USA > New York > New York City > History of New Netherland; or, New York under the Dutch, Vol. II > Part 49
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57
The next step was to reduce Fort Orange and New Amstel. Cartwright was sent against the former, to the surrender of which De Decker attempted to excite some
Smith, i., 28. " The reason why those of Boston and Conecticot were joyned in the treaty was because those two colonies should hold themselves the more en- gaged with us if the Dutch had beene over confident of their strength, and if uppon their conclusions I committed an errour, I hope it is very pardonable." Gov. Nicolls to the Secretary of State, 31st July, 1665. Lond. Doc. ii., 53.
1 " The Director-general and Council of New Netherland, to all who shall hear or see this, Greeting. Be it known, that we hereby ratify and confirm the conditions agreed on and concluded on the sixth of this month, between our commissioners the Hon. John de Decker, member of our Council, Capt. Nicho- las Varleth, commissary of wares and merchandises, Rev. Samuel Megapo- lensis, Hon. Cornelis Steenwyck, Burgomaster, Oloff Stevensen van Cortlandt, old Burgomaster, and Jacques Cousseau, old Schepen of this city, with the commissioners of the Hon. Governor Richard Nicolls, commander of his Britan- nic Majesty's frigates of land forces, who besieged this fortress and city ; namely, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright, Johan Winthrop, Samuel Willis, John Pincheon, and Thomas Clarke, and we promise to execute the same. Done in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland, on 8th September, 1664. Signed, P. Stuyvesant, N. de Sille, Martin Krygier, Paulus Leendertsen van der Grist, Pieter Tonneman, Jacob Bakker, Thimotheus Gabrie, Isaac Grevenraat, Nico- laus Meyer." Alb. Rec. xviii., 326.
2 Bushwick Rec. 8th September, 1664; Hol. Doc. xii. 153; xiii., 51, 53.
537
NEW NETHERLAND.
opposition, but in vain.1 For the reduction of the latter, CHAP. the Guinea, the William and Nicholas, were placed with VII. a body of troops under the command of Carr, who was 1664. instructed to offer the planters on the Delaware, whether Dutch or Swedes, on their quiet submission, the peaceable possession of their property, on the same terms as they had previously held it ; also liberty of conscience and freedom of trade according to the acts of Parliament. The magistrates in office were not to be changed for six months, nor were the laws of the country to be altered for the present. If these terms were not accepted, the place was to be reduced by force, and Maryland was to be called on to assist if additional aid became necessary.2 On the appearance of this force, New Amstel hastened Oct. 10. to accept these terms, and a treaty was agreed to, embra- cing all the proffered privileges.3 But however sacred its stipulations, the people were not afforded that protec- tion which was so solemnly guarantied. The place was no sooner surrendered than Carr appropriated to himself the farm occupied by D'Hinoyossa, whilst his brother Capt. John Carr took possession of Sheriff Van Sweringen's, and Ensign Stock, of Peter Alrichs' land. "From the city of Amsterdam and the inhabitants thereabout were taken one hundred sheep, and thirty or forty horses, fifty or sixty cows and oxen, between sixty and seventy negroes, the brewhouse, stillhouse, and all the materials thereunto belonging ; the produce of the land for that year, such as corn, hay &c., were seized for the King's use, together
1 " Colonel Cartwright's commission to goe to Fort Orange. These are to will and require you and every of you to bee ayding and assisting to Col. George Cartwright in the prosecution of his Majesty's interest against all such of what nation soever as shall oppose the peaceable surrender and quiet possession of the ffort Aurania, and to obey him the said Col. George Cartwright according to such instructions as I have given him in case the Mohawkes or other Indyans shall attempt anything against the lives, goods or chattells of those who are now under the protection and obedience of his Majesty of Great Brittaine ; whereof you nor any of you are to fayle as you will answer the contrary at your utmost perills. Given under my hand and seale att ffort James in New Yorke on Manhatans Island, this 10th day of September, 1664. R. Nicolls. To the present Deputy Governor, the magistrates and inhabitants of ffort Aurania." Book of General Entries, 35.
