USA > New York > New York City > History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. I > Part 12
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. In this writing, the commissioners state that the United En- glish Colonies have often required reparation for former hostile affronts, but in vain. However, " the evidence" of the late treacherous conspiracy " against them, their wives, and chil- . dren, at a time when the governor was proposing a treaty of peace, puts upon them "other remedies." They then, after enumer- ating grievances, go on to mention their deputies, who are to re- ceive and return the governor's answer. They reproach him with making use of " heathen testimony," on another occasion, and say the heathen testimony they act upon, is as good as that he had used. They do not forget Amboyna. . They refer him to their deputies, and say they " shall expect speedy and just satis- faction" for all injuries past, and security for the future. They threaten measures for their safety, and will act according to the report of three deputies.
'To Newman, Leverett, and Davis they gave instructions to re- port all these grievances ; and instruct them that, if Stuyvesant refuses to go in person to Stanford, or send "indifferent" persons " to receive evidence" there, or in some other convenient place, " you are to demand of him satisfaction and security :" which, if refused, the deputies are to report.
Further instructions are given to the deputies at great lengthi, respecting witnesses to be ready to convict the Dutch, and the testimony of the Indians with their marks affixed. And two letters from Captain Underhill, " which," they add, " you conceal from all such as will take advantage against him." The commissioners from Plymouth signed the letter to the Dutch governor, but enter a protest against some of the grievances therein enumerated.
The deputies being sent forth, the commissioners determined
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THEIR_CONDUCT.
the number of soldiers to be levied, viz: Massachusetts 333, Plymouth 60, Connecticut.65, New Haven 42. And appointed officers to command. One of the deputies (Leverett) is recom- mended, " as he will have opportunity," to spy out the Duich force. Arms apportioned and all preparations for war made. When arrived at New Amsterdam, the three deputies address the governor and council from " the place of our residence, the Basses house in Manhattoes this 13th of May, 1653." They say, having desired the governor to pitch upon a place within the colonies of New England, and speedy time for " producing evidence" to clear himself and his fiscal from the charges made ; which, he having declined, they ask that the place shall be Flushing or Hempstead, provided they may have security under his hand for liberty to call " such to testify in the case, as we shall see meet. And the English Indians who shall testify, shall remain unharmed."
The governor consents to these demands, provided the testimony is taken in presence of three commissioners of New Netherland, men understanding Dutch, English, and the Indian languages. And provided the witnesses be cross-questioned in the presence of these Dutch commissioners, according to the law of New Netherland. This is signed by Stuyvesant, Bryant Newton, Rouvigeer, Van Ransaellaer, (John Baptist,) Van Carloe, Beeckman, Wolferslen, Alard Anthony, Rulker Jacob, and Peter Stuyvesant. Dated 23d May, 1653.
The New England deputies object to an examination before. or in presence of the commissioners appointed by Stuyvesant. They appear to think they were to try him and his Fiscal, they sitting as judges. They object to the cross-examination of wit- nesses according to the law of New Netherland ; and next day, May 24th, they write to Stuyvesant demanding "full satisfaction" for all former and present injuries, and " security for the time to come," and that he cause to be delivered to them " the body of Thomas Newton, a capital offender, in one of the colonies of New England," and lastly, they demand a speedy answer.
To this, Carrill. Vanbrige, secretary, the same day, answers that the governor and council, before replying, require a true copy of the commission of the deputies, and their instructions ; that the Dutch government may know, as the secretary says, "whether or noe your honours have anything more to propound." The deputies send a copy of their commission, but refuse their instruc- tions. The governor, the same day, (24th May) answers, that he and his council hoped that the assurance they had given of inno- cence from any such treacherous design as was imputed to them, would have been satisfactory to the commissioners and " all chris- tian people." That they still desire to give full evidence of their
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STUYVESANT ; ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT.
: innocence, respecting "injuries imputed," they are ready to sub- mit to the judgment of " indifferent persons." The governor . professes not to know " what form of security" is wished. He has employed the captain lieutenant, to give a warrant to the magistrates under whom Newton lives, " to lay hold of him :" and he concludes with a wish to perform all matters in " a neigh- bourly and loving manner."
