USA > New York > New York City > History of New Netherland; or, New York under the Dutch, Vol. II > Part 24
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However vigorously these arrangements were made, New Netherland was not unadvised of her danger. Sedg- wick and Leverett had not yet arrived at Boston when Stuyvesant was informed by Isaac Allerton of their design. May 29. A meeting of the Council was immediately summoned. Were the citizens in a position to defend the province ? would the country people "of our own nation" aid in such a work? were the questions which presented them- selves at this crisis. An apprehension, " which he could May 30.
hill having given Gibbons and Lord a warranty deed of the premises, found himself in a disagreeable predicament, by the move of the Court at Hartford. He petitioned that body, 15th May, 1655, setting forth that their action " occa- sioned his utter undoing," and praying for leave to perfect the title he had given, he "having been a true and loyall subject according to his best ability." He incurred, he states, " threescore and odd pounds debt for ye souldiers," which must be paid, and for which " he expects his goods to be sold." Chalmers, alluding to Kieft's expulsion of the English from Oyster Bay, in 1642, says : " And as they were not a people patient of injury, they instantly seized the Dutch garrison of Fort Hope, on the river Connecticut, in the vicinity of Hartford, obliging them to recede within ten miles of the Hudson, which was afterwards confirmed by treaty." (Annals, 571.) It is difficult to find a sentence contain- ing so many statements opposed to fact. There was an interval of thirteen or fourteen years between the expulsion of the English from Oyster Bay, (which . occurred in 1640, not 1642,) and the confiscation of Fort Good Hope. The treaty of Hartford preceded that seizure by nearly three years, and consequently could not confirm that act. And yet he gives Smith and the N. E. historians as his authorities ! It is singular that there is not the least reference or allusion to the seizure of the Dutch fort on the Connecticut, in all the records of Stuyve- sant's administration, (and they are most abundant,) nor in any of the com- plaints of the West India Company against the English.
2 Thurloe, i., 721, 722 ; ii., 259, 418, 419, 425; Rec. of New Haven General Court, 70.
1654. June 23.
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BOOK not overcome," forced itself on the Director-general, that V. "it was vain to expect any assistance from the people 1654. residing in the country-not even from the Dutch-in case of an unexpected attack from a powerful enemy." "They would contribute scarcely anything to our defence, nor move a single step from the spot on which they stood." "The English, although they have sworn allegiance, would take up arms against us and join the enemy." "To invite them to assist us would be to bring the Trojan horse within our walls."1 " It is the unanimous opinion to . pass them by." What then was to be done ? Shall Fort Casimir be abandoned, and the freemen drawn from the South River? Would they come, if asked ? Would not this be an abandonment and surrender of that " handsome country ?" Shall the Solomon be allowed to sail ? The magistrates, in that case, dread " the turmoil and clamors of the populace, for we have no gunners, no musketeers, no sailors, and scarcely sixteen hundred pounds of powder. Add to this, a number of people will attempt to depart in that ship !" Such was the forlorn condition of the capital, such the distracted state of its councils, at a moment when a powerful foe was on the eve of thundering at its gates. The affections of the Dutch were weakened; the enmity of the English assured. It was a truthful commentary on the system of misgovernment and oppression which had prevailed for so many years.
As something must be done, the Director-general pro- posed a loan to repair the fort and man the walls. The magistrates of Breukelen, Midwout and Amersfoort met the Council and Burgomasters and Schepens at the fort, June 2. when the resolution was taken to enlist, " in silence and without beat of drum," a force of between sixty and seventy men, and to borrow sufficient money to defray these ex- penses, as well as to furnish supplies to the city, " in case
1 Bancroft, (Hist. U. S. ii.,312,) places these details under June, 1664, an error of ten years. Stuyvesant could not well have thought of inviting the English into New Amsterdam in June, 1664, since he had acknowledged the independence of those towns in March of that year, in a treaty which he made on Long Island, with Capt. John Scott.
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it be besieged." To repay this loan an annual tax of CHAP. twenty stivers per morgen on tillage land was to be ~~ IV. levied, with the hundredth penny on each house and lot in 1654. New Amsterdam and Beverwyck ; a guilder on each head of horned cattle over three years old, and the tenth of all merchandise to be exported this season. Stuyvesant had now thoroughly infused his own zeal into the hearts of all around him. Funds were provided. Every citizen wielded the pickaxe and mattock, and the public defences were put in decent repair.