$ Book of General Entries, 58, 59.
3 Appendix N.
538
HISTORY OF
BOOK with the cargo that was unsold and the bills of what had VI. been disposed of, all to the value, as near as can be remem- 1664. bered, of four thousand pounds sterling, not including arms and a great quantity of ammunition. The Dutch soldiers were taken prisoners and given to the merchantman that was there in payment of his services, and they were transported into Virginia to be sold. . All sorts of tools for handicraft, tradesmen, and all plough gear and other things to cultivate the ground, which were in store in great quantity, were likewise seized together with a saw-mill ready to set up, and nine sea buoys with their iron chains." Even the inoffensive Mennonists-though thoroughly non-combatant from principle-did not escape the sack and plunder to which the whole river was sub- jected by Carr and his co-marauders. A boat was dis- patched to their settlement, which was stripped of every- thing, " to a very naile."1
Thus was fitly consummated an act of spoliation which, in a period of profound peace, wrested this province from its rightful owners, by means violating all public justice and infringing all public law. "In the history of the royal ingrates by whom it was planned, and for whose benefit it was perpetrated, there are," says the eloquent Butler, " few acts more base ; none more characteristic.""" The only additional outrage that remained, was to im- pose on the country the name of one unknown in history, save as a bigot and tyrant-the enemy of religious and political freedom wherever he ruled. New Netherland was accordingly called NEW YORK.3
1 Lond. Doc. ii., 95; iv., 178-180. This is corroborated by Stuyvesant, who says, (Hol. Doc. xi., 230, 231,) " At New Amstel on the South River, notwith- standing they offered no resistance, but demanded good treatment, which how- ever they did not obtain, they were invaded, stript bare, plundered, and many of them sold as slaves in Virginia."
2 Outline of the Constitution of the State of New York, by the Hon. B. F. Butler, 8vo., New York, 1848, p. 20.
3 It has been often proposed to alter this appellation, and the name " Niagara" has been suggested as thoroughly American, and typical, at the same time, of the great energies and commanding power of the State.
539
NEW NETHERLAND.
CHAPTER VIII.
Recapitulation-Immigration-Population-Trade-Duties-Domestic industry -Currency-Revenue-Provision for the poor-Schools-Reflections on Di- rector Stuyvesant's administration and character-Review of the progress of popular liberty-Subsequent histories of Van der Donck-Jeremias van Rensselaer-Captain Scott-Baxter-Krygier and D'Hinoyossa-Conclusion.
THE administration, the chief incidents of which have CHAP. been detailed, was one of trouble and anxiety. Discon -~ VIII. tents and broils were its sponsors ; clamors and disaffec- 1664. tion its pall-bearers ; whilst scarcely an hour of its exist- ence was free from menace or danger from its neighbors, whether savage or civilized. Lacking those impulses which filled other colonies so rapidly, whatever advantages the Dutch province possessed from nature were seriously counterbalanced by the vicious system under which it was colonized, and the institutions under which it was governed, which would convert settlers into serfs, and by constant petty intermeddling, hamper their exertions and paralyze their energies. In no department were these baleful influ- ences more palpable than in the settlement of the country. From the commencement of this administration to the close of 1652, not a single new bouwerie had been planted on the Manhattans.1
Van der Donck and the Nine Men gave, in 1650, the most decided impulse to colonization, for they brought the country, known previously only to interested traders and commercial speculators, prominently before the public of Holland. Immigration, on a somewhat extensive scale, Immi- followed, but it was unfortunately interrupted by the break- ing out of the war. On the re-establishment of peace, a renewed and more vigorous effort was made for its en- couragement. Mechanics and farmers, " who could prove that they were able to earn a living in New Netherland,"
gration.