Stuyvesant further " propounds" articles of agreement for an alliance, without taking note of the differences between England and Holland in Europe. For a continuance of trade as before. For mutual justice in all contracts between individuals. And to prevent all false reports from Indians, he proposes an alliance de- fensive and offensive against all " Indians and natives." Finally, if the deputies have not sufficient powers, he proposes to send persons empowered unto their "principals."
To this the deputies answer on the 25th, that the governor's last cuts off all further negotiations ; and they make declaration of hostile measures if "any injury is offered to the English in these parts," i. e. within the jurisdiction of New Netherland, " whether by yourselves or by the Indians." And Stuyvesant returning an answer the same day, they depart and proceed to set forth the tes- timony of Ronnisoke, and other Indians, of English labourers, of Dutchmen living in the English colonies, taken at different times ; some the most improbable hearsay ; and the amount of the pro- bable is, that Stuyvesant (as directed by his employers, and as common prudence dictated, the Dutch and English at home being at war, and the threats of the United English Colonies increasing,) had visited some of the Indian tribes west of the Hudson, near Manhattoes, and others near Orange, (Albany) and cultivated a friendly intercourse with them.
One of the witnesses, a Stanford man, upon oath states, that being " att the Manhattoes" in the month of April 1653, Captain Underhill being with him, and " George Woolsey and his wife," and an Englishman belonging, or residing in Manhattoes, said that the governor and his fiscal being in presence of some Indians, asked them whether they would affirm that the governor and his fiscal did set them on " to burn the houses, poison the waters, and
kill the English." The Indians presently affirmed to their 1653 faces that " so they did." This English narrator said be-
fore Coptain Underhill, that the governor and fiscal thought he and his companions could not understand the Indian language, " but they were mistaken, for he could understand as well as most Dutchmen."
That many of the English on Long Island had this notion of a plan to destroy them, is.certain. Captain John Underhill resided at Flushing, and great consternation was expressed by several
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UNDERHILL.
communities. The deputies from New England took depositions as to their fears. The people of Hempstead sent by Richard Alexander Knowles, and those of Middlebrough by Robert Coo and Richard Jessop, to know from the commissioners of the Uni- ted Colonies, if England demanded their subjection, how they could act by Dutch laws; and what they were to do " having so many enemies" around them ? They ask the favour of twenty or ten men and a commander to train them, and ask if the commissioners can afford them " powder and shott?" They profess their de- sire " to cleave to New England," and desire " corne" and pro- vision, they giving " security that it shall be for the English only.".
Underhill wrote to the commissioners offering service to them and the parliament, (May 23d.) " I am like Jephthah, forced to lay my life in my hands to save English blood from destruction ;" he prays God to move their hearts to vindicate " the common cause of England against the Dutch." He says he has requested assistance from "Road Island," and he "shall be tender in shed- ding blood," but requests them to " make haste."
In the mean time the general court of Massachusetts appointed a committee to consult with the commissioners respecting the dif- ference with the Dutch : to which the commissioners agree though they think it unnecessary. A consultation is held, and notwith- standing Mr. Eaton states the " multiplied injuries and treacherous falsehoods of the Dutch in these parts," and their " bloody plot," , with the " insolencies, treacheries, and bitter enmity" of the Dutch in Europe ; and the fears of the English who have placed them- selves within the Dutch jurisdiction in New Netherland ; partic- ularly Captain Underhill's danger from his national love and his application to Rhode Island. And likewise, notwithstanding the statement to the same effect made by General Dennison, the Mas- sachusetts men say, that they " do not understand" that the United Colonies " are called to make a present war with the Dutch." Happily Massachusetts was of too much importance to be dis- regarded.
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The English colonists in the immediate vicinity of New Nether- land were most adverse to the Dutch. The treaty of Hartford had run a line of division from the west of Oysterbay to the sea, on Long Island, and at Greenwich on the main, north from the mouth of Byram River, to within ten miles of the Hudson. These borderers, and the English who had settled in the towns on Long Island under the Dutch jurisdiction, were averse to the laws of Holland, and were inflamed by the prevalence of little-understood republican principle in the commonwealth of England. Massa- chusetts was not so irritable or rash. In the mean time, Stuy- vesant sent Mr. Augustus Heerman to Boston, with a letter to the commissioners, in which he complains gently of the haste of the
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MASSACHUSETTS PREVENTS WAR.