But whilst the Dutch were thus engaged preparing against the public enemy, the English on Long Island were busy complotting against their adopted country. Gravesend, " where a gang of robbers, pirates, and other miscreants had been skulking for a long time," was the head-quarters of the malcontents, and of these George Baxter and Sergeant Hubbard were now the leading spirits. The disorders in this town were already of several years' standing. In the beginning of 1651, a party had suc- ceeded in introducing certain changes in the mode of electing the magistrates, in evident contradiction to the provisions of their charter. Instead of openly and collect- ively nominating and electing " three of the ablest, ap- proved honest men," it was enacted that " one leading man" should be chosen to nominate a second, " whom in his dis- cretion he should think meet;" these two were then to select a third ; the three a fourth, and these four a fifth and sixth. Of these six so chosen, three were to be magis- trates for the first year, and the other three assistants when required, to succeed to the magistracy, if the towns- men did not object, and to be presented to the Director " in the place of the ould." This order was to be in force for two years " without alteration, the one sett the other alter- nately succeeding." In case any of these six should die or leave the town, those that remained in office were to propose others to fill the vacancy, this being, it was alleged, " the custom and manner of the moste wisest cor- porations soe to go on."1
1 Gravesend Rec., entry 9th Jan. 1651.
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BOOK V. The situation of affairs, at the time, was such as to in- duce the Director and Council to connive at these irregu- 1654. larities. Baxter, it is but right to add, objected to them, and called on the Director to veto the nomination, "for after this rate the most undeserving man may be chosen, to the trouble and undoing of honest men of good estates." When the nomination was sent in for the following year, its ratification was postponed, and finally allowed only on the magistrates taking an oath of fidelity to the authorities both in Holland and New Netherland.1 But the occur- rences of 1653 had seriously weaned men's affections from the government, and oaths of allegiance were no longer considered binding. Rumors of the intended massacre of the inhabitants of the English towns by Frenchmen and savages in the pay of the Dutch were industriously bruited abroad, and when the news came of the intended invasion from New England, Middleburgh proposed that the Eng- lish should " open the ball," whilst Gravesend issned letters of marque; entered into a direct correspondence with Boston, and proposed to cut out the Company's ship, the Solomon, then lying before New Amsterdam, and carry her to Virginia.2 In further prosecution of their disaffec-
1 The engagement that you doe take is to bee true and faithfull in all loyaltie and fidelitie unto ye High and Mightie Lords ye States Generall of ye United Belgick Prouinces, and ye Lords Bewinthebbers of ye West India Companie and ye gouvernement heare established by theyr authoritie soe long as you shall continue in this theyr jurisdiction ; you shall likewise doe your best endeavor for ye maintaining and upholding ye lawfull power and authoritie of this p'sent gouvernour ye Honourable Peeter Stuiuesant, Esq., and his lawfull successors, deputie or deputies, and all other lawfull power and authoritie subordinate under him and graunted to this towne ; you shall doe your best indeauour for the sup- pression of all mutinous insurrections and rebellions and to maintaine ye peace and tranquillitie of ys province, and towne of Grauesande ; you shall according to ye best of your knowledge and wisdome, doe equall right and justice to all p'ties, and in all actions and matters yt shall bee brought before you and depend- ing before you without partialitie, fauour or affection, hatred or malice." Gravesend Rec., 19th March, 1652.
2 On the trial of one Capt. John Manning, (April, 1654,) at New Haven, for having given aid and comfort to the Dutch during the preceding winter, he pleaded that he was acting as a spy, and produced in his defence a certificate " under the hands of Sir Henry Moody, Knight, and some others from Graves- end, directed to all Admiralls, Vice Admiralls, Captainnes, &c., that he had tendered himself and vessel to serve the commonwealth of England." This defence, however, did not save him. His vessel was sold " by inch of candle." Rec. of New Haven General Court, 46-49.