1 Hol. Doc. vi., 227.
540
HISTORY OF
BOOK VI. were allowed a free passage for themselves and families, whilst others were offered the same inducements on con- 1664. dition of serving in the colony as soldiers one year, after which period they were entitled to their discharge and a farm of land.1 In 1656 and 1663 a large body of Waldenses and other colonists, with some orphans, were sent to the South River by the city of Amsterdam ; and a considerable number of Huguenots, originally from Rochelle, arrived in the country in the course of the latter year, in addition to those who, for similar reasons, had already emigrated from Savoy and settled on Staten Island .?
Popula- tion of vince ; From these and natural causes the population of the the pro- province quintupled in seventeen years. At the com- mencement of Stuyvesant's administration, the number of persons capable of bearing arms is stated to have been between two hundred and fifty and three hundred, in and around the capital.3 Including Rensselaerswyck, this would give a population of two thousand souls. In 1664, the number is estimated at "full ten thousand." New of New Amsterdam contained, in 1656, when first surveyed by Amster- dam. Capt. de Koninck, one hundred and twenty houses, and one thousand souls. The former increased in 1660, when a map of the capital was made, to over three hundred and fifty,5 whilst the population augmented, in 1664, to fifteen hundred. Of these, not quite two hundred and fifty were male adults ; the balance, between twelve and thirteen hundred, consisted of women, and children below eighteen years of age. The same city now numbers four hundred
1 Alb. Rec. iv., 185, 187, 208, 245, et seq., 285. 374 ; viii., 145.
2 Ibid. iv., 425, 437, 457, 461 ; xxi., 49. 3 Hol. Doc. xi., 213.
4 Address of Burgomasters and Schepens to the Director and Council.
5 Alb. Rec. xviii., 138; Hol. Doc. xvi., 221. This map was sent to Holland by the Burgomasters and Schepens to be engraved ; but it is now lost. A per- spective view of New Amsterdam, sketched by Augustine Heermans in 1656, was added, which, having been also affixed to Van der Donck's map of the province, has come down to us. It will be found at the bottom of that map which accompanies this volume.
6 Farewell Address of the Burgomasters and Schepens lo the West India Company, New Amst. Rec. ; Hol. Doc. xii. 131. In April, 1665, a list of the rateable inhabitants of the city of New York was made out, from which it ap- pears that there were two hundred and fifty-four householders, fifteen of whom were females.
541
NEW NETHERLAND.
thousand. New York has doubled its population, on an CHAP average, every twenty-three years. VIII.
1664. Trade.
Commerce was the great stimulus of population. Its regulation became, therefore, of major importance. In 1645-6, the damages incurred by the West India Com- pany in Brazil, estimated at one hundred tons of gold, rendered measures necessary to retrieve its condition. The trade to that country was, therefore, opened in 1648 to residents of New Netherland, who were allowed to send their produce thither and return with slaves, the subse- quent exportation of whom from the province was for- bidden.1 The monopoly of the carrying trade between Holland and this country, heretofore in the hands of the Amsterdam Chamber, was abolished in the same year, when, " for the first time," private ships were entered at Amsterdam and publicly advertised for New Netherland .? Four years after, the province obtained the privilege of trading to the coast of Africa for slaves and other articles,3 and in 1659, of exporting its produce to France, Spain, Italy, and the Caribbean Islands. The markets of the world, save those of the East, were thus opened to New Netherland ships. From this regulation furs alone were excepted ; these were to be sent exclusively to Amsterdam.'
By the tariff of 1638 the duties were fixed at ten per Duties. centum on imported and fifteen on exported goods. Some difference existed in favor of English colonial bottoms, which caused goods to be sent first to New England, and thence imported at a low rate into New Netherland. To obviate this, the duties on such goods were raised in 1651 to sixteen per cent., tobacco excepted, the eight per cent. duty on which was taken off. In 1654 the following rates were imposed in lieu of a provincial duty of one per cent. : Frieze, per ell, two st .; a frieze coat, eight st. ; blankets, per dozen, four gl. (these were for the Indian market ;) kettles, three gl. per hundred pounds ; brandy, Spanish wine, and spirits, three gl. per anker ; French wine, six gl. per hhd. ; foreign beer, three gl. per tun, and salt twenty