deputies, " who would not attend one half day" to take his an- swer, and then he proceeds in detail to consider all the charges made against him by the deputies. Many of them he considers as put at rest by the treaty of Hartford. The charge of a bloody plot, he terms absurd ; he points out the impropriety of mention- ing the affair of Amboyna ; says if the deputies had taken proper measures, they might have been convinced of the innocence of the -Dutch government in respect to conspiring with the Indians. He sends an abstract of the New England intrusions from 1633, in temperate language, and apologises, saying he thought all this settled at Hartford, and would have communicated with the depu- ties, but for their hasty departure "after supper, about 9 o'clock in the evening, without waiting for his letter to their principals."
The commissioners of the United Colonies are called together at Boston, on the 3d June, 1653, and acknowledge the receipt of the above. They say Stuyvesant agreed that Greenwich should come in New Haven jurisdiction : and his denial of the " barba- rous plot" will weigh little against the evidences, and they must still " seek due satisfaction."
A question is " propounded" to the general court of Massachu- setts, whether the commissioners have power to engage the United Colonies in a war ? And the general court determine in the neg -. ative. The other three colonies make objections ; but Massachu- setts persists in refusing such power to the commissioners, and the dispute is carried on unto September of 1653. On the 12th September, 1653, the commissioners send messengers to Ninni- greet, to inquire iuto information received, that he and his Narra- gansetts had invaded the Long Island Indians, killed a sachem and several others, carrying away some as captives. They re- quire Pessacus, Mixum, and Ninnigreet, or two of them, to repair to Boston to answer the charge.
About this time the Rhode Island men seized a vessel belonging to Plymouth at Oysterbay ; apparently on pretence of her carrying provision to the Dutch. Further, under commission from Rhode Island, one Baxter makes prize of a Dutch vessel, and the Neth- erlanders fit out two vessels, which blockade Baxter in Fair- field harbour. In consequence, the commissioners direct hostile measures against these vessels from the Manhattoes, in considera- tion of the continued open war between the commonwealth of England and the Netherlands.
The messengers sent to the Narragansetts, requiring the sa- chems to come to Boston, and forthwith to set free the captive In- dians of Long Island, are received with threats. "Thomas Staun- ton, with his rapier in the scabbard, struck at the Wolfs-tail on the head of a Pequot Indian," and a Narragansett threatened the messenger by " cocking his gun ;" while another Indian " drew
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DISPUTES AMONG THE ENGLISH.
his bow with an arrow in it." But the messengers persevere and deliver the commands of the commissioners to Ninnigreet, who had replied to a former message, " What have the English to do to demand my prisoners ?" So now he said, " Why do the En- glish slight me, and respect the Long Islanders and the Mohi- cans? Why do they inquire the ground of my war on the Long Islanders? have they not heard that the Long Islanders mur- thered one of my men?" And he refused to come to " the bay." Mixam excused himself from the journey.
It appears from the English account of this feud, that the Long Island Sachems sent a Narragansett as prisoner to Hartford, charg- ing him with attempting to shoot "the Sagamore of Shinnicock." Whereupon he was tried, and put to death at Hartford by the Long Island Indians, who burnt his body. For this, Ninnigreet had crossed to the Island and attacked them, as above; and in revenge, burnt one of his captives. The commissioners " con- ceive themselves called by God to make present war against Nin- nigreet the Niantucke Sachem ;" and the United Colonies levy 250 men for the purpose. Here again Massachusetts interfered, and declared that they did not see any "obligation of the English towards the Long Islanders," or any reason for making war upon Ninnigreet.
But September 24th, upon a petition from New Haven, the commissioners conclude that they have just cause of war against the Dutch ; and declare that Massachusetts has broken the league. They further press the war against Ninnigreet. However, the war against the Manhattoes is deferred, notwithstanding "sharp" and tedious " disputes" among the colonies ; and the wisdom of Massachusetts prevails.