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tion, the management of the affairs of the town was vested CHAP. in a board of twelve men, who were empowered to choose IV. magistrates and appoint all local officers, and the right of 1654. the Director and Council to pass on such nominations was altogether discarded.1
In New Amsterdam the English residents were equally active in correspondence with the enemy ; spreading alarm everywhere; removing their goods and furniture ; " stirring to mutiny the otherwise well-disposed" within, and communicating to privateers, without, the situation of the city. Proclamations were issued to stay these dis- orders. Persons found removing their property became subject to the confiscation of their effects and banishment ; circulators of false reports were to be severely punished, and every means was adopted to arrest the progress of the general disorganization.
But at a moment when society was resolving itself into its primary elements, it pleased Providence to save the country from the dangers with which it was threatened. The English fleet was on the eve of sailing from Boston, when a London merchant ship entered that port with a copy of the proclamation of Peace "between Judah and Benjamin-England and Holland-to the exulting joy of those who delight in the glory of God and who love their Fatherland." A day of general thanksgiving was imme- diately proclaimed. " Praise the Lord, O England's Jeru- salem ; and Netherland's Sion, praise ye the Lord ! He hath secured your gates, and blessed your possessions with peace, even here, where the threatened torch of war was lighted ; where the waves reached our lips, and subsided only through the power of the Almighty"-were the
1 Alb. Rec. x., 71 ; xi., 12. It was not until March, 1661, that these irregu- larities were formally rescinded. At a general meeting of the inhabitants, on the 22d of that month, for the election of officers according to the patent, "itt was then and their ordered and agreed uppon and unto, that whatsoever formerlie hath beene any practice or costome amongst us, contrary unto ye pattent in ye choice of officers as above said, and alsoe contrary to ye orders of ye towne established heare amongst us, thatt all such costoms, manners, and practices, shall for ye future bee null and voide, and not for any president or example for further practice." Grav. Rec. entry 1661, 22d March.
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v. grateful terms in which Director Stuyvesant announced
the good news to the anxious burghers.1
1654. The vessel which brought the proclamation of peace to the Manhattans, brought also the conclusions of the Chamber at Amsterdam on the remonstrances of the past year. Mar. IS. De Bleue, the popular agent, was at once forbidden to re- turn to New Netherland, " as such commissions were not to the taste of the Directors," who avowed that they were " unable to discover in the whole remonstrance one single point to justify complaint." " The ground-work of the whole was a frivolous pretext to palliate rising faction and sedition." " You," said they, addressing the Director- general, " ought to have acted with more vigor against the ringleaders of the gang, nor have condescended to answer protests by protests, and then to have passed all by with- out further notice. For as it is the height of presumption in the people to protest against the government, so the rulers prostitute their authority when they use only pro- tests against their subjects, and dare not punish them as they deserve." "It is, therefore, our express command that you punish what has occurred as it deserves, that others may be deterred in future from following such ex- amples." " Arms and ammunition" were sent ont to bring " the seditious" of Gravesend to a sense of their duty, and to punish them " in an exemplary manner ;" whilst a special lec- ture was conveyed to the Burgomasters and Schepens, "three of whom, instigated by other disaffected persons, dared, not only to call a meeting, but to present remonstrances, which at this period must be considered highly injurious, all pre- texts to the contrary notwithstanding." "You are, there- fore, recommended, yea, commanded to conduct your- selves quietly and peaceably ; subjecting yourselves to the government under which you have been placed, and care- fully avoiding to assist at English or other conventicles, either for deliberating on affairs of state, which is not your province, or what is yet worse, for the contemplation of a
1 Alb. Rec. ix., 71, 132-160, 166-171, 179-183 ; xi., 12; N. A. Rec. News of the peace reached the Manhattans 16th July, 1654.
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reform in the state and its government, for which we have CHAP. been pleased to give you this warning, before we be com- IV. pelled to other measures.1 The chalice of retribution was 1654. now to be tasted by those who, in 1619-50, had, through the desire of pleasing those in power, separated themselves from their fellow-colonists. Baxter and Hubbard were at once summarily superseded in their office as magistrates. But whilst exercising this prerogative, Stuyvesant deemed it wise to allay any ill-feeling that it might occasion. With this prudent intent, he paid a visit to Gravesend, called Nov. 23. the people together, and expressed to them his willingness that they should nominate new magistrates, or if they were not so disposed, they might remain, until next election, under the actual board, or add a fourth member to the court then composed of one magistrate, the sheriff and town clerk. The people, however, were unanimously satisfied with things as they were, and matters remained undisturbed for the remainder of the winter.2
In expressing their displeasure at the magistracy of New Amsterdam, for having joined the English settlers in com- plaints against the local government, the Directors in Hol- land thought it best to treat in a different manner the May 18. petition of the Burgomasters and Schepens for an enlarge- ment of their charter. They consented to the separation of the offices of Sheriff and Attorney-general, but insisted that the appointment to the former office should remain in the hands of the Director and Council. The excise on beer and wine was granted them on condition that they pay the public salaries, and if they were inclined to impose further taxes " without offending the commonalty," such was permitted, with the consent of the local authorities. They were likewise invested with power to execute trans- fers, mortgages and other conveyances of property within the city's limits, and were granted a city seal and a city hall. But the arms and ammunition which they re- quired could only be had from the Director-general and Council.
