USA > New Hampshire > Strafford County > History of Rockingham and Strafford counties, New Hampshire : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men > Part 184
USA > New Hampshire > Rockingham County > History of Rockingham and Strafford counties, New Hampshire : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men > Part 184
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attacked, and was bravely defended. Frustrated in this attempt the Indians committed all possible de- vastation along the river until opposite Portsmouth, when they were dispersed by the firing of cannon, and were pursued with so much energy that they were forced to abandon their plunder to secure their own safety. These continued assaults kept the in- habitants in alarm ; but the severity of the following winter aided the colonists more than their defenses ; for the Indians, pinched by famine, were forced to sue for peace, and applied to Maj. Walderne for his mediation. A peace was concluded at Cochecho with the whole body of Eastern Indians, 3d of July, 1676, Walderne, Shapleigh, and Daniel signing the treaty in behalf of the whites. A copy of this paper is printed in Drake's Book of the Indians, p. 699. But this peace was short-lived. The death of Philip in August, 1676, instead of ending the difficulties, as it was hoped it would, only increased them ; for some of his allies, fearing their total extermination now that the Mas-
sachusetts government, freed of its greatest enemy, , and returned to the woods of the Cochecho, they
could turn its attention entirely to them, fled to their brethren of Penacook, Ossipee, and Pequawket. The , of the 28th of June, 1689.
Penacooks had not been engaged in the late disturb- ances ; those of Ossipee and Pequawket had made peace. Some of the southern Indians also fled to the Kennebec. It was for the interest of these refugees to excite the tribes to renewed war, both for their own safety and to gratify their earnest desire of revenge for their own defeat. Troubles were excited by these means, and the government, forced to engage again in hostilities, ordered two companies thither under the command of Capt. Joseph Syll and Capt. William Hathorne. Dover was in their line of march, and on the 6th of September they arrived at Cochecho. It was most unfortunate.
There were gathered at Cochecho some four hundred Indians; for though the war had again broken out on
the Kennebec, there was peace on the Pascataqua. Of these, two hundred were refugees, who had fled thither for protection. All of them were on terms of peace with Maj. Walderne, and considered them- selves as perfectly safe. But the Massachusetts gov- ernment had ordered their troops to seize all southern Indians wherever they might be found. In obedience to. these orders Capts. Syll and Hathorne told Maj.
By those who recognize the necessity of unqualified military obedience this act is commended. This was the view of Maj. Walderne. It is said, and prob- ably with truth, that he was opposed to the affair, both on the ground of policy and of honor; but the orders of the government were imperative, and he would not set the example of insubordination. He well knew that he was exposing himself to the hatred of a people who never forgave an injury, but he never feared an enemy. The Indians never | forgave him; they did not understand why they should be punished for acts of open warfare com- mitted in the south when peace had been made at the north. They could not comprehend the policy which treated them as rebels who were born free; and when some who were sold into slavery escaped hoarded up their vengeance nntil the bloody morning
The companies of Capts. Syll and IIathorne passed on to the east, taking with them a reinforcement from Walderne's men. But the eastern settlements had been generally destroyed or deserted, and they re- turned from their fruitless expedition to Pascatagna. Some information led them to march to the Ossipee Ponds on the 1st of November, but finding no sign of an enemy, they returned to Newichawannock within nine days after their departure.
The following letter will explain the state of affairs at the time of its date :
" PORTSMO, 19, 8r, 1676.
" MUCH HONRD
" Being upon occasion of ye Alarms lately recd fro ye Enemy mett togethr at Portsmo thought meet to give yor Honers our sense of Mattr in ys pt of ye Country in ye best Mannr yt upon ye place in ys prsent
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DOVER.