The Commonwealths of England and Holland had
1654 been engaged in a naval war from 1652, in which some- times Tromp and De Ruyter, and sometimes Blake and Monk, were victorious ; but uniformly, humanity and the contend- ing nations suffered. "'The two republics," says Hume, "were not inflamed by any national antipathy, and their interests very little interfered," yet more furious or bloody combats have sel- dom been recorded than those of the 29th of November, when Tromp defeated Blake, although inferiour in force ; or of the 13th of February, 1653, when Blake, Dean and Monk van- quished Tromp and De Ruyter ; 2000 men on each part were slain, besides, of course, a much greater number maimed or groaning under grievous wounds. "Never on any occasion," says the historian, "did the power and vigour of the Dutch re- public appear in a more conspicuous light." But their commerce was cut up, their fisheries suspended, and all the evils suffered of VOL. I. 14
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CROMWELL.
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a fierce contention with a neighbouring enemy more powerful than themselves.
Cromwell was declared protector while this war between Hol- land and England raged ; and although he entertained the notion of forming a coalition with the States, still the war continued, and also negotiations for a peace were carried on. The protector de- signed, before a treaty was concluded, to wrest New Amsterdam and all the territories the Dutch held in America from the States. He accordingly made requisitions on New England for aid in
1654. I find in Hazard's state papers, a letter from Thomas Welles, a magistrate of Connecticut, (and afterwards governour,) dated Hartford, June 10th, 1654, to Major Robert Sedgeworth and Captain John Leverett, saying, the colony agreed to furnish aid, and wishing to know the number of men wanted. He says, " it is thought by some who know the strength of the Dutch, that this service will require at least 500 land-soldiers. Captain Un- derhill and John Young, who are gone towards the bay, can best inform you of the state of things at the Manhattoes."
But Cromwell concluded a treaty of peace with the Dutch, al- though Holland had refused his offer of an union even more inti- mate ; for he wished the two republics to become one. This treaty of course put an end to the projected conquest of New Netherland, and Petrus Stuyvesant was for the present unmo- lested, although Captain John Underhill appears to have been anxious to put on his helmet, corslet, buff jerkin, bandelier and sword, whenever fighting was the fashion.
Although the New Netherlands had been, long before Euro- pean discovery, more populous than many parts of America, the wild animals in 164S were yet in abundance, and afforded food for the inhabitants, and skins for trade with the Dutch, as well as objects for their observation and curiosity. Their own country, rescued from the sea, was destitute of the bear, the panther, wolf, fox, racoon, beaver and deer. Here they saw the last mentioned beautiful animal in great numbers, though hunted by the Indians incessantly, and in the winter de- stroyed by the wolves, scarcely less numerous than the timid creatures they pursued. The wolves hunted in troops, and with the sagacity of other chasseurs, encircled a given space, and by closing in, made prey of the deer within the ground they had en- compassed, unless a lake or river gave him a chance of escape. If in the pursuit, the flying animal arrived at a piece of water or a stream not fordable, the wolf was obliged to stop and see his intended prey escape. The Indian, in his canoe, chased the deer over river or lake, and if the poor creature is about to gain the shore and bafile the pursuer, he shouts and yells as in the day of battle, and the echo from the woods, bewilders the animal to his
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ATTACK ON THE DELAWARE.
destruction ; he turns from the shore which would have been an asylum, and the hunter pierces him with arrows.
At the commencement of the 6th chapter, we have seen the progress made by the Swedes upon the Delaware. To this in- trusion Kieft could only oppose his protest : but Governour Stuy- vesant had more power. In 1651 the Dutch built Fort Cassimer, on the site of the present town of Newcastle, within a short dis- tance of the Swedish Fort at the mouth of Brandywine river ; but the Swedes attacked and overpowered the garrison, and Stuy- vesant was ordered by the West India Company to reduce the Swedes in the South river under the Dutch jurisdiction.
Having made his preparations, the gallant soldier sailed
1655 from New Amsterdam with an armament, and at the head of 600 men, reduced all the Swedish fortresses, the in- habitants generally remaining as subjects of the Netherlands, the most honourable terms having been granted to Governour Ili- singh.
On the 9th of September, Stuyvesant's armament appeared be- fore Fort Cassimer, where he landed his troops, and summoned the garrison, which surrendered on the 16th. The Governour of New Netherland immediately proceeded to Fort Christina, which Risingh surrendered on the 25th, and was conveyed to Europe ; and such of the inhabitants of the Swedish Colony as did not choose to swear fidelity to the States General, removed to Mary- land and Delaware. Lieutenant Governours ruled this country for the Dutch, the first, Johan Paul Jaquet, who was succeeded by Alrucks Hinnojossa and William Beekman, who in 165S pur- chased Cape Henlopen from the natives, and fortified it.