1 Alb. Rec. iv., 135-137, 143.
% Ibid. ix., 75, 106, 287.
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BOOK V With these instructions came a commission for Jochem Pietersen Kuyter as city sheriff, but that gentleman did 1654. not live to enjoy this merited vindication of his character from the aspersions which had been cast on it at the com- mencement of this administration. He had been unfortu- July 21. nately murdered in the course of this year by the Indians.1 Jacques Cortelyou, tutor to the Honorable Mr. Van Werck- hoven's sons, was therefore nominated to that office. This person, however, declined the appointment. He had scruples on some points in his instructions, and the separa- tion of the shrievalty and attorney-generalship was, in consequence, indefinitely postponed, though the Burgo- masters had urged the appointment of another person.2
The dispute between the Director-general and the city magistrates, on the management and control of the excise, revived soon after the return of peace. The latter were Aug. 2. called on to provide for the maintenance of the civil and
1 Alb. Rec. iv., 136.
2 Jacques Cortelyou died in 1693, leaving five children-Jacques, Peter, Cor- nelius, Helena, and Maria. He was a surveyor by profession, and subsequently became one of the leaders in New Utrecht, where he obtained from Stuyvesant a transfer of Van Werckhoven's tract called the Nyack patent. JACQUES (the 2d) married Annetje 1690, and died 1726. He had nine children, viz. : Meeltie, Geertie, Helena, Jacques, (who died an infant,) Hendrik, (died 1705,) Neeltie, Marya, Jacques, (3d,) and Hendrik. JACQUES (3d) married in 1730, and died in 1747, at the age of forty years, leaving Jacques, (4th,) Antie, Altie, and Isaac, who married, June 28th, 1767, Altie, widow of Johannes Loot, (or Lott,) by whom he had Martha, (still living at Flatbush,) Jacques, (5th,) Altie, (who mar- ried O'Blennis,) still living, Angeltie, Johannes, (still living,) Hendrik, Isaac, and Daniel. Isaac Cortelyou, the father of these children, was one of the minute men for Kings countyin the Revolutionary war ; when the English landed at the Narrows, some of his property was burned, and to save tlie remainder, he was forced to accept one of Lord Howe's protections and become one of the " King's friends." He enjoyed, however, the confidence of his neighbors, and held office after the peace. PETER Cortelyou, like his father, followed surveying ; his children were Peter, Cornelis, Helena, Willem, Maria, Debora, and Neeltie, the first of whom was born in 1699-the last in 1712. His son Peter died in 1764, at the age of 65 years, leaving Jacques and Simon. Jacques, (son of Peter,) had Jacques, Thimothy Townsend Cortelyou, the former of whom still resides at the old Cortelyou mansion, which was built at Gowanus, in 1697. Thimothy T. died leaving Sarah, Johannes, Anne Maria, Timothy T., Trulove Jane, Ida, William Couwenhoven, and Mary, several of whom still live on the Nyack patent. Simon (son of Peter) had property in New Jersey, in the · neighborhood of Middletown Point. He left several children, some of whom still reside in New Jersey, others in Flatbush, Kings co., L. I. Perhaps there is not a family in this State, the members of which are less scattered than this.