Hurry wee are able to get. How things are new at Wells and York wee know not but pranme yorselves will be informed ere yt comes to yor hand P ye Post sent fro ye Commandr in Chiefe wch (as was undrstood) went thro ye Towne ys Morning. Only thus mch we have learnt yt ye Enemy is Numerous & abont those pts having carried all clear before him so far as Wells. That hee is pceeding towards us & so on toward yorselves ye Enemy intimates & ye thing itself speaks. What is meet to be now don is wth yoiselves to say rather than for us to suggest, how- ever beeing se deeply & nextly conserned huoibly crane leaue to offer to Consider[atjo]n whether ye securing of what is left bee not or next Work rather than ye Attempting to regain wt is lost, unless there were strenght enough to doe both. It seemes little available to eudeaur ought in ye More Eastern places yt are already conquered, unless there bee several Garrisons made & kept wth prouision & Amminitien & what may be suitable for a Recruit upon all Occasions, weh to de (at least ys Winter) cannot yt ye profit will amend for ye charge. Sure wee are yt erselves (yt is ye Cuonty of Northfolk wch Doner & Portsmio,) are so far from being capeable of Spareing any fforces for yt Expeditien yt wee find orseluce so thinned & weakened by those yt are out already yt there is nothing but ye singular Providence of God bath prenented our being utterly run down. The Enemy observes or Motions & knows or strength (weakness rather) bettr yn wee are Willing hee should & Pbably had been with us ere this bad not ye Highest Power ruled hin. And that Haver-hill, Exettr, &c are in like prdicament wth Doner &c seems ap- parent, & hence as incupeable of spareing Men. In true there is au Army ent in Yorkshire wch will doubtless doe what may bee done, yet there is room enough for ye Enemy to slipp by them unobserved, & if 80, what a Condition we are in is evident. Our ewn men are not enough to maintain or own places, if any Assault bee made & yet many of ers are wow on the other side of the Pascataq Riner. Wee expect an Onsett in ene place or other every day & cau expect no Reliefe fre those yt are so far fro home. If it should be thought meet yt all ye Meu yt are come to us & other parts - - from ye deserted & unguarded Eastern Coun- try should bee ordered te ye Places yt are left on theyr own side of ye Riner, yt so ors may bee recalled to they r seuerall Towns, it might possi- ble bre nut unavailable to ye End. Especially if with all some Indians might bee ordered to these parts to bee upon a perpetuall Scout from place to place. Wee desifin not a lessening or discouragt of ye Army who rather need strengtheng & Incouragmt, for we verily think yt if by ye goed Hand of Providence ye Army had not been there, all ye Partsen ye other side of ye River had been possest by the Enemy & perhaps or- selves tuo ere ys Time. But what we aim at is that ourselves also may bee put into a Capacity to defend orselues. Wee are apt to fear we have been too bold wth your Houors, but wee are sure our Intentions are good, & or Condition very bad except ye Lord of Hosts appear for us speedily, & wee would be found in ye Use of Meanes, commending or Case to him yt is able to protect iu ye Use of Meanes, commmending in order thereunto, & Remain
" Mch Henrd yor Humble Seruts " Richard Waldern "John Cutt " Tho: Daniel
" Robert Pike
" Richard Martyn " Wm Venghan."
It has been said already that two hundred of the Indians captured on the 7th of September were sent to Boston for trial. The following letter relates to this matter :
" DOVER, IOth September 1676.
" MUCH HOND
" The Indus being now on board & Comeing towards yon, Wee yt boue been Soe far Fupr -- about yme Thought it convenient to Inform how ffar they have kept the Pease Made wth ns '& who of these are concerned therein vizt Penicooks, Weuolensets, Waymesists & Pis- cataq Indus there being not any belonging further Eastwd come in - -- nor any other of those belonging to ye South Side of Mirimack ever Included in our Prase .- those of ym yt had made ye Pease comeing in to Comply with yt, the others to get Shelter under ym but yet they should be all treated alike as here they were wee humbly Conceive ne Reason wee not being able te charge those yt had made ye Pease with any breach of Articles Saue only yt ef entertaining our Southern Ene- mies but by yt meanes we came to surprise Sue many ef ym. There are Several of Piscataq Iedas here who before ye Pease had been very Active Against us but since haue all liu'd quietly & Attended Order but yer Pleasures being to hane all sent down to determine their Case at
Bostou, hath been Attended keeping bere about 10 young men of ym to Serue in ye Army wth their families & Some old men & theirs wth We- nolansets Relations. Yesterday came in 2 Sqnawes informing yt one eyd Jno & Jethro were designing ye Surprizing of Cunonions & bring- ing in desireing Some of our old Men to come to Advise with him about it, I forthwith sent out there to ffurther ye design. Wee hane Informa- tion from Jewel's Island yt the former newes is net Sve bad being not ahoue 10 in all kill'd and wounded being unexpectedly Surprized. if yr be Any obs[t]ructions in ye ffurther Prosecution of ye enemy now by ye -- our people will quickly desert their Country Shall Add 00 more et Present,
"but Remein in much Honr. Yor Humble Servants, " Richard Waldern " Nic Shapleigh " Tho Daniel."