1 Hol. Doc. iii., 235-256, 349-351. Alb. Rec. iv., 2, 64; x., 79.
2 Ibid. iv., 6. 3 Ibid. xxiv., 193.
4 Ibid. iv., 290, 291.
542
HISTORY OF
st. per bushel. But in 1655 the duties on imports were
BOOK VI. again reduced to ten per cent., and in 1659, owing to the 1664. demand in the colony for the article, to serve ostensibly for window frames, lead was placed on the free list.1
The colonial system which controlled New Netherland was not the most favorable to the development of its re- Domes- sources ; yet the industry of the colonists did not lie alto- dustry. gether dormant. The productions of the soil and the tic in- forest obtained for them not only whatever European goods they required, but furnished, also, a surplus for investment in other branches of industry. The art of ship-building was introduced at an early period ; and at the close of this administration a number of breweries, distilleries, and some potasheries were in operation ; they possessed, in addition, several manufactories of tiles and brick,2 whilst their earthenware, it is asserted, was fully equal to that of Delft.3 In 1657, an attempt was made to introduce the culture of silk, and in 1659 mulberry trees were exported to Curaçoa.4 An effort was afterwards made to introduce the manufacture of salt. Dirck de Wolff, an Amsterdam merchant, obtained, in 1661, the exclusive right, for seven years, to make that article in New Netherland. To facili- tate the project, he received a grant of Conyen Island, but his agents had scarcely commenced operations and erected their salt pans, when the inhabitants of Gravesend, who claimed the island under their patent, enforced their pre- tensions by laying waste his improvements, burning his fences, and threatening to throw his people into the flames. It became necessary to dispatch a military force to the island to prevent any further outrage or destruction of property, but De Wolff's operations were completely ar- rested, to the great injury of all concerned.5
1 Alb. Rec. iv , 59, 63, 180, 284; ix., 72.
2 Ibid. iv., 396. Mde .. de Hulter leased her " Steen Backery " (brick kiln) at Fort Orange for 1100 gl. a year, aud her tile kiln for 3717 gl Fort Orange Rec.
3 Les Hollandois avoient etablis dans l'Isle Longue des potteries de terre qui n'étaient pas moins estimé que celles de Delft. Hist. Gen. de Voy. xxi., 285.
4 Alb. Rec. iv., 234, 328; xii , 296. An unsuccessful attempt was made in 1661, to cultivate silk in Virginia.
5 Ibid. iv., 375, 411, 412 ; viii., 319, 320 ; N. A. Rec. January, 1662.
543
NEW NETHERLAND.
Zeawan, or wampum, was almost exclusively the CHAP. medium of circulation at this period, but beaver was the VIII. standard of value.1 In the year 1651-2, Stuyvesant 1664. endeavored to introduce a specie currency, and with that rency Cur- view applied to Holland for a supply of Dutch shillings and fourpenny pieces, to the amount of 25,000 to 30,000 gl. But the Directors disapproved of the project, and it was dropped." The community became thus entirely depend- ent on wampum, which being " abundantly imported from New England," the value of wages, property, and all commodities was in consequence seriously disturbed. Passing at first at the rate of four black beads for one stiver, it was next ordered to be lowered to six, and in 1657 to eight, and then to be considered a tender for gold and silver. But Stuyvesant objected. It would bring the value of property to nought.3 In 1659, the white wampum was reduced from 12 to 16 and the black from 6 to 8 for a stiver. The only effect of this was to oblige the holder to give more wampum for any article he might require from the trader, who in return allowed the natives a larger quantity for his beavers; " so that little or no benefit accrued." Prices nominally advanced ; beavers which sold for 12 to 14 gl. (zeawan) rose to 22 and 24 gl. ; bread from 14 to 22 st. the 8 lb. loaf; beef 9 to 10 st. per lb. ; pork 15 to 20 st .; butter 30 st. ; common shoes from 32 gl. to 12 gl. the pair ; coarse stockings from 36 st. to 4 or 5 gl. the pair ; and wrought iron 18 to 20 st. the lb. Beaver and specie were all this while of equal value, and the difference between these and wampum was 50 per cent. The effect on wages was almost ruinous. " The poor farmer, laborer and public officer, being unable to obtain beaver, and being paid in zeawan, are almost reduced to the necessity of living on alms." Those in the employ of the Company asked to be paid their salaries in beavers, but this was refused. Much popular clamor was caused by this depreciation of the
1 " Zeawan is the source and mother of the whole beaver trade. No beavers can be obtained from the savages for the most valuable goods, unaccompanied by zeawan." Alb. Rec. xviii., 85.