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ecclesiastical servants, as well as for the support of the CHAP. military who had already arrived and were still expected IV. in greater numbers; and they were further ordered to 1654. send in an account of the receipts and expenditures of the city revenue. The magistrates replied by expressing their Aug. 10. willingness to furnish their quota to the amount of three thousand guilders, or one-fifth of the whole sum necessary to pay the debt incurred for the repairs of the public works, provided they were authorized to levy a tax on all real estate within their jurisdiction. They sent in, at the same time, the accounts which had been called for. On the ex- amination of these papers, it turned out that they had not paid the clergymen their salaries, as they had promised. " What was worse," they had credited themselves with many items which could not be allowed-among others, with " a certain sum paid to François de Bleue," to de- fray his expenses as their agent to Amsterdam. The Director and Council thereupon resolved to re-assume the excise which they had already surrendered, and farm the same on the Company's account. Matters being brought to this pass, the Burgomasters and Schepens thought it Aug. 31. most prudent to propose, on receipt of the excise, to pro- vide, at the city's expense, for the salary of one clergy- man ; one chorister to act as beadle and schoolmaster ; one sheriff ; two burgomasters ; five schepens ; one secre- tary, and one court messenger. As to the military, they considered that the citizens, who were already overtaxed for the fortifications, and were obliged to go on expeditions, being in the front of danger, were not able to meet this burthen, as that force was not intended for the city alone, but for the country in general. They had already pledged themselves to raise three thousand guilders on certain conditions, and this they still were willing to do.
These propositions did not satisfy the Director-general. The promise to complete the fort, after the city had been secured, was not redeemed. The monies already borrowed were expended in defending the city, and not in repairing the fort. Those who advanced that loan were urgent for its repayment. The Burgomasters and Schepens had re-
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BOOK ceived the excise, but had not furnished the subsidies which V. they had so solemnly promised, and now presumed to fix 1654. their quota at three thousand guilders, when it was notori- ous that they had collected more than that sum. They had not contributed a farthing towards repairing the public works, yet they pretended, "very abusively," to give a good example. As they had now failed in their duty, and had not paid the clergymen, schoolmaster nor beadle, the Director and Council reclaimed the excise, and farmed it out. "Both the gospel ministers" were paid, and the Sep. 16. whole subject was again referred to the Lords Patroons in Holland for their decision. The Amsterdam Directors were not in the best of humor on receiving intelligence of the obstinacy of the city fathers. They immediately in- Nov. 23. structed Stuyvesant to use his authority to enforce the orders he had already received, "so that these men may no longer indulge in the visionary dream that contributions cannot be levied without their consent !"1
The misunderstandings which prevailed through the past year between the government and the colonists, were beneficial, at least, in one respect. They led to the concession of enlarged political privileges to the hitherto neglected Dutch settlements on Long Island. In 1653, the claim of Breukelen, Midwout and Amersfoort to a repre- sentation in the convention, was absolutely denied by the Director-general, as they had " no right of jurisdiction." With a view, however, to destroy the political preponder- ance of the English towns, the government then announced its intention " to grant a court of justice to the villages of Amersfoort, Breukelen and Midwout," in the course of the ensuing spring,2 in order to entitle them to such a repre- sentation ; for under the feudal law it was the fief, whether manor or town, that was entitled to be represented, and not the people, and no delegation could exist without a local court from which it could emanate.
Breukelen had already her own court of schepens,
1 Alb. Rec. iv., 137, 168 ; viii., 126 ; ix., 144, 148, 149, 174, 182, 189, 211-216, 218-224.
$ Alb. Rec. ix., 16, 35, 47.
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dependent, however, on the court at Fort Amsterdam. CHAP. Her magistrates were now increased from two to four. ~
IV. Midwout obtained the right to nominate three, and 1654. Amersfoort two Schepens.1 The latter two towns formed, April. however, but one inferior district until 1661, when they were separated.2
These courts had separate local jurisdiction in all matters relating to the police, peace and security of their town, which extended in criminal matters over cases of fighting, threatening, &c. ; offences of a graver character being reserved to the Director and Council. In civil matters they could take cognizance of suits to the amount of 50 gl. Over this sum, to a further definite amount, an appeal lay to a superior " district court," which was composed of certain of the magistrates delegated from each town court, and a sheriff, who acted also as clerk. To this district court was committed the superintendence of such affairs as were of common interest, viz. : laying out roads, the observance of the Sabbath, erection of churches, schools and other public buildings, with power to enact orders necessary for the regulation of such matters, subject to the approval of the provincial authorities. It was also a court of record of limited extent.
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