Another letter throws light upon the fate of the captured Indians :
" CecDECHO, 2 9 ber 1676. " MAJR GOOKIN
" Hond Sir, I recd yers of 25th 8 ber concerning Some Iadns wch you Say it is Alleged I promise[d] life & liberty to. time Prmits mee net at present to enlarge but for Answer in Short you may Please to know I Premised neither Peter Jethro nor any other of yt Compa life or lib- erty it was not in my Power to doe it. all yt I promise[d] was to Peter Jethro vizt: That if he would use his Endeaner & be Instrumental In ye bringing in one ey'd Juo &c I would acquain ye Gouenr with wh Seruice he had doue & Improve my Interest in his behalfe that I Ac. quainted ye Honrd Council wit if it had been their Pleasure to haue Saued more of ym it would not have trouble mee. as to ye Squaw you Mention belonging to que of Capt Hunting's souldiers there was S[nch] a ene left of ye first great Compa ef Indie (sent?) down wch Capt llont- ing desired might stay here till himselfe & her husband Came back froel Eastward wch I consented to, and how She came ameng yt Compa I know det I requiring sone to geo yr to Boston but those that came in after ye Armies departure neither Knew I a word of it at Boston we I disposed ym Soe yt twas her own fault in not Acquainting mee with it but it Said Squaw be not Sent off I shall be freely Willing to re-imburse those Gent wi they Gave nice for her yt She may be Sett at liberty being wholy Innocent as to wt I'me Charg'd with I intend ers long to be at Bosten wn I doubt not but Shall give you full Satisfaction there about.
" I am Sr Yor bumble Serut
" RICHARD WALDERN."
The war was ended for a time by a treaty between the whites and Penobscots, concluded on the 6th of September, Mogg having been deputed to act for the Indians, and agreeing to articles of peace at Boston, whither he had been sent from Pascataqua. These articles were afterwards ratified by Madokawando. Vessels were therefore sent to the Penobscot, to pro- cure the release of captives, Mogg being still retained as a hostage. Some few captives were obtained, but Mogg escaped, and his treacherous purposes were soon displayed. It was soon after discovered also that Narragansett Indians were still scattered among those of the east; three of them were decoyed into the wigwams of Cochecho and were slain, the cut of their hair betraying them. Such circumstances con- vinced the colonists that the peace would be of very short continuance, and it was judged proper for the whites to strike the first blow. The Bay government determined upon a winter expedition.
Four hundred men were equipped (including sixty Natick Indians), and were dispatched for the eastward, under the command of Maj. Walderne, the expedition sailing in the first week of February, 1677, after a day of fasting and prayer. Here follows his instructions :
" Instructions for Major Rich. Waldern.
" You shall repaire to Blacke point with the 60 souldiers under capt
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HISTORY OF STRAFFORD COUNTY, NEW HAMPSHIRE.
frost that you are authorized by ye council to raise in Dover Portsmouth & yorkshire, by the 8 of febr. where you are to take under your comand the other forces from Boston & Salem under the comand of Capt. Hunt- ing & Leiftenant Fiske & other - - officers, from whence with all expedition with the adnice of your Comanders - - you shall ad- uance towards the enemy at Kinnebeck or elsewhere, & nccor ling to the proposed designe, endeauor with all silence & secrecy to surprise them in their quarters, wherein if it please God o succeed you, you shall do your utmost endeavor to save & rescue the English prisoners.
" If you fail in this designe you shall assay by alle means in your power to disturb & destroy the enemy, unless you have anch overtures from them as may give some competent assurance that an honorable & safe peace may be concluded with them .- wherein you must avoyd all trifling & delayes & with all possible speed make a dispatch of the affaire not trustiog them without first delivery of all the Captiues and vessels in their hands.
" If you should. in conchision, find it necessary to leane a garrison in Kinnebeck wee must leave it to your discretion.
" You shall use utmost expedition as winds & other advantages will permit, lest ye season be lost and charges seem withont profit.
" Praying God to be with you
past " E. [dward] R [awson], S[ec. ].
"24 January 1676[-7.]
"F. L. G. with the consent of the Council.
" To Major Richard Waldeo.
" whereas you are apoynted Cor in Chief of the forces Now to be raised agt the enemy the - - in the East for the -- - all haue or- dered the rendezvons of the sd forces at Black point the 8 of febr. next - - hereby ordered & authorized yon to take under your Comand & conduct the ad forces weh you are to require to obey & attend your orders & Comands as their Comander in Chief, & yon to leade conduct & order the sd forces for the best sernice of the country against the Comoo enemy whom you are to endeavor to surprise kill & destroy by all means in your power & al souldiers officers & - - under you are required to yield obedience - endeavor to recover the English prisoners from out of their possession, you are also to govern the force under your Comand according to the laws enacted by the Genrall Ct, to attend all such orders & comands as yon shall receive from time to time from the generall Court Councill or other Superior authority.
" Given in 29 jan. 1676-7.
pnst. E. R.