% Ibid. iv., 49, 89.
3 Ibid. iv., 233, 280, 362.
544
HISTORY OF
BOOK currency, and the consequent disturbance of prices.1 VI. Various expedients were resorted to, with a view to 1664. amend this state of things. The Directors would have the colonists consider wampum as " bullion," yet would receive only beavers in payment of duties and taxes. Stuyvesant raised the value of whatever specie was in the country 20 to 25 per cent., "to prevent its exporta- tion," and called on them to imitate the policy of New England, and establish a mint at New Amsterdam. To this they would not consent." Finally the price of beaver fell in 1663, from eight guilders (specie) to four and a half guilders ; white wampum from sixteen to eight, black from eight to four for a stiver; and this was the state of the currency when the English came into possession of the province; a mudde and a half of wheat, being worth at the same time only one beaver, or about thirty cents a bushel.3
Provin- cial rev-
The public revenue was of two descriptions, provincial enue. and municipal. The former consisted of the export duty on furs, import duties on European goods, and the tenths of the agricultural produce, butter, cheese, &c .; the latter of an excise on liquors and slaughtered cattle. The duty on exported furs is stated, in 1654, to have seldom exceeded 20,000 to 22,000 gl., or $8,000 ;4 in 1655 it far exceeded 28,000 florins.5 In 1656, the duties on furs, wines and other liquors were farmed and realized 51,400 fl. The troubles with the Indians broke out shortly after this. The indebtedness of the citizens of New Amsterdam was estimated at 100,000 gl., which from these causes they were unable to pay;7 the public receipts were in con- sequence seriously affected, and in 1660, amounted only to 36,000 gl. Sixteen thousand of this were for furs, between twenty-five and thirty thousand of which were traded that year.8 In 1661, the revenue increased to
1 Alb. Rec. iv., 359, 362; xviii., 3, 177, 205. Prices of Bread, 1656: 8 lb. coarse loaf, 14 st., 4 lb. 7 st., 2 lb. 3} ; 2 1b. white loaf 8 st., 1 lb. 4 st., ¿ lb. 2 st.
9 lbid. iv., 387, 383. 3 Ibid. iv., 417 ; xiii., 219, 221.
4 Ibid. ix., 223.
6 Ibid. iv., 176. 6 lbid., iv., 220 ; x., 354.
7 Ibid. xxiv., 41.
8 Ibid. xviii., 127.
545
NEW NETHERLAND.
40,000 gl .; 1 in 1662, it fell back to 33,594, whilst the CHAP. expenses of the government amounted to 55,174 guilders.2 VIII. The Minquaas and Senecas, the Mohawks and Canada Indians, those of Esopus and the Dutch were now at war. The supplies of furs were consequently cut off to a great degree, and the revenue again fell, in 1663, to 30,000 fl., (not including that of the South River, which amounted to 12,000 fl.,) whilst the public expenditure rose to the unprecedented sum of 60,000 fl., which in 1664 ran up to 80,000 guilders, leaving a deficit of 50,000 florins or $20,000.3 Such was the dilapidated state of the public treasury at the close of Stuyvesant's administration. The prospects of the Company in Holland were equally un- promising. To promote the settlement of the country, they had already expended twelve tons of gold over and above the recognitions, excise, and all other public receipts,4 and now when some return might be expected for this serious outlay, foreigners stepped in and possessed them- selves of all the advantages to accrue from such an expenditure.