Governour Stuyvesant had a delicate game to play with Lord Baltimore's Commission, and with Sir William Berkely, Gover- nour of Virginia. Beekman was ordered to surrender to Lord Baltimore's grant, but he required time to consult his principal. and evaded the demand. In 1660, Governor Stuyvesant 1660 endeavoured to enter into a treaty with Virginia, and to procure an acknowledgment of the Dutch boundaries. Berkely treated the advances civilly, but avoided the question of boundaries, and sent Sir Henry Moody to New Amsterdam to further the commercial intercourse.
Governour Stuyvesant wrote to the Dutch West India 1661 Company in 1661, that he had not yet begun the fort at Oyster bay, because the English of New England lay the boundary line agreed upon at Hartford in 1650, one mile and a half more to the westward than he thinks just ; and because the West India Company seem not content with that treaty. He mentions a report that Lord Stirling was soliciting the King of England to confirm the grant made to his father, of the whole of
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ESOPUS.
Long Island. Further, that the grant made by England to Lord Baltimore, of the land on South river, (Delaware) had been con- firmed to him, and that England intends an invasion of New Netherland .*
Esopus was one of the earliest settlements made by agricultur- ists in the New Netherlands. The plantations were laid waste by the Indians .. Some of the inhabitants were killed, and others led away captive. The Iroquois, particularly the nearest Mo- hawks, came to the aid of the Dutch, declaring themselves brethren.t
Stuyvesant was pressed on all sides, and his employers at home afforded him no help. Although the people of the city of New Amsterdam had in part a popular government, popular freedom did not exist in the province. The people were poor and spirit- less. The New England notions of popular rights had spread as the English increased on Long Island and in the city. The Director-general obeyed the commands of his superiors in Hol- land, and ruled with the best intent ; but it was apparent that his will was law, and men had begun to think that they ought to have. . a share in governing themselves. Stuyvesant was willing as far as his instructions would admit, and a Convention was called by him about this time, and another in 1664; but before this, ru- mours of an invasion from England and a change of government
* See Hazard.
t In the Library of the New York Historical Society, among the Miller papers, I find a newspaper in Dutch, dated September 17th, 1661. Judge Egbert Benson translates one paragraph thus : "On Monday last, arrived in the Texel the ship "Nuarint," from New Netherland, laden with Tobacco and some Peltry. The ship Frou and the ship Klock lav ready to sail, and may be daily expected, having been seen. as is supposed, near Fairhill. In the Frou came passengers Mr. Winthrop, Governour of Connecticut, and the Rev. Mr. Stone, as agents to his Majesty of En- gland. The trade in Tobacco has been tolerable ; but that in Peltry indifferent. In every other respect, matters are in good condition. In the Sopus the cultivation of the land proceeds briskly, as it does also on the South River. In the beginning of the summer there was a great storm in New England, in which a number of ships were lost."
This newspaper is called " Haerlemse Saterdacghse Courant." The Rev. Doctor Miller writes, Judge Benson " told me that from all he could gather, that there were many colonists who settled before in New Amsterdam and Fort Aurania, (Albany) yet the first husbandmen who came over on their own account, and at their own risk, were some who went and settled at Esopus. The other colonists at New York and Albany were either soldiers, or some who came out with Renseller, or subordinate to some other great man." "Judge Benson is persuaded that no plan of permanent colonization was distinctly undertaken in New Netherland until about 1630 and 1633, when Mr. Van Renseller, the original patroon, came over with Van Cortlandt, (the latter had been bred a carpenter,) and brought a number of low people, indented servants and others, for the purpose of planting colonies, as the Dutch called them. The first set of free, independent farmers (the Judge thinks,) were those who came over after Van Renseller some years, and settled at Esopus. There they were largely in the way of raising tobacco."
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As early as 1616, settlers fixed themselves in Esopus, and a minister was estab- lished as early as 1662. Sec Thomas F. Gordon.
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ESOPUS.
had reached the people, for they saw the necessity of the pro- vince submitting, and most of them wished it. Some for the sake of change, and many hoping to enjoy the free government of New England.
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