This expedition proved fruitless. But few events in it are worthy of remembrance. A parley at Casco was attended with no important result. Another parley was held at the mouth of the Kennebec. It was mutually agreed to lay aside arms and negotiate for the ransom of prisoners. The Indians demanded twelve beaver-skins for each, with some good liquor, but only three captives could be obtained. Another parley was proposed, when Walderne, Frost, and three others landed under a mutual promise that no weapons should be worn on either side. But Wał- derne espied the point of a lance under a board, and searching further found other weapons, and taking and brandishing one towards them, exclaimed, " Per- fidious wretches ! you intended to get our goods and then kill us, did you?" They were thunderstruck. yet one more daring than the rest seized the weapon and strove to wrest it from Walderne's hand. Capt. Frost laid hold of Megunnaway, one of the barbarous murderers of Thomas Brackett and neighbors, and dragged him into his vessel. Meanwhile an athletic squaw caught up a bundle of guns and ran for the woods. At that instant a reinforcement arrived from the vessels, when the Indians scattered in all direc- tions, pursued by the soldiers. In this affray Saga- more Maltahouse and an old Powow and five other Indians were killed, five were capsized in a canoe
and drowned, and five others were captured. One thousand pounds of beef were taken, and some other booty. Megunnaway was shot. Two more Indians were killed at Arrowsick Island. The expedition re- turned to Boston on the 11th of March without the loss of a man.
After this expedition was ended the major returned home and busied himself with the duties of his charge there. Though the war continued a year longer, but little took place about Dover. But one instance of alarm is recorded as having occurred in its immedi- ate vicinity during the year. Some time in March the presence of hostile Indians in the woods near Cochecho was discovered, and Walderne sent out eight of his Indians, of whom Blind Will was one, to obtain information. These were all surprised by a company of Mobawks, who, nominally in alliance with the English, spared neither friend nor foe. Two or three of the scouting party escaped; the others were killed or taken ; Blind Will was dragged away by his hair, and being wounded, perished on a neck of land formed at the junction of the Isinglass and Cochecho Rivers, which was long called "Blind Will's Neck." It was first thought that the death of Blind Will was fortunate, but the result proved otherwise, for the friendly Indians became suspicious that the Mohawks were engaged to destroy rather than assist them. Whittier's poem of " Blind Will" was based upon this occurrence.
The following letter gives us some further infor- mation :
"COCHECHA, 18 : April 1677.
" May it Please yor honor :
" I have lately Recd Some lines from Majr Gookin intimating ao order of ye honrd Council for ye Sending mee 10 Indns to releive & Strengthen ys pts, wch ffanour I gratefully Acknowledge but of the Said 10 are but 2 come from Cambridge & 3 from Ipswch 2 ye latter being old & unfitt for Servise wch must dismisse again to Saue Charges.
" Majr Gookin hints yt ye Indus Auersion to comeing hither ie not without Some Reasons of weight without telling mee what they are but am since better Informed of their Complaints from ye Secretary, vizt, of my Improneing them to labour about my own ocations without any Allowance & their dissatisfaction with my Pronisions. ffor ye fformer I did Employ Some of ymn, 5 or 6 days but pd ym for it to their full sat- isfaction. Indeed wn I Sent ont men to Cut wood ffor ye flire they Went out with ymi as our English Souldiers use to doe to prouide wood to make ymselves a fire. I think some of ym in my Absence were ordred 2 or three dayes to Cutt bushes on ye Side of ye Comon Road wihout wch no Post or other could Passe without danger of being cutt of by an unseen enemy.
" As to their Prouision know not why they should [complain] unlesse because I did not keep a Maid to dresse their Victuals for ym but ordered ym to do it ymiselves. I did not discouer any Kind of dissatisfaction till Peter Ephraim came & after yt nothing wd content ym but they mnet goe home. Wu I had ye Ist intimation of three Indns Seen up Mirri- mack I had ordred 20 forthwth to have gone ont but through the Sd Peter's means they were grown Soe high & nngonernable was fforc't to dismisse them.
"Since my last we have been & are almost daily Alarmed by ye Eu- emy. An Acct of ye Mischeif done Presume yor hours haue already had
"11th inst. 2 men more kill'd ut Wells. 12th 2 men, one woman & 4 children kill'd at York & 2 honses burnt. 13th, a house burnt at Kittery & 2 old people taken Captine by Simon & 3 more but they gane you ther liberty agaio without any damage to their psons. 14th, a house sur- priz'd on South Side Piscatay & 2 young women carried away thence. 16th, a man kill'd at Greenland and his honse burnt, another Sett on fire but ye Enemy was beaten off & ye ffire put out by Some of our men who
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DOVER.
then reconer'd alsoe one of ye young women taken 2 days before who sts there was bnt 4 Indus: they run Sculking about in small pties like Wolves. we have had pties of men after ym in all qrters wch hane Sometimes Reconer'd Something they baue Stolen, but Can't certainly Say they have kil'd any of ym: Capt ffrost is after ym in Yorkshire. from Black point you will have ye Intelligence of ye Enemies March, ffrom Capt Scottow, to whom hane Sent Some letters from - - - - I add noe more at prsent but Comend you to God's Protection who hath hith- erto & is able still to be onr or Guard.
" resting Sr Yor Very bumble Sernt " RICHARD WALDERN."
In the spring of the year 1678 a peace was con- cluded at Casco, Maj. Shapleigh, of Kittery, Capt. Francis Champernoon and Mr. Fryer, of Portsmouth, aeting for the whites. The following paper has ref- erence to this matter :
" For Major Walderne & Major Pendleton.
" from your selves by seueral letters we have received Information of Squando & the other Indians case their Desire further to hear the Eng- lish of . .. parts for a firm peace & that Major Shapleigh & C, Cham- pernoon are Desired to Aduance in that matter as most acceptable to the Indiaos, if themselves or any other persons be Judged Sutable by your selves for such an occasion be obtayned to hear them they may in the name of the Governor & Council promise them a Safe Conduct comeing and returning hither in way of treaty whether anything Concluded or no as they formerly Hlave if otherwise they may take the Indians De- mands of which ourselves hear may Consider & give Answer. In the Mexo time advising as ye Spring cometh on to be upon your watch and guard your own Security.
" not else but Remaine S. . . . "your friend & Seruant "EOWD RAWSON Secret & . . . " .. . of the Council. "9th of March 77."
By the terms of this treaty the captives were re- stored and the deserted settlements permitted to be reoccupied, the whites paying one peck of eorn an- nually for each family as an acknowledgment to the Indians for the possession of the lands. Thus a tedious and distressing war was ended by a disgrace- ful peace. But it allowed the people of Dover to eul- tivate their lands and use their mills in safety.
For eleven years there was profound peace upon the Pascataqua and its branches. At Cochecho the former habits of trade were revived and whites and Indians mingled freely.
Means of safety were not neglected however. Seven garrison-houses were still preserved, into which the neighboring families gathered at night. Walderne's, Heard's, Otis', and Paine's stood upon the north side of the river; those of the Coffins, father and son, and Gerrish's were upon the south.
The sites of these several garrisons were as follows : Walderne's, a little north of the river, on the lot (open in 1882) now bounded by First, Second, and Central Streets. Otis's was on the brow west of Franklin Street, perhaps three hundred feet from that street, and on the southerly edge of Milk Street. Heard's was in the open space adjoining the Bangs mansion on the south. The elder Coffin's was on high land (now cut down) exactly back of Varney's Bloek, and about sixty feet from the line of Central Street. The younger Coffin's is not known, but it is supposed to have been near the residence of the late Governor
Martin. Paine's was on the east side of Portland Street, the site being partly on the house lot of the late James B. Varney. Gerrish's is not known, but must have been near Bellany Falls, where the Ger- rishes had mills. Paine's and Gerrish's garrisons do not appear to have been molested, and we know of their existence principally from allusions in letters. The timber walls around all were impregnable by open attacks, and their gates were well secured by bolts and bars.
The Indians who were captured at the sham fight in 1677 had never forgiven Walderne for his share in that event. Some of them who had been destined to slavery, after finding no purchasers among the nations to whom they were offered, and after having been left at Tangier, had succeeded in returning home. These had cherished a relentless thirst for revenge. The Pennacooks, it is true, had no such reasons for hos- tility, for though their sachem and a hundred others were captured on that occasion, they were immedi- ately released, but they regarded his conduct as a breach of faith worthy of punishment. The memory of old wrongs also was revived, and when Kanka- magus, who imagined himself ill treated, had fled in 1686 to the Androscoggin for safety from the Mo- hawks, who, nominally allies to the whites, yet spared neither friend nor foe, his dissatisfaction was doubt- less strengthened by the emissaries of Baron de St. Castin, the Frenchman who lived in half-feudal state on the banks of the Penobscot. Wanalanset, son of the venerable Passaconaway, had always remembered his father's dying charge to live at peace with the whites, but Kankamagus, sachem of the Pennacooks, formed a league with the Pequawkets and the rem- nant of the fugitives to gratify their desire for re- venge, and aided by Mesandowit, a saehem second in authority to himself, prepared for an attack upon Cochecho.
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