The municipal revenue consisted of a liquor excise, Munici- which was of two descriptions, the tapster's and burgher's. pal rev- The first paid a duty of four florins a tun on home- brewed, and six florins a tun on foreign beer, eight florins a hogshead on French, and four florins the anker on Spanish wine, brandy or other ardent spirits. These rates were more than doubled in 1662.5 By an edict of 1657, the burgher excise was fixed at a dollar a tun on strong, and ten stivers a tun on small beer, six guilders the hogshead on French wine, and two guilders the anker on Spanish wine, brandy or other liquors. There was, besides, an ad valorem tax of one stiver on the guilder on cattle slaughtered within the precincts of the municipality, a baker's and grocer's tax or license of one pound Flemish per quarter, and the proceeds of the public scales, one-
1 Alb. Rec., xviii., 178. 2 Ibid. xxi., 59.
3 Ibid. xviii., 252. The revenue of the South River was from furs fl. 6000; from tobacco fl. 6000 ; Hol. Doc. xv., 102.
4 Alb. Rec. xxii., 160. 5 Ibid. vi., 67; viii., 328; Fort Orange Rec
VOL. II. 35
1664.
546
HISTORY OF
BOOK VI. fourth of which was estimated at four thousand guilders in the year 1659. The income of the city of New 1664. Amsterdam, from these sources alone, (without counting fees on the transfer of property,) may be estimated at 25,000 gl. ; that of Fort Orange, (including Rensselaerswyck, Kattskill and Schenectady,) at 10,000.
Provis- ion for The claims of the poor to a legal support, and of the the poor youth to education, were not neglected. An assessment of the twentieth penny on all houses, and the tenth penny on land under cultivation, formed a fund for the former ;1 the representations of the clergy in 1656 in favor of the latter, had a decidedly beneficial influence, for the records Schools afford evidence that schools existed in almost every town and village, at the close of this administration. A Latin or High School was established in 1659 in New Amster- dam, under the superintendence of Doctor Alexander Carolus Curtius, previously a professor in Lithuania. A misunderstanding arose, unfortunately, between this gen- tleman and some of the parents. These complained that he did not enforce proper discipline among his pupils, " who beat each other, and tore the clothes from each other's backs." He retorted by stating that " his hands were tied, as some of the parents forbade him punishing their children."" The result was, the school changed rectors ; Doctor Curtius returned to Holland, and the Rev. Ægidius Luyck, who had been brought over specially to superin- tend the education of the Director-general's sons, became principal of the High School. Under the charge of this gentleman, it attained so high a reputation that children were sent from Virginia and the Delaware, to receive a classical education at New Amsterdam.3 In the year 1652, a quantity of Bibles, Testaments and other books were imported, the most of which were disposed of three years after by public lottery. In palliation of this question-
1 Alb. Rec. iv .. 206.
º Ibid. 68, 268, 303, 341, 373; viii , 202, 321, 322 ; x., 6, 30 ; xviii., 19. Dr. Curtius' salary was fl. 500 per annum, with a house and garden. He was allowed to give private instruction, provided it did not interfere with his public duties. He also practiced medicine.
3 New Amst. Rec.
547
NEW NETHERLAND.
able proceeding, one-third of the sales were given to CHAP. the poor.1 The spirit of trade and those depressing VIII. 1664. influences, common to all colonies and young countries, checked, if not stifled, literary enterprise. From the pens of Van der Donck, Megapolensis, and others, we have, notwithstanding, some valuable works on the country ; and were the reports and other papers diffused through the provincial records, published, they would afford, we hesitate not to say, ample proof that the clergy, the members of the government, and many of their agents, were men of learning, observation and industry.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.