire, especially, wo should note that, since the Governors ind Counsellors of this Province were appointed by the crown, the Congregationalists diu not occupy the exalted ind domineering position in New Hampshire that they did in Massachusetts ad Connect fonts "Sings the Revolution", says stackpole, "if the majority of any town elect a Baptist teacher - he may have the Linds therein which were granted for the ministry ani also be supported by the tax if he will". 324
(10) We do not wish to leave the impression, however, that it was all smooth sailing for the Baptists from now on. For ;-
"In spite of the above favorable conditions in certain of the towns" says Lauer,"the min body of Baptists were still kept umiar the old law of 1714. That meant thit it was assumed that all were to be taxed - thus mulig it necessary for each individual to fight for his exemotion. Even after the ad ption of the Bill of Rights (1784) this early law was ailonod to prevail in most of the tows; it was not, in fact, until the 19th century that the Baptists ware recognized as a distinct religious seot, and that they actually secured full religions liberty".5
(11) is to the organization of How Hampshire Baptists, there is little information obtainable. The arron Association of Rhode Island was organized in 6 1767, and its mizmtes show no record of any New ILmpshire churches having joined
it during the revolutionary period. 7 But Backas says that the Baptist church at
sanger. 8 joined the Association as early as 1768 - sending Ar. Tingley u their mes-
He also says that the first Siptist Church of ?lobmond joined the Turron
Association in 1771. 9 There is evidence thit the Baptists at Salem joined the
1. Stackpole, Aist. of H.w. A., II, 609-10, (see also p. 72, noto 2).
2. Jelie. Histo of Har Craland, p. 105.
3. Bonus, Histe of the Baptists, II, 533.
4. Boe Hazlett and Lawrence for two towns (Kinston und Raymond) where exemption was secured even before the Revolution. Harlett, Hist. of Rock, Co., p. 498. Lawrence, The Key H. Churches, p. 126.
5. Lauer, Church and Stato in How England, p. 89
6. Jackus, Hist. of the ptists, II, 164.
7. Compendium of the Minutes of the Herren Association (1767-1825).
8. Backus, Fist, of the Baptista, II, 337.
9. Ibid., 11, 139.
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1
Terran association about 1780. We would infer, from Backma' reference to the New Hampshire Association, that the Brentwood und Gilmanton Churches wore among its Charter members. But in y letter from Honorsolo Otis G. Hammond, Superintendent of the New Hampshire Historical Society, wo leura that "the Brentwood Conference was formed in 1776, consisting of Brentwood, New Hampshire Jandl Berwick and Sanford Meine. This conference became the New Hampshire Association in 1785". Hammond also says that "prior to the Revolutionary Ver the Baptist Churchss in New Hampshire Affiliated with the Turron Boston and foodstock issociations", whereas Backus says that the woodstook Association was not formed until 1783, and comprised churchas in both Vermont and How Hampshire, Te shall not attempt to reconcile the statements cf Backus und Hammond in regard to the woodstock association. Indeed, it is not necessary that we should do so, in order to bear ont the point that we wish to emphasize; numely, that the Baptists of New Hampshire were more closely associated with extra-provincial organizations than they were with each other - when the Brentwood group, is excepted. But we should not overlook the local 'councils' which mt from time to time. One such mot at Newton in 1761, presided over by Reverend Isuse Backus of Middleborough. Massachusetts, and nother net at Gilmanton in 1780. 6 But this council con- 6 cerned itself entirely with church doctrine und ai soipline.
(12) In conclusion, it seems to us that the position of Dr. Shepard as virtual bishop of the large group of churches centering around Brentwood,is the most significant feature of Baptist church Life during the early Revolutionary period. £ That our conclusion is amply born out by the returns from the Association Tast of 1776, will soon become evident.
1. "imites of the farren Assoolution, 1793, p. 4.
2. Otis G. Limmond: letter duted Concord, November 14, 1924.
3. Buskus, Mist. of the Baptists, II, All.
4. Ibid., 11, 634.
Allison, Bartiat Councils in America, p. 113.
6. Lancaster, Hist. of Gilmanton, Law H., p. 200.
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THE ASSER SECTS
(1) The Sandem ni-ns.
In 1758, Reverend Artimr Broma of Portsmouth wrote to the J. 2. G. in regard to the strange sest which had just gained . footing in that staid old sou- port. "The Quiet of tha "town", says he, "is greatly interrupted by one pandomen, whose scheme is to explode the Usefulness of Prayer mudd Preaching, ani to damn ail Opposers". 1 .
'Exploding prayer and pre ching' seems to us an outlindish platform on which to erect a now religious sect; but, "a break in the orthodox rinks awaited every immovator", in those days. 2
The church folk of Portsmouth h.d the good sense to "let them very much lone". Having no persecution on which to thrive, the new seot died down within about a decade.
(2) The Frag-Fill 3.ptists.
The classio example of the religious ferment of those early rovolution- ary days is furnished by Benjamin Ringill, of Nowo stle, - the founder of the Free- Till 3 ptista. He was converted unier "nitefield's pre iching in 1770, und after some deliberation, joined the Congresstional Church. But further study convinced him that immersion was the only biblical form of bantian; ac he got himself im- mersed and began to preach in the Baptist Church. soon, however, he found that he could not conscientiously declare the foalvinistio) doctrine of Election, as taught by the regular Baptists. ; he organized a "Free-Will" Baptist Church in Durham (1780); and from here, as his home base, he traveled as an evangelist -
Maine through New Hampshire and Wine - organizing churches in many remote and neglected places. it the end of ten years the new denomination had 28 churches and eight ministers. 3 & 4
i. (John Ewer) sermon before the . 2. .. (1768), p. 19 c" the appended Abstracts.
2. Stuckpole, Hist. of Now I., II, 304-5.
3. Ibid., 11, 321.
4. Roli ;. Hist. of How -land, pp. 77-9.
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(3) The ih kors, et al.
The two fundamental doctrines of the shikers ire Communism and Celibacy: so it is in the nature of things that this sect, which branched off from the Freewillers, has not propigute itself to any extent. Tro of its communities 1 appour to have lusted till the present day, however. Then we reid of a group of anabaptists which - at an ailier date - had sprang up on the outskirts of Solom (1760 ) .* They wors un unor,unized group, out succeeded in miking then- selves very obnoxious to the st_id Congregationalists,who seriously considerad 2 taking legal action against them. Aside from tho mere mention of a Universal- ist Church in Portsmouth (1780-1), there were no other sucts established in dow Hampshire during the Revolutionary Period.
In this Abnost 'non-visibility' of tho lessor sects, How A mpshire contrasts strongly with Massachusetts md other parts { Har Angl md which was - at the beginning - "harassed with various sectarios". Sir David Humphreys . Prosiaont of the o. P. d. - mentions oight socts "with which New England sn irmed", previous to 1730; - (1) The Antinomians (2) Familists (3) Formalists (4) Seakers (5) Arrians (6) Arminians (7) quakers und (8) Gortonista. Of these he says "their own best writers give us a very melancholy account of their enthusiastic 3 behavior," But - as we have saan - New Hampshire was 'harassed' by only one of the eight, the Junkers, though Lawrence makes occasional references to Arminian influences in various Congregational Churches, but mostly at a Later period than 1763-83, (soa New Hiermshire Churches, pp. 309, 237, 363, ani 376).
1. Stackpole, Hist of Mas H., II, 323.
2. Gilbert, E, Hist. of S los, H. H., p. 147.
. Humphreys, An Historical Account of the 3. ". A., p. 37.
. Felt mentions this soot as appearing; at Dovar as ourly as 1648.
(wee scales. Hist. of New England, II, 28.)
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OUTLINS OF CHAPPER FIVE INTER-RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH AND THE COMMUNITY
A. The Church and Zanoation in General. 59
(1) New Hampshire's great backwardness in Education
(2) Ministers who wore Educators
(3) The S. P. G. School at Claremont
(4) The "curriculum", Samal Cole's difficulties
9. Charon Influences on the Education of the Indian .
(1) Moor's Charity School at Lebanon, Com.
(2) The founding of Dartmouth College
(3) Later history of the Inilan Schools
(4) President wheelock's early difficulties
(5) Reasons for his final success
(6) The moral tons at Dartmouth in 1774
0. Attitude of the Church toward the Negro 4
(1) Megross allowed to worship with the Whites
(2) Certain New Hampshire slaves petition for freedom
(3) The virtual abolition of slavery in New Hampshire, 1784
(4) The Churches' part in bringing this about
D. " The Moral Tone of the Commmity-at-large . . 65
(1) Pro-revolutionary publications and vocations
(2) The general attitude towards the theatre and dancing
(3) Rum and Religion
(4) "gooty" comversation in public taverna
3. The Standing of the Clergy in the Community . 67
(1) Education of, and delinquency among Now Impshiro ministera
(2) Ministerial dooorum and dignity
?. The Front ler Church as a Social Institation
E 9
CHAPTER FIVE
THE INTER-RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH ID TES SOMMAL. ITY
A. The Church und Education in General.
(1) The poneral biokwirdnoss of suucation in colonial How Hmpanire wis strikingly orought into view by Governor "antworth in his address osfore the Provincial Legislature, in 1771. He told these liw-makers that nine-tenths 1 of the towas of New Hampshire nad no town schools whatever! Though trore is reason to believe thit many of these communities had small private schools and "damos' schools", to which groups of neighbors sent their children, it is evident that New Hampshire was a regular backwoous stute as reg.nis somrail oduastion (until after the Revolutionary Period ). Por, caring the war, many large and opulent towas - far removed from the scenes of anger - were mostly dostitute of any public schools. To be sure, mary laws had been anasted, but there bid boot "a sanaral and criminal nogloot of them on the part of the people". 2 (2) Into this ssmoral obscurity the Church cast some helpful we ms of learning. To find several specific cuses thuro the minister of : town w_8 also its eductional tantor. 3 There was Simenn Williams_pastor of the Pres-
byterian Church in Bindhan - a fine classical scholar and teacher. Ho opened a private academy soon after his ordination, in 1766. Unusr him, many young man were fitted for college; il although his acilemy untedstod Dart.couth, Phillips, 4
Szeter, Ipswich, ato., yet it was an important tributary to Dartmouth. Than
1. Stackpolo, Mist. of Man. R., II, 233.
2. drafto Monthly, Vol. 41 (1909), 65.
3. Of Raw, Timothy Walker of Concord it is said "he kept up his knowledge of tha Ciussios, und was socustomed, occasionally, to fit boys for college". Collections of the Jim He Hist. ing., In, 145, Note 1.
4. Lamronse, Che Has H. Onurobes, pp. 144 and 492.
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there mad Reverend "illium Parsons of Jilminton, who (in 1765) was both minister And schoolmister for the townspeople. In 1774, Reverend Issues with was settled in the mrish and took up his work of beth toucher ad proscher. Thayer says that At least seven Now Hampshire ministers nid divinity stuisats under their 1 & 2 instruction uurin; the period 1750-1800.
(3) But the most outstanding cont risation towards education mide by any of the churches, during the sarly colonial period, was that of the 3. 2. G. School of Claremont. This was the only school in New Hampshire supported by funds from England. 3 Summel Colo, the Schoolmuster, oume to Claremont with the first settlers, and performed the duties of May Render at the Episcopal sor- vicos thers until the arrival of Reverend Jossit. He wrote regularly to the London Society, to report the progress of his school, und in 1772 the society's Abstracta shy; "Hr. Cole's school, Lately established by the society ut Claro- mont, answers their expectations. He hus nur thirty constant pupils in Attend- 4 ance, besides some children of Dissenters".
(4) Uphum indicates that the foundation camerastons of this frontier temple of learning was the Shorter Catechism mu its corner-stono, the les Mag- 5 Land Primer. In his first letter to Lomon after opening the school ur. Cole says; "I would humbly bag of the venerable 3ord some Bibles, Common Prayer books, Cuteonisms, etc., to be distributed mong my pupils which, meine properly attributed might greatly excite them to learn".
Of the frontier community in which this school was located Reverend Peters had written;"The inhabitants are living without means of grace, ury destitute of
1. Theyear, "Religione Conditions in N.w. H .. (1750-1800)" Granite Monthly, XLI (1909), 67.
2. Lawrance, The Haw H. Churches, p. 349
3. Uph m, "Pro-Revolutionary Life And Thought in i Testern New H. Town. Ar nite Monthly. 64 (1922), 109, 143, 199.
4. (2088, Ca.s.), sermon ostore the s. P. C. -- 1772. p. 18 of the appended .bstrots.
5. Uphim, op. cit., p. 148.
6. Iold., p. 145
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knowledge, lader dowa with ignorance, mi coverod wien poverty'. 1
So we dan 839 that it was .il up-hill work for this 'good old suntlomin'. . After his death, in 1776, Rovarand Ramn. Jossitt took shirge of the school. 2 3. Which Isun on the Question of the Indian.
(1) 23varund Zleuzer Theolock hid, before moving to New Hulpshire, daen conducting a mission school for Indians at Labunon, Connecticut. He began his 3 great work in a vory harable way -- by taking _ for scholars into his own home. Having received some sid from a Ir. Voor of Lebanon it became mnom :s"zoor's Charity School". Mode says that, although Meslock received some donations for the school from colonial settlers, the bulk of his support cama from Great Britain. The explanation of this lies in the fuet thit Thealook had sent one of his a.rliest pupils to England with Reverend Withinlol :hitakar. This lad - "Oocom" - was, of course, the first Indian minister who had ever visited that country. He preach- ed to large crowds in all the principal cities and collected tem thousand pounds for the school. This fund was place in the hands of a Board of Trustees, of which the Earl of Dartmouth wis Pry Ldent.
(2) This movement for the education of the Indian was accelerated by the action of Governor antworth, shortly afterwards. He offered wheelock an ex- consive tract of fund if ho would move his school to New Hampshire. He readily ao- cepted this offer, and the school was moved to Hunover on the Connecticut River, in 1770-1. Roverand :hoslock himself was the first to arrive at tre now site. without
1. "Pro-Revolutionary Life And Thought in , western New Hampshire Town", Granite Monthly, 54 (1922), 146.
2. Newson before the . P. , 1779, p. 46 of the Abstracts.
3. Sprague, anhals of the Arica Valuit, I, 39%
4. Nowe, The Frontier pirit in marion Christianity, p. 21.
b. Charlton, Now He is It Is, p. 484.
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nails or glass, he built himself a log cabin and directed the operations of forty laborers who cleared the forest, dug a well, mal built a one-story house for his family, and a two-story frans for his scholars. When his wife and daughters ar- rived, they lived for a month in this hut; while his sons and students made them- salves booths and beds of hemlock boughs. auch were the humble beginnings of New Hampshire's foremost educational institution. and though it bora the name of the Earl of Dartmouth, this nobleman was not a ponefactor of the Collage Itself - to the establishment of which he was opposed, as bain; a departure from the original 1 & 2 plan - but only of Moor's Charity school.
(3) By the founding; of Dartmouth, Dr. meslock did not abandon "Hoor's Charity School for Indians" - the name of his original home school for Indian lade. Instead, he moved it with him to Hanover mnd it continued its existence as "a fit- ting school for the College". 3
Here Indian youths war, found - from time to time -
until well into the nineteenth century. The following extract from a letter writ-
Dartmouth's
ton from Canada, in 1800, shows how far Er
rock's reputation hud spreed within a quarter-century.
(From Grand River, v. C.)
"Two young chiefs wore delivered to my care, when I left the province, and according to my orders I have left them in charge of the President of Dart- mouth College, who received them with strong professions of friendship - being the sons of thit chief who in his youthful days received his education of letters, piety, and virtue under the tuition of the late Roverand Doctor Theeloox".
The proportion of Indians to white students under Dr. Wheelock's tuition, in 1772, was einteen Indians to fifty-two whites - or over one-third And in 1774, he had one hundred whites to only twenty-one Indians. 6
1. For an excellent ind crich more detailed account of this Charity School see the following thesis; Flitch, Ralig. Influences in Com. 1763-83, pp. 41-44.
2. Sprague, Annals of the Amor. Pulpit, I, 400.
3. Stackpole, Hist. of Rer H., II, 341.
4. Town Papers of Hez H., XI, 735.
5. Stackpole, Hist. of How K., II, 338.
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(4) %hoolook had consideraole difficulty in curbing th Iniin youths' 1 proponsities for rambling in the woods and hunting. Anothor difficulty 1 -3 to 2 provide propor tuition for the French-spanking Indians; and another the securing; of a propor lady for mitron. The fore join; wore 2s nothin;, however, sompred with the critical situation he found himself in at the outbrei. of the Revolution. He writes to a friend (in 1776) :
"Stoves for my school I cannot have, without money, and this Dilemas - in addition to a flood of other oures - nis almost junk mo into the Birth . . . The Convulsions of public affairs have thrown re into the greatest distress on account of the Deots which I owe . . . I made 4 application to the Continental Congress last spring fur assist .nos".
(5) Some reasons for "noelook's final success wers that Dartmouth was - for many years - the only institution of college rank in New Hampshire und the Northwest; so it drew its students from a wide area. Then we must not overlook the fact that a large number of white people who had been carried off captives to Canada during the Indian War. and who had intermarried with the Indians there, wished their children to have a butter education that the ordinary Red-skin. This explains theclock's ramark ( under date of 1772):"I expect an increase of my number of Indian
children from the Province of quebec and particularly of descendants of ourtives among the trives there'. This patronage from the half-breeds of Canada may have been a larger factor in the success of the lotless than we realize.
(6) What with the prosching, chipal services, and religious instruction (in sible classes) received by the Dartmouth students, we would expect to find them a great forse for good in the community. But thit they were far from such, uur ing curtain porioda of the Co.logo's history, is shown oy the observations of a con-
1. Theolook, "A Continuation of the Narrative of the Indian Charity josool", in the Bounostar Roprints, No. VIII, pp. 7-8.
2, Ibld., .. ..
3. Ibid., Reprint do. IZ, p. 12.
4. "Correspondance between Reverend Eleazer Theelook", etc., Collections of the EN H. Hlat. Sog., IX, pp. 98-99. (Italics are mine).
5. Wheelock, op. cit., Reprint IX, p. 28.
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temporary wno visited the College in 1774. He described the students :3 "unruly, lawless, and without the four of God". One night they burned the Commons Hall. 1 They acted plays upon the stage that offended plety and decency. Gowoyar, 3 umber of revivals at Hanover holpod to Improve the moral tons of the College, in ister years. In 1775, 'a refreshing was experienced' which resulted in the con- 2 version of some, ma in a general reformation of morals and mmmars, :nd in 1781, Dartmouth shared in the general revival which prevailed in Now Hurshire. £ It 00- ourred under the ministry of Professor Ripley as described in the preceding chapter)
C. Attitude of the Church toutd im Harro.
(2) One of the interesting customs of early New Hampshire churches was tuut they permitted the togroes to come into their mosting housesand join in divine worship with thez. Usually one or two pews were elevated soove the stairs In ona corner, mar the ceiling, and these were devoted exclusively to the use of 3 the Blanks.
(2) Since the churches showed such a kindly regard for the spiritual needs of the negro, it is quite reasonable to suppose that they were lastrumental in the ourly abolition of slavery in thut stute. Tais inferanse is strengthen- ed by the bielle 1 uhr scolor of a petition which was presented to the Council and House, in 1779. It was signed by twenty male slaves who state that they have "no complaint against their easters, but that lasy desire that the name of slave 4 may not mors ba heard in a land gloriously ovatending for the sweets of freedom". The answer of the legislature was to vote to hear the petitioners suring their - next session, and meantime the petition was to be published for three weeks suc- sessively in the New Hampshire Gazette - "that any persons way they appear and shon drury why it may not be granted